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Settlements 

IN 

KTortjj  :3lmerica 
1497-1689     • 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICA 


EDITED 


By    JUSTIN     WINSOR 

LIBRARIAN    OF    HARVARD    UNIVERSITY 
CORRESPONDING   SECRETARY   MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


Vol.  Ill 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND   COMPANY 


%::::••:••••••• 


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V.3 


Copyright,  I884, 
By  James  R.  Osgood  and  Company. 


A//  rights  reserved. 


CONTENTS    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


[T/ie  English  arms  on  the  title  are  copied  from  the  Molineaux  map,  dated  1600.] 

Page 

EDITOR'S   NOTE ,     .     .     .     »     ,     .     .         v 


CHAPTER   I. 

The  Voyages  of  the  Cabots.     Charles  Deane      .....     o     ....     .         i 
Illustration  :  Sebastian  Cabot,  5. 
Autographs  :  Henry  VII.,  i ;  Henry  VIII.,  4;  Edward  VL,  6;  Queen  Mary,  7. 

Critical  Essay 7 

Illustrations  :  La  Cosa  map  (1500),  phototype^  8 ;  Ruysch's  map  (1508),  9 ;  Oron- 
tius  Fine's  map  (1531),  n  ;  Stobnicza's  map  (1512),  13;  Page  of  Peter  Mar- 
tyr in  fac-simile,  15  ;  Thome's  map  (1527),  17;  Sebastian  Cabot's  map  (1544), 
22  ;  Lok's  map  (1582),  40;  Hakluyt-Martyr  map  (1587),  42;  Portuguese  Por- 
tolano  (1 514-1520),  56. 

CHAPTER   II. 

Hawkins  and  Drake.     Edward  E.  Hale 59 

Illustrations:  John  Hawkins,  61 ;  Zaltieri's  map  (1566),  67;  Furlano's  map 
(1574),  68. 

Autographs  :  John  Hawkins,  61 ;  Francis  Drake,  65. 

Critical  Essay  on  Drake's  Bay 74 

Illustrations:  Modern  map  of  California  coast,  74;  Viscaino's  map  (1602), 
75;  Dudley's  map  (1646),  id,  77  ;  Jeffreys'  sketch-map  (1753),  77. 

Notes  on  the  Sources  of  Information.     The  Editor I^'^^i^ 

Illustrations:  Hondius's  map,  79;  Portus  Novae  Albionis,  80;  Molineaux's 
map  (1600),  80;  Sir  Francis  Drake,  81,  84;  Thomas  Cavendish,  83. 


vin  t  'v.:      .  V  :  :^  r  \.   ^  contents. 


CHAPTER   III. 

Explorations  to  the  North- West.     Charles  C.  Smith 85 

Illustrations;  Martin  Frobisher,  87 ;  Molineaux  globe  {1592),  90;  Molineaux 
map  (1600),  91;  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  94;  James's  map  of  Hudson  Bay 
(1632),  96. 

Autographs:  Martin  Frobisher,  87;  John  Davis,  89;  George  Waymouth,  91; 
William  Baffin,  94. 

Critical  Essay 97 

Illustration  :  Luke  Fox's  map  of  Baffin's  Bay  (1635),  98. 

The  Zeno  Influence  on  Early  Cartography  ;   Frobisher's  and  Hudson's 

Voyages.     The  Editor 100 

Illustrations:  The  Zeno  map  {circa  1400),  100;  map  in  Wolfe's  LinscJioten 
(1598),  loi ;  Beste's  map  (1578),  102;  Frobisher's  Strait,  103. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Sir  Walter  Ralegh  :   Settlements  at  Roanoke  and  Voyages  to  Guiana. 

William  Wirt  Henry 105 

Autographs  :  Walter  Ralegh,  105;  Queen  Elizabeth,  106;  Ralph  Lane,  no. 

Critical  Essay 121 

Illustrations:  White's  map  in  Hariot  (1587),  124;  De  Laet's  map  (1630),  125. 
Autograph:  Francis  Bacon,  121. 

CHAPTER   V. 

Virginia,  i 606-1 689.     Robert  A.  Brock 127 

Illustrations:  Jamestown,  130;   George  Percy,   134;    Seal  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  140  ;  Lord  Delaware,  142. 

Autographs:  King  James,  127;  Delaware,  133;  Thomas  Gates,  133;  George 
Percy,  134;  George  Calvert,  146;  William  Berkeley,  147. 

Critical  Essay je^ 

Autographs:  William  Strachey,  156;  Delaware,  156;  John  Harvey,'i56;  John 
West,  164. 

Notes  on  the  Maps  of  Virginia,  etc.     The  Editor 167 

Illustration:  Smith's  map  of  Virginia  or  the  Chesapeake, />4^/<?/y/(f,  167. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

NoRUMBEGA  AND  ITS  ENGLISH  EXPLORERS.     Benjamin  F.  De  Costa  ....     169 
Illustration  :  Map  of  Ancient  Pemaquid,  177. 
Autographs:  J.  Popham,  175;  Ferd.  Gorges,  175. 


CONTENTS.                                                 .  IX 

Critical  Essay 184 

Illustrations:  Modern  map  of  Coast  of  Maine,  190;  Henri  II.  map  (i543)» 
195;  Hood's  map  (1592),  197;  Smith's  map  of  New  England  (1616), 
198. 

Earliest  English  Publications  on  America,  and  other  Notes.     The  Editor     199 

Illustrations:  Title  of  Eden's  Miinster,  200;  Miinster's  map  (1532),  201, 
(1540),  201 ;  Title  of  Stultifera  Nauis  (1570),  202;  Gilbert's  map  (1576),  203; 
Linschoten,  206;  John  G.  Kohl,  209;  Lenox  globe  (1510-1512),  212;  Ex- 
tract from  Molineaux  globe  (15^2),  213;  Frankfort  globe  (1515),  215; 
Molineaux  map  (1600),  216. 

Autographs:  Humphrey  Gilbert,  "203 ;  Richard  Hakluyt,  204;  Jul.  Caesar,  205; 
Ro.  Cecyll,  206;  John  Smith,  211. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Religious  Element  in  the  Settlement  of  New  England.  —  Puritans 

AND  Separatists  in  England.     George  E.  Ellis 219 

Critical  Essay     .     .     ,     . 244 

CHAPTER  Vni. 

The  Pilgrim  Church  and  Plymouth  Colony.     Franklin  B.  Dexter   .     .     .     257 

Illustrations:  Site  of  Scrooby  Manor-House,  258  ;  Map  of  Scrooby  and  Aus- 
terfield,  259 ;  Austerfield  church,  260  ;  Record  of  William  Bradford's  baptism, 
260;  Robinson's  House  in  Leyden,  262;  Plan  of  Leyden,  263;  Map  of  Cape 
Cod  Harbor,  270;  Map  of  Plymouth  Harbor,  272;  Historic  Swords,  274; 
Governor  Edward  Winslow,  277;  Pilgrim  relics,  279;  Governor  Josiah 
Winslow,  282. 

Autographs  :  John  Smyth,  257 ;  John  Robinson,  259 ;  Robert  Browne,  261 ; 
Francis  Johnson,  261  ;  Signatures  of  Mayflower  Pilgrims  (William  Brad- 
ford, Myles  Standish,  William  Brewster,  John  Alden,  John  Howland, 
Edward  Winslow,  George  Soule,  Francis  Eaton,  Isaac  Allerton,  Samuel 
Fuller,  Peregrine  White,  Resolved  White,  John  Cooke),  268;  Dorothy  May, 
268;  William  Bradford,  268;  Thomas  Cushman,  271 ;  Alexander  Standish, 
273;  James  Cole,  senior,  273  ;  Signers  of  the  Patent,  1621  (Hamilton,  Lenox, 
Warwick,  Sheffield,  Ferdinando  Gorges),  275 ;  Governors  of  Plymouth 
Colony  (William  Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  Thomas  Prence,  Thomas 
Hinckley,  Josiah  Winslow),  278.  * 

Critical  Essay 283 

Illustrations:  Extract  from  Bradford's  History,  289;   First  page,  Plymouth 

Records,  292. 
Autograph:   Nathaniel  Morton,  291. 

CHAPTER   IX. 
New  England.     Charles  Deane.       .     .     . 295 

Illustrations:  Dudley's  map  of  New  England  (1646),  303;  Alexander's  map 
(1624),  306;  John  Wilson,  313;  Dr.  John  Clark,  315;  John  Endicott,  317; 
Hingham  meeting-house,  319;  Joseph  Dudley,  320;  John  Winthrop  of  Con-     - 
necticut,  331  ;  John  Davenport,  332;  Map  of  Connecticut  River  (1666),  'iiT;}^. 


X  CONTENTS. 

Autographs:  William  Blaxton,  311;  Samuel  Maverick,  311;  Thomas  Wal- 
ford.  311;  Mathew  Cradock,  312;  John  Wilson,  313;  Quaker  autographs, 
314;  John  Endicott,  317;  Colonial  ministers  of  1690  (Charles  Morton, 
James  Allen,  Michael  Wigglesworth,  Joshua  Moody,  Samuel  Willard,  Cot- 
ton Mather,  Nehemiah  Walter),  319;  Joseph  Dudley,  320;  Abraham  Shurt, 
321;  Thomas  Danforth,  326;  Thomas  Hooker,  330;  John  Haynes,  331; 
John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  331;  John  Allyn,  335;  William  Coddington, 
336;  Samuel  Gorton,  336;  Narragansett  proprietors  (Simon  Bradstreet, 
Daniel  Denison,  Thomas  Willett,  Jno.  Paine,  Edward  Hutchinson,  Amos 
Richison,  John  Alcocke,  George  Denison,  William  Hudson),  338;  Roger 
W^illiams,  339. 

Critical  Essay 340 

Illustrations:  Seal  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  342;  Cotton  Mather, 
345 ;  Ship  of  the  seventeenth  century,  347  ;  Fac-simile  of  a  page  of  Thomas 
Lechford's  Plaine  Dealing,  352 ;  James  Savage's  manuscript  note  on  Lech- 
ford,  353 ;  Beginning  of  Thomas  Shepard's  Autobiography,  355. 

Autographs  :  Leaders  in  Pequot  war  (John  Mason,  Israel  Stoughton,  Lion 
Gardiner),  348 ;  Jonathan  Brewster,  349 ;  Nathaniel  Ward,  350 ;  Signatures 
connected  with  the  Indian  Bible  (Robert  Boyle,  Peter  Bulkley,  William 
Stoughton,  Joseph  Dudley,  Thomas  Hinckley,  John  Cotton,  John  Eliot, 
James  Printer),  356;  Edward  Johnson,  358;  John  Norton,  358;  Edward 
Burrough,  359;  Robert  Pike,  359;  Benjamin  Church,  361 ;  Thomas  Church, 
361 ;  William  Hubbard,  362 ;  Walter  Neale,  363 ;  Ferdinando  Gorges,  364 ; 
John  Mason,  364;  Roger  Goode,  364;  Thomas  Gorges,  364;  Connecticut 
secretaries  (John  Steel,  Edward  Hopkins,  Thomas  Welles,  John  Cullick, 
Daniel  Clark,  John  Allyn),  374. 

BiBUOGRAPHiCAL  NoTES  ;    Early  Maps  OF  New  ENGLAND.     The  Editor    .     .     380 
Illustrations:  Maps  of  New  England  (1650),  382,  (1680),  383. 
Autograph  :  John  Carter  Brown,  381. 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  English  in  New  York.     John  Austin  Stevens 385 

Illustrations:  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  402;  Great  Seal  of  Andros,  410. 

Autographs:  Commissioners  (Richard  Nicolls,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  George  Cart- 
wright,  Samuel  Maverick),  388;  Francis  Lovelace,  395;  Thomas  Dongan, 
404;  Jacob  Leisler,  411. 

Critical  Essay 411 

Notes.     The  Editor 414 

Illustrations:  View  of  New  York  (1673),  4^6;  View  of  The  Strand,  417  ; 

Plan  of  New  York,  418  ;  Stadthuys  (1679),  4i9* 
Autograph:  Thomas  Willett,  414. 

CHAPTER  XL 

The  English  in  East  and  West  Jersey,  1664- 1689.     William  A.  Whitehead  .     421 

Autographs:  King  James,  421 ;  Richard  NicoU,  421  ;  Robert  Carr,  422;  John 
Berkeley,  422 ;  G.  Carteret,  423 ;  Philip  Carteret,  424 ;  James  Bollen,  428 ; 
Edward  Byllynge,  430 ;  Gawen  Laurie,  430;  Nicolas  Lucas,  430;  Edmond 
Warner,  430;  R.  Barclay,  436;  Earl  of  Perth,  439. 


I 


CONTENTS.  xi 

Critical  Essay ....    449 

Note.     The  Editor 455 

Illustration:  Sanson's  map  (1656),  456. 

NOTE   ON   NEW  ALBION.      Gregory  B.  Keen 457 

Illustrations  :  Insignia  of  the  Albion  knights,  462 ;  Farrer  map  of  Virginia 

(1651),  465- 
Autograph  :  Robert  Evelin,  458. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Founding  of  Pennsylvania.     Frederick  D.  Stone 469 

Illustrations  :  George  Fox,  470 ;  William  Penn,  474 ;  Letitia  Cottage,  483 ; 
Seal  and  Signatures  to  Frame  of  Government,  484 ;  Slate-roof  House,  492. 

Autographs  :  William  Penn,  474 ;  Thomas  Wynne,  486 ;  Charles  Mason,  489 ; 
Jeremiah  Dixon,  489 ;  Thomas  Lloyd,  494. 

/ 
Critical  Essay 495 

Illustrations  :  Title  of  Some  Accoimt,  etc.,  496;  Title  of  Frame  of  Government, 
497 ;  Receipt  and  Seal  of  Free  Society  of  Traders,  498 ;  Gabriel  Thomas's 
map  (1698),  501;  Seal  of  Pennsylvania,  511;  Section  of  Holme's  map  of 
Pennsylvania,  516. 

CHAPTER  XIIL 

The  English  in  Maryland,  1632-1691.      William  T.  Brant ly 517 

Illustrations  :  George,  first  Lord  Baltimore,  518;  Baltimore  arms,  520;  Map 
of  Maryland  (1635),  525;  Endorsement  of  Toleration  Act,  535;  Baltimore 
coins,  543 ;  Cecil,  second  Lord  Baltimore,  546. 

Autographs:  George,  first  Lord  Baltimore,  518;  Leonard  Calvert,  524;  John 
Lewger,  528 ;  Thomas  Greene,  533 ;  Margaret  Brent,  533 ;  William  Stone, 
534 ;  Josias  Fendall,  540 ;  Charles  Calvert,  542. 

Critical  Essay 553 

Autograph  :  Thomas  Yong,  558. 


INDEX    .....,, .    .    o    ,    .    .     «     563 


iSlLifOr;?.;,- 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 

BY  CHARLES  DEANE,   LL.  D. 

Vice-President,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


"W 


E  derive  our  rights  in  America,"  says  Edmund  Burke,  in  his 
Accotmt  of  the  European  Settlements  in  America,  "  from  the  dis- 
covery of  Sebastian  Cabot,  who  first  made  the  Northern  Continent  in  1497. 
The  fact  is  sufficiently  certain  to  estabHsh  a  right  to  our  settlements  in 
North  America."  If  this  distinguished  writer  and  statesman  had  substi- 
tuted the  name  of  John  Cabot  for  that  of  Sebastian,  he  would  have  stated 
the  truth. 

John  Cabot,  as  his  name  is  known  to  English  readers,  or  Zuan  Caboto, 
as  it  is  called  in  the  Venetian  dialect,  the  discoverer  of  North  America,  was 
born,  probably,  in  Genoa  or  its  neighborhood.  His  name  first  appears  in 
the  archives  of  Venice,  where  is  a  record,  under  the  date  of  March  28, 
1476,  of  his  naturalization  as  a  citizen  of  Venice,  after  the  usual  residence 
of  fifteen  years.  He  pursued  successfully  the  study  of  cosmography  and 
the  practice  of  navigation,  and  at  one  time  visited  Ara- 
bia, where,  at  Mecca,  he  saw  the  caravans  which  came 
thither,  and  was  told  that  the  spices  they  brought  were 
received  from  other  hands,  and  that  they  came  orig- 
inally from  the  remotest  countries  of  the  east.  Accept- 
ing the  new  views  as  to  "  the  roundness  of  the  earth,"  as 
Columbus  had  done,  he  was  quite  disposed  to  put  them 
to  a  practical  test.  With  his  wife,  who  was  a  Venetian 
woman,  and  his  three  sons,  he  removed  to  England,  and 
took  up  his  residence  at  the  maritime  city  of  Bristol. 
The  time  at  which  this  removal  took  place  is  uncertain. 
In  the  year  1495  he  laid  his  proposals  before  the  king,  Henry  VII.,  who  on 
the  5th  of  March,  1495/5,  granted  to  him  and  his  three  sons,  their  heirs  and 
VOL.  m.  —  I. 


SIGN   MANUAL   OF 
HENRY    VII. 


2*\:  >\^A'KkRkAT'fVE'^  Ai^D    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

assigns,  a  patent  for  the  discovery  of  unknown  lands  in  the  eastern,  western, 
or  northern  seas,  with  the  right  to  occupy  such  territories,  and  to  have  ex- 
clusive commerce  with  them,  paying  to  the  King  one  fifth  part  of  all  the 
profits,  and  to  return  to  the  port  of  Bristol.  The  enterprise  was  to  be  *'  at 
their  own  proper  cost  and  charge."  In  the  early  part  of  May  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  1497,  Cabot  set  sail  from  Bristol  with  one  small  vessel  and  eighteen 
persons,  principally  of  Bristol,  accompanied,  perhaps,  by  his  son  Sebastian  ; 
and,  after  sailing  seven  hundred  leagues,  discovered  land  on  the  24th  of 
June,  which  he  supposed  was  "  in  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Cham."  The 
legend,  "  prima  tierra  vista,"  was  inscribed  on  a  map  attributed  to  Sebastian 
Cabot,  composed  at  a  later  period,  at  the  head  of  the  delineation  of  the 
•island  of  Cape  Breton.  On  the  spot  where  he  landed  he  planted  a  large 
cross,  with  the  flags  of  England  and  of  St.  Mark,  and  took  possession 
for  the  King  of  England.  If  the  statement  be  true  that  he  coasted  three 
hundred  leagues,  he  may  have  made  a  peripliis  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
returning  home  through  the  Straits  of  Belle  Isle.  On  his  return  he  saw  two 
islands  on  the  starboard,  but  for  want  of  provisions  did  not  stop  to  examine 
them.  He  saw  no  human  beings,  but  he  brought  home  certain  implements ; 
and  from  these  and  other  indications  he  believed  that  the  country  was  in- 
habited. He  returned  in  the  early  part  of  August,  having  been  absent  about 
three  months.  The  discovery  which  he  reported,  and  of  which  he  made 
and  exhibited  a  map  and  a  solid  globe,  created  a  great  sensation  in  Eng- 
land. The  King  gave  him  money,  and  also  executed  an  agreement  to  pay 
him  an  annual  pension,  charged  upon  the  revenues  of  the  port  of  Bristol. 
He  dressed  in  silk,  and  was  called,  or  called  himself,  "  the  Great  Admiral." 
Preparations  were  made  for  another  and  a  larger  expedition,  evidently  for 
the  purpose  of  colonization,  and  hopes  were  cherished  of  further  important 
discoveries ;  for  Cabot  believed  that  by  starting  from  the  place  already 
found,  and  coasting  toward  the  equinoctial,  he  should  discover  the  island 
of  Cipango,  the  land  of  jewels  and  spices,  by  which  they  hoped  to  make 
in  London  a  greater  warehouse  of  spices  than  existed  in  Alexandria. 
His  companions  told  marvellous  stories  about  the  abundance  of  fish  in 
the  waters  of  that  coast,  which  might  foster  an  enterprise  that  would 
wholly  supersede  the  fisheries  of  Iceland.  On  the  3d  of  February  1497/g 
the  King  granted  to  John  Cabot  (the  sons  are  not  named)  a  license  to 
take  up  six  ships,  and  to  enlist  as  many  men  as  should  be  willing  to  go 
on  the  new  expedition.  He  set  sail,  says  Hakluyt,  quoting  Fabian,  in  the 
beginning  of  May,  with,  it  is  supposed,  three  hundred  men,  and  accom- 
panied by  his  son  Sebastian.  One  of  the  vessels  put  back  to  Ireland  in 
distress,  but  the  others  continued  on  their  voyage.  This  is  the  last  we  hear 
of  John  Cabot.  His  maps  are  lost.  It  is  believed  that  Juan  de  la  Cosa, 
the  Spanish  pilot,  who  in  the  year  1500  made  a  map  of  the  Spanish  and 
English  discoveries  in  the  New  World,  made  use  of  maps  of  the  Cabots 
now  lost. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  the  second  son  of  John  Cabot,  was  born  in  Venice, 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  3 

probably  about  the  year  1473.  He  was  early  devoted  to  the  study  of 
cosmography,  in  which  science  his  father  had  become  a  proficient,  and 
Sebastian  was  largely  imbued  with  the  same  spirit  of  enterprise;  and  on 
the  removal  of  his  father  with  his  family  to  England,  he  lived  with  them  at 
Bristol.  His  name  first  occurs  in  the  letters  patent  of  Henry  VII.,  dated 
March  5,  1495/g,  issued  to  John  Cabot  and  his  three  sons,  Lewis,  Se- 
bastian, and  Sancius,  and  to  their  heirs  and  assigns,  authorizing  them  to 
discover  unknown  lands.  There  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  he  accom- 
panied his  father  in  the  expedition,  already  mentioned,  on  which  the  first 
discovery  of  North  America  was  made ;  but  in  none  of  the  contemporary 
documents  which  have  recently  come  to  light  respecting  this  voyage  is  Se- 
bastian's name  mentioned  as  connected  with  it.  A  second  expedition,  as 
already  stated,  followed,  and  John  Cabot  is  distinctly  named  as  having  sailed 
with  it  as  its  commander ;  but  thenceforward  he  passes  out  of  sight.  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  without  doubt,  accompanied  the  expedition.  No  contemporary 
account  of  it  was  written,  or  at  least  published,  and  for  the  incidents  of  the 
voyage  we  are  mainly  indebted  to  the  reports  of  others  written  at  a  later 
period,  and  derived  originally  from  conversations  with  Sebastian  Cabot  him- 
self; in  all  of  which  the  father's  name,  except  incidentally,  as  having  taken 
Sebastian  to  England  when  he  was  very  young,  is  not  mentioned.  In  these 
several  reports  but  one  voyage  is  spoken  of,  and  that,  apparently,  the  voyage 
on  which  the  discovery  of  North  America  was  made ;  but  circumstances  are 
narrated  in  them  which  could  have  taken  place  only  on  the  second  or  a  later 
voyage. 

With  a  company  of  three  hundred  men,  the  little  fleet  steered  its  course 
in  the  direction  of  the  northwest  in  search  of  the  land  of  Cathay.  They 
came  to  a  coast  running  to  the  north,  which  they  followed  to  a  great  dis- 
tance, where  they  found,  in  the  month  of  July,  large  bodies  of  ice  floating 
in  the  water,  and  almost  continual  daylight.  Failing  to  find  the  passage 
sought  around  this  formidable  headland,  they  turned  their  prows  and,  as 
one  account  says,  sought  refreshment  at  Baccalaos.  Thence,  coasting 
southwards,  they  ran  down  to  about  the  latitude  of  Gibraltar,  or  36°  N., 
still  in  search  of  a  passage  to  India,  when,  their  provisions  failing,  they 
returned  to  England. 

If  the  views  expressed  by  John  Cabot,  on  his  return  from  his  first  voy- 
age, had  been  seriously  cherished,  it  seems  strange  that  this  expedition  did 
not,  at  first,  on  arriving  at  the  coast,  pursue  the  more  southerly  direction, 
where  he  was  confident  lay  the  land  of  jewels  and  spices. 

They  landed  in  several  places,  saw  the  natives  dressed  in  skins  of  beasts, 
and  making  use  of  copper.  They  found  the  fish  in  such  great  abundance 
that  the  progress  of  the  ships  was  sometimes  impeded.  The  bears,  which 
were  in  great  plenty,  caught  the  fish  for  food,  —  plunging  into  the  water, 
fastening  their  claws  into  them,  and  dragging  them  to  the  shore.  The 
expedition  was  expected  back  by  September,  but  it  had  not  returned  by 
the  last  of  October. 


M^n^ 


4  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

There  is  some  evidence  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  a  later  period,  sailed 
on  a  voyage  of  discovery  from  England  in  company  with  Sir  Thomas 
Pert,  or  Spert,  but  which,  on  account  of  the  cowardice  of  his  com- 
panion, "  took  none  effect."  But  the  enterprise  is  involved  in  doubt  and 
obscurity. 

In    1 5 12,  after  the  death  of  Henry  VII.,  and  when   Henry  VIII.  had 

been  three  years  on  the  throne,  Sebastian 
Cabot   entered   into    the   service    of  Fer- 
dinand, King  of  Spain,  arriving  at  Seville 
^*^   in  September  of  that*  year,  where  he  took 
AUTOGRAPH  OF  HENRY  viii.  ^p   j^;^   residence;    and  on   the    20th    of 

October  was  appointed  "  Capitan  de  Mar,"  with  an  annual  salary  of  fifty 
thousand  maravedis.^  Preparations  for  a  voyage  of  discovery  were  now 
made,  and  Cabot  was  to  depart  in  March,  15 16,  but  the  death  of  Fer- 
dinand prevented  his  sailing.  On  the  5th  of  February,  15 18,  he  was 
named,  by  Charles  V.,  *'  Piloto  Mayor  y  Examinador  de  Pilotos,"  as  suc- 
cessor of  Juan  de  Solis,  who  was  killed  at  La  Plata  in  15 16.  This  office 
gave  him  an  additional  salary  of  fifty  thousand  maravedis ,  and  it  was 
soon  afterwards  decreed  that  no  pilots  should  leave  Spain  for  the  Indies 
without  being  examined  and  approved  by  him.  In  1524  he  attended, 
not  as  a  member  but  as  an  expert,  the  celebrated  junta  at  Badajoz, 
which  met  to  decide  the  important  question  of  the  longitude  of  the 
Moluccas,  —  whether  they  were  on  the  Spanish  or  the  Portuguese  side  ot 
the  line  of  demarcation  which  followed,  by  papal  consent  in  1494,  a 
meridian  of  longitude,  making  a  fixed  division  of  the  globe,  so  far  as 
yet  undefined,  between  Spain  and  Portugal.  On  the  second  day  of  the 
session,  April  15,  he  and  two  others  delivered  an  opinion  on  the  questions 
involved. 

In  the  following  year  an  expedition  to  the  Moluccas  was  projected,  and 
under  an  agreement  with  the  Emperor,  executed  at  Madrid  on  the  4th  of 
March,  Sebastian  Cabot  was  appointed  its  commander  with  the  title  of 
Captain-General.  The  sailing  of  the  expedition  was  delayed  by  the  in- 
trigues of  the  Portuguese.  In  the  mean  time  his  wife,  Catalina  Medrano, 
who  is  again  mentioned  with  her  children  a  few  years  later,  received  by  a 
royal  order  fifty  thousand  maravedis  as  a  gratificacion.  On  April  3,  1526, 
the  armada  sailed  from  St.  Lucar  for  the  Spice  Islands,  intending  to  pass 
through  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  It  was  delayed  from  point  to  point,  and 
did  not  arrive  on  the  coast  until  the  following  year,  when  Cabot  entered  the 
La  Plata  River.  A  feeling  of  disloyalty  to  their  commander,  the  seeds  ot 
which  had  been  sown  from  the  beginning,  broke  out  in  open  mutiny.  He 
had,  moreover,  lost  one  of  his  vessels  off  the  coast  of  Brazil.  He  therefore 
determined  to  proceed  no  farther  at  present,  to  send  to  the  Emperor  a 
report  of  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  explore  the  La 

1  An  error  in  Eden's  translation  of  a  passage  in  Peter  Martyr,  written  in  151 5,  makes  him  a 
member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


Plata  River,  which  had  been  penetrated  by  De  Solis  in  15 15.  He  remained 
in  that  country  for  several  years,  and  returned  in  July  or  August,  1530. 
The  details  of  this  expedition  are  described  in  another  volume  of  this  work 
and  by  another  hand. 


SEBASTIAN   CABOT.* 


1  [This  cut  follows  a  photograph  taken  from  p.  208,  and  a  photo-reduction  of  that  engraving  ap- 

the  Chapman  copy  of  the  original.     The  original  pears  in  NichoU's  Life  of  Sebastian  Cabot.     Other 

was  engraved  when  owned  by  Charles  J.  Harford,  engravings   have   appeared   in    Sparks's  ^w<?n 

Esq.,  for  Seyer's  Memoirs  of  Bristol,  1824,  vol.  ii.  Biog.,  vol.  ix.  etc.     See  Critical  Essay.  —  Ed.] 


6  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  this  enterprise  was  regarded  at  home  as  a 
failure,  and  Cabot  had  made  many  enemies  in  the  exercise  of  his  legitimate 
authority  in  quelling  the  mutinies  which  had  from  time  to  time  broken  out 
among  his  men.  Complaints  were  made  against  him  on  his  return.  Sev- 
eral famihes  of  those  of  his  companions  who  were  killed  in  the  expedition 
brought  suits  against  him,  and  he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned,  but  was 
liberated  on  bail.  Public  charges  for  misconduct  in  the  affairs  of  La  Plata 
were  preferred  against  him ;  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  by  an  order  dated 
from  Medina  del  Campo,  Feb.  i,  1532,  condemned  him  to  a  banishment  of 
two  years  to  Oran,  in  Africa.  I  have  seen  no  evidence  to  show  that  this 
sentence  was  carried  into  execution.  Cabot,  who  on  his  return  laid  before 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  his  final  report  on  the  expedition,  appears  to  have 
fully  justified  himself  in  that  monarch's  esteem ;  for  he  soon  resumed 
his  duties  as  Pilot  Major,  an  office  which  he  retained  till  his  final  return 
to  England. 

Cabot  made  maps  and  globes  during  his  residence  in  Spain ;  and 
a  large  mappe  mo7tde  bearing  date  1544,  engraved  on  copper,  and  attrib- 
uted to  him,  was  found  in  Germany  in  1843,  and  is  now  deposited  in 
the  National  Library  in  Paris.  This  map  has  been  the  subject  of  much 
discussion.  While  in  the  employ  of  the  Emperor,  Cabot  offered  his 
services  to  his  native  country,  Venice,  but  was  unable  to  carry  his  pur- 
pose into  effect.  He  was  at  last  desirous  of  returning  to  England,  and 
the  Privy  Council,  on  Oct.  9,  1547,  issued  a  warrant  for  his  transportation 
from  Spain  "  to  serve  and  inhabit  in  England."  He 
came  over  to  PIngland  in  that  or  the  following  year, 
and  on  Jan.  6,  1548/9,  the  King  granted  him  a  pen- 
sion of  £\66  13s.  4d.,  to  date  from  St.  Michael's 
AUTOGRAPH  OF  EDWARD  Day  preceding  (September  29),  *' in  consideration  of 
the  good  and  acceptable  service  done  and  to  be 
done"  by  him.  In  1550  the  Emperor,  through  his  ambassador  in  Eng- 
land, demanded  his  return  to  Spain,  saying  that  Cabot  was  his  Pilot 
Major  under  large  pay,  and  was  much  needed  by  him,  —  that  "he  could 
not  stand  the  king  in  any  great  stead,  seeing  he  had  but  small  practice 
in  those  seas ;  "  but  Cabot  declined  to  return.  In  that  same  year,  June  4, 
the  King  renewed  to  him  the  patent  of  1495/6,  and  in  March,  155 1,  gave 
him  ;^200  as  a  special  reward. 

The  discovery  of  a  passage  to  China  by  the  northwest  having  been 
deemed  impracticable,  a  company  of  merchants  was  formed  in  1553  to 
prosecute  a  route  by  the  northeast,  and  Cabot  was  made  its  governor.  He 
drew  up  the  instructions  for  its  management,  and  the  expedition  under  Will- 
oughby  was  sent  out,  the  results  of  which  are  well  known.  China  was  not 
reached,  but  a  trade  with  Muscovy  was  opened  through  Archangel.  After 
the  accession  of  Mary  to  the  Crown  of  England,  the  Emperor  made  another 
unsuccessful  demand  for  Cabot's  return  to  Spain.  On  Feb.  6,  1555/6,  what 
is  known  as  the  Muscovy  Company  was  chartered,  and  Cabot  became  its 


S^mm.. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  7 

governor.  Among  the  last  notices  preserved  of  this  venerable  man  is 
an  account,  by  a  quaint  old  chronicler,  of  his  presence  at  Gravesend, 
April  27,  1556,  on  board  the  pinnace,  the  "  Serchthrift,"  then  destined  for  a 
voyage  of  discovery  to  the  northeast.  It  is  related  that  after  Sebastian 
Cabot,  "and  divers  gentlemen  and  gentlewomen"  had  '*  viewed  our  pinnace, 
and  tasted  of  such  cheer  as  we  could  make  them  aboard,  they  went  on  shore, 
giving  to  our  mariners  right  liberal  rewards ;  and  the  good  old  Gentleman, 
Master  Cabota,  gave  to  the  poor  most  liberal  alms,  wishing  them  to  pray  for 
the  good  fortune  and  prosperous  success  of  the  *  Serchthrift,'  our  pinnace. 
And  then  at  the  sign  of  the  '  Christopher,'  he  and  his  friends  banqueted, 
and  made  me  and  them  that  were  in  the  company  great  cheer;  and  for  very 
joy  that  he  had  to  see  the  towardness  of  our  intended  discovery  he  entered 
into  the  dance  himself,  amongst  the  rest  of  the  young  and  lusty  company,  — 
which  being  ended,  he  and  his  friends  departed  most  gently  commending  us 
to  the  governance  of  Almighty  God." 

Cabot's  pension,  granted  by  the  late  King,  was  renewed  to  him  by 
Queen  Mary  Nov.  27,  1555  ;  but  on  May  27,  1557,  he  resigned  it,  and  two 
days  later  a  new  grant  was  issued  to  him  and  William  Worthington,  jointly, 
of  the  same  amount,  by  which  he  was  de-    ^^-^j  . /7 

prived  of  one  half  his  pay.  This  is  the  ffL^^Lyt  To£  CjU^^ni. 
last   official    notice    of   Sebastian    Cabot.  ^  / 

He   probably  died    soon    afterwards,  and  autograph  of  queen  mary. 

in  London.  Richard  Eden,  the  translator  and  compiler,  attended  him  in 
his  last  moments,  and  ''  beckons  us,  with  something  of  awe,  to  see  him 
die."  He  gives  a  touching  account  of  the  feeble  and  broken  utterances 
of  the  dying  man.  Though  no  monument  or  gravestone  marks  his  place 
of  burial,  which  is  unknown,  his  portrait  is  preserved,  as  shown  on  a 
preceding  page. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY    ON    THE    SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 

UNLIKE  the  enterprises  of  Columbus,  Vespucius,  and  many  other  navigators  who 
wrote  accounts  of  their  voyages  and  discoveries  at  the  time  of  their  occurrence, 
which  by  the  aid  of  the  press  were  published  to  the  world,  the  exploits  of  the  Cabots 
were  unchronicled.  Although  the  fact  of  their  voyages  had  been  reported  by  jealous 
and  watchful  hegers  at  the  English  Court  to  the  principal  cabinets  of  the  Continent,  and 
the  map  of  their  discoveries  had  been  made  known,  and  this  had  had  its  influence  in  lead- 
ing other  expeditions  to  the  northern  shores  of  North  America,  the  historical  literature 
relating  to  the  discovery  of  America,  as  preserved  in  print,  is,  for  nearly  twenty  years  after 
the  events  took  place,  silent  as  to  the  enterprises  and  even  the  names  of  the  Cabots. 
Scarcely  anything  has  come  down  to  us  directly  from  these  navigators  themselves,  and 
for  what  we  know  we  have  hitherto  been  chiefly  indebted  to  the  uncertain  reports,  in 
foreign  languages,  of  conversations  originally  held  with  Sebastian  Cabot  many  years 
afterwards,  and  sometimes  related  at  second  and  third  hand.     Even  the  year  in  which 


8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


the  voyage  of  discovery  was  made  was  usually  wrongly  stated,  when  stated  at  all,  and 
for  more  than  two  hundred  years  succeeding  these  events  there  was  no  mention  made 
of  more  than  one  voyage.^ 


1  It  will  be  understood  that  we  now  regard 
it  as  satisfactorily  settled  that  the  voyage  of  dis- 
covery took  place  in  1497,  followed  by  a  second 
voyage  in  1498. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  map  of  the  discoveries 
of  the  Cabots  being  made  known  to  rival  courts. 
In  a  letter  dated  Dec.  18,  1497,  written  from 
London  by  the  Abbe  Raimondo,  envoy  of  the 
Duke  of  Milan  to  the  Court  of  Henry  VII.,  re- 
cently brought  to  light,  and  printed  on  page  54, 
the  writer,  speaking  of  the  return  of  John  Cabot 
from  his  voyage  of  discovery,  says  :  "  This  Mas- 
ter John  has  the  description  of  the  world  in  a 
chart,  and  also  in  a  solid  globe,  which  he  has 
made,  and  he  shows  where  he  had  landed."  Don 
Pedro  de  Ayala,  the  Spanish  Minister,  also 
writes  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  July  25,  1498,  after  the  second  expedi- 
tion had  sailed :  "  I  have  seen  the  map  which 
the  discoverer  has  made." 

In  the  year  1500,  the  Spanish  navigator,  Juan 
de  la  Cosa,  who  had  accompanied  Columbus  on 
his  second  voyage  to  the  West  in  the  years  1493- 
96,  compiled  a  map  of  the  world  on  which  he 
delineated  all  he  knew  of  the  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese discoveries  in  the  New  World.  He  also 
depicted,  undoubtedly  from  English  sources,  the 
northern  portion  of  the  east  coast  of  the  conti- 
nent, as  is  shown  by  a  broad  legend  or  inscrip- 
tion running  along  the  coast :  "  Mar  descubierta 
por  Ingleses."  There  was  also  placed  at  the 
eastern  cape  of  the  coast :  "  Cavo  de  Yngla- 
terra."  It  is  the  earliest  map  known  on  which 
the  western  discoveries  are  depicted.  A  few 
copies  of  the  map  are  supposed  to  have  been 
made  soon  after  its  compilation,  one  of  which 
hung  up  in  the  office  of  the  Spanish  Minister  of 
Marine.  The  map  afterwards  fell  into  neglect 
and  was  forgotten.  >  In  the  year  1832  it  was 
found  and  identified  by  Humboldt,  in  the  library 
of  his  friend  the  Baron  Walckenaer,  in  Paris. 
[It  is  on  ox-hide,  measuring  five  feet  nine  inches 
by  three  feet  two  inches,  drawn  in  colors,  and 
was  afterwards  bought  in  1850  for  4,020  francs 
(see  Walckenaer  Catalogite,  no.  2,904)  by  the 
Queen  of  Spain,  and  is  now  in  the  Royal  Li- 
brary at  Madrid.  See  Humboldt's  appendix  to 
Ghillany's  Geschichte  des  Secfahrers  Kitter  Martin 
Behainiy  and  the  appendix  to  Kunstmann's  Ent- 
deckung  Amerikas ;  also  Kohl's  Discovery  of 
Maine,  151,  179.  This  Cosa  map  is  given  in 
part  full-size  and  in  part  half-size,  in  Humboldt's 
Examen  Critique,  vol.  v.,  1839,  but  not  accu- 
rately ;  and  again  in  connection  with  Humboldt's 
essay  in  Ghillany's  Behaim,  Nurnberg,  1853. 
This  essay  was  also  issued  at  Amsterdam  in  the 
meeskabinet,  with  the  fac-simile  of  the  map.     The 


only  full-size  fac-simile  in  colors  is  in  three 
sheets  in  Jomard's  Monuments  de  la  Geographie, 
pi.  16;  and  there  are  reductions  of  the  American 
portion  in  Stevens's  Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  1869, 
pi.  I  (following  Jomard's  delineation) ;  in  De  la 
Sagra's  Cuba  ;  in  Lelewel's  Geog.  du  Moyen  Age, 
1852,  no.  41.  A  biographical  study  oijuan  de  la 
Cosa,  by  Enrique  de  Leguina,  was  published  at 
Madrid  in  1877.  Cosa  died  while  accompanying 
Ojedo  in  December,  1509.  Peter  Martyr,  in  1514, 
gave  hJ.m  a  high  rank  as  a  cartographer.  The 
American  (Asian)  part  of  his  map  is  given  in 
phototype  herewith,  reduced  from  Jomard's  fac- 
simile.—  Ed.] 

Some  have  supposed  that  Cosa  drew  his 
whole  eastern  coast  of  North  America  as  a  sepa- 
rate and  independent  continent,  entirely  distinct 
from  Asia,  on  the  authority  of  the  maps  of  the 
Cabots  on  which  their  discoveries  were  delinea- 
ted. Of  course,  in  the  absence  of  the  maps  or 
globes  of  the  Cabots,  it  is  impossible  for  us  to 
tell  precisely  what  was  delineated  upon  theixi,  or 
how  much  of  Cosa's  coast-line  was  copied  from 
them;  but  from  whatever  source  this  line  was 
drawn,  it  must  be  evident  that  it  was  supposed 
by  Cosa  to  be  the  eastern  coast  of  Asia.  Cosa, 
so  far  as  is  observed  from  the  fac-simile  of  his 
map,  —  which  is  a  map  of  the  world,  —  drew  no 
east  coast  of  Asia  at  all,  unless  this  be  it.  (See 
Stevens's  A'otes  as  above,  pp.  14,  17;  Cf.  Kohl, 
pp.  145,  152,  153.) 

I  have  already  said  that  the  discoveries  of 
the  English  on  Cosa's  map  were  noted  on  the 
northern  portion  of  the  east  coast  of  the  conti- 
nent, and  if  confined,  as  they  appear  to  be,  to 
that  region,  we  have  no  right  to  assert  that  the 
remaining  portion  of  the  east  coast-line  was 
supplied  from  the  Cabots,  but  rather  that  it  was 
taken  from  well-known  existing  representations 
of  the  east  coast  of  Asia.  The  map  and  globe 
of  the  Cabots,  already  referred  to,  had  laid 
down  upon  them  the  results  of  their  experience 
on  their  first  voyage,  the  voyage  of  discovery,  in 
1497.  Of  the  results  of  the  voyage  of  1498,  with 
which  Sebastian  Cabot  is  now  more  particularly 
associated,  we  know  but  little.  Accounts  narra- 
ted by  others,  but  originally  proceeding  many 
years  after  the  event  from  Sebastian  Cabot  him- 
self, of  a  voyage  to  the  new-found  lands,  have 
been  supposed  by  modern  writers  to  refer  more 
particularly  to  this  voyage  ;  and  these  accounts, 
as  we  shall  see  further  on,  speak  of  a  run  down 
the  coast  to  a  considerable  extent.  That  the 
Cabots,  or  Sebastian  Cabot,  should  have  pre- 
pared maps  of  the  second  voyage  at  the  time  of 
its  occurrence,  as  well  as  of  the  voyage  of  dis- 
covery,   is  in  every  respect  probable.     But  all 


La  Cosa 


Map.     15CX). 


RUYSCH'S   MAP,    i;o8. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


I  now  ask  the  reader  to  follow  me  down  through  the  sixteenth  century,  if  no  further, 
and  examine  what  notices  of  the  Cabots  and  their  voyages  we  can  find  in  the  historical 
literature  of  this  period;  and  then  to  examine  what  has  recently  come  to  light. 


these  early  maps  are  lost.     Perhaps  they  are  yet 
slumbering  in  some  dusty  archive. 

[The  Editor  cannot  derive  from  the  reasons 
expressed  by  Stevens  [Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  p. 
1 5)  that  the  coast  where  the  legend  is  put,  repre- 
sents the  north  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence ;  for  it  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the 
absence  of  the  characteristics  of  a  gulf,  if  "  mar," 
unaccompanied  by  "  oceanus,"  signifies,  as  Ste- 
vens holds,  an  enclosed  sea;  and  if  so,  why  is 
the  genuine  gulf  between  Cuba  and  the  Asian 
coast  called  "  mar  oceanus  "  .'*  —  Ed.] 

Cosa's  map  not  having  been  engraved,  or  to  any 
extent  copied,  exercised  but  little  influence  on  the 
cartography  of  the  period,  and  although  the  in- 
formation relating  to  the  English  discoveries 
depicted  upon  it  could  have  come  from  no  other 
source  than  the  Cabots  themselves,  their  names 
were  not  inscribed  upon  the  map ;  neither  was 
the  legend  already  quoted  copied  upon  any  one 
of  the  maps,  relating  to  the  new-found  lands, 
which  soon  followed.  The  enterprising  Corte- 
reals,  who  are  supposed  to  have  seen  Cabot's  or 
Cosa's  map,  soon  spread  their  sails  for  the  West, 
and  the  maps  of  their  discoveries,  in  the  regions 
visited  by  them,  contained  a  record  of  their  own 
name,  or  inscriptions  which  have  perpetuated 
the  memory  of  their  exploits.  (See  vol.  iv.  of 
the  present  work.)  Not  so  with  the  Cabots 
unless  we  should  adopt  the  improbable  state- 
ment of  Peter  Martyr,  in  151 5,  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  gave  the  name  Baccalaos  to  those 
lands  because  of  the  multitude  of  big  fishes 
which  he  saw  there,  and  to  which  the  natives 
gave  that  name.  This  subject  is  considered  in 
a  later  note. 

Another  important  map  will  be  briefly  re- 
ferred to  here,  as  it  may  possibly  have  some 
connection  with  the  Cabots,  —  that  of  John 
Ruysch,  published  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1508,  at 
Rome.  It  is  the  first  engraved  map  with  the 
discoveries  of  the  New  World  delineated  upon  it. 
[There  are  accounts  of  this  map  (which  measures 
twenty-one  and  a  quarter  by  sixteen  inches)  in 
Harrisse's  Bibliotheca  Americana  Vehcstissima, 
p.  108;  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  John  Carter-Brozvn 
Library,  i.  p.  39;  in  Henry  Stevens's  Bibliotheca 
Geographica,  No.  3058  ;  and  reproductions  are 
given  in  Humboldt's  Examen  Critique,  v.,  in  his 
essay  on  the  earliest  maps  appended  to  Ghilla- 
ny's  Martin  Behaim  ;  in  Stevens's  Historical  and 
Geographical  Notes,  pi.  2  (cf.  Histoj'ical  Maga- 
zine, August,  1869,  p.  107);  in  Santarem's  Atlas 
compose  de  mappemondes  depnis  le  z^  jnsqn^  an 
xvii^  siMes  ;  in  Lelewel's  Moyen  Age  ;  in  Judge 
Daly's  Early  History  of  Cartography,  p.  32  (much 
reduced)  ;  and  a  section  is  given  in  Kohl's  Dis- 
VOL.    III.  — 2. 


covery  of  Maine,  p.  156.  A  copy  of  the  original 
is  in  the  Sumner  Collection  in  Harvard  College 
Library,  and  has  been  used  for  the  fac-simile 
herewith  given.  —  Ed.]  A  northeastern  coast 
similar  to  that  on  the  Cosa  map  is  drawn,  but 
there  is  no  record  on  it  that  the  English  had 
visited  it,  and  "  Cabo  de  Portogesi"  takes  the 
place  of  "  Cavo  de  Ynglaterra,"  on  the  point  of 
what  is  now  called  Cape  Race.  Concerning 
John  Ruysch,  the  maker  of  the  map,  who  was 
a  German  geographer,  Kunstmann  {Die  Ent- 
decknng  Amerikas,  p.  137)  says  that  he  accom- 
panied some  exploring  expeditions  undertaken 
from  England  to  the  north.  Marcus  Beneven- 
tanus,  an  Italian  monk,  who  edited  this  edition  of 
Ptolemy,  and  included  in  it  "  A  new  Description 
of  the  World,  and  the  new  Navigation  of  the 
Ocean  from  Lisbon  to  India,"  says  :  "  But  John 
Ruysch  of  Germany,  in  my  judgment  a  most 
exact  geographer,  and  a  most  painstaking  one  in 
delineating  the  globe,  to  whose  aid  in  this  little 
work  I  am  indebted,  has  told  me  that  he  sailed 
from  the  South  of  England,  and  penetrated  as 
far  as  the  fifty-third  degree  of  north  latitude, 
and  on  that  parallel  he  sailed  west  toward  the 
shores  of  the  East,  bearing  a  little  northward 
{per  anglnm  noctis),  and  observed  many  islands, 
the  description  of  which  I  have  given  below." 
Mr.  Henry  Stevens,  from  whom  I  have  taken 
this  extract,  thinks  that  Ruysch  may  have  sailed 
with  the  Cabots  to  the  new-found  islands.  We 
know  that  among  the  crew  one  was  a  Burgun- 
dian  and  one  a  Genoese.  Beneventanus  professed 
to  know  of  the  discoveries  of  the  English  as 
well  as  of  those  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portu- 
guese :  "  Columbi  et  Lusitanorum  atque  Britan- 
norum  quos  Anglos  nunc  dicimus."  (Stevens's 
Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  p.  32 ;  Biddle,  p.  179.) 

In  his  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot, -p-  179,  Mr. 
Biddle  calls  attention  to  a  remarkable  inscrip- 
tion on  this  map,  placed  far  at  the  north,  some 
twenty  degrees  above  "  I.  Baccalauras,"  namely, 
"  Hie  compassus  navium  non  tenet  nee  naves 
quae  ferrum  tenent  revertere  valent"  ("Here 
the  ship's  compass  loses  its  property,  and  no 
vessel  with  iron  on  board  is  able  to  get  away  "). 
Mr.  Biddle  cites  this  inscription  as  showing  the 
terror  which  this  phenomenon  of  the  variation 
of  the  magnetic  needle,  particularly  noticed  by 
Cabot,  had  excited.  (See  Humboldt's  Examen 
Crif.  iii.  31,  et  seq.;  Chytroeus,  Variorum  in 
Europa  Itinertim  Dehcicc,  published  at  Herborn, 
in  Nassau,  1594,  pp.  791,  792.)  Columbus  had 
noticed  the  declination  of  the  magnetic  needle 
in  his  first  voyage. 

All  these  places  in  the  new-found  lands,  — 
Terre  Neuve,  Baccalaos,  Labrador,  etc.,  —  named 


lO 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


John  Cabot  had  died  when  his  son  Sebastian  in  1512,  three  years  after  the  death  of 
Henry  VII.,  left  England  and  entered  into  the  service  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  gave 
him  the  title  of  Captain,  and  a  liberal  allowance,  directing  that  he  should  reside  at 
Seville  to  await  orders.  He  there  became  an  intimate  friend  of  the  famous  Peter  Martyr, 
the  author  of  the  Decades  of  the  New  World,  or  De  Orbe  Novo,  and  a  volume  of  letters 
entitled  Optis  Epistolariun,  etc.,  a  writer  too  well  known  to  need  further  introduction  here. 
Through  Martyr,  for  the  first  time,  there  was  printed  in  15 16  an  account  of  the  voyage  of 
the  Cabots.     He  published  in  that  year  at  Alcala  (Complutum),  in  Spain,  the  first  three 


by  European  visitors  to  these  shores,  were  sup- 
posed to  be  sections  and  projections  of  the  Old 
World,  and  to  belong  to  the  map  of  Asia ;  and 
this  continued  to  be  the  opinion  of  navigators  and 
cartographers,  advancing  and  receding  in  their 
views,  for  a  number  of  years  afterward. 

[Johannes  Myritius  in  his  Opuscidiim  Geogra- 
phicum,  published  at  Ingoldstadt  in  1 590,  is  ac- 
counted one  of  the  last  to  hold  to  this  view. 
Carter-Br<nu7t  Catalogue,  i.  314.  After  the  dis- 
covery by  Balboa  in  1 513  of  the  South  Sea,  the 
new  cartographical  knowledge  took  two  —  in  the 
main  —  distinct  phases,  both  of  which  recog- 
nized South  America  as  an  independent  conti- 
nental region,  sometimes  joined  and  sometimes 
disjoined  from  the  northern  continent ;  while  in 
one,  North  America  remained  a  prolongation  of 
Asia,  as  in  the  map  of  Orontius  Finaeus,  and  in 
the  other  it  presented  a  barrier  to  western  sail- 
ing except  by  a  northern  circuit.  An  oceanic 
passage,  which  seemed  to  make  an  island  of 
Baccalaos,  or  the  Cabot  region,  nearly  in  its 
right  latitude  and  longitude,  laid  New  England, 
and  much  more,  beneath  the  sea.  The  earliest 
specimen  of  this  notion  we  find  in  the  Polish 
Ptolemy  of  1512,  in  what  is  known  as  the  Stob- 
nicza  map,  one  of  the  evidences  that  on  the 
Continent  the  belief  did  not  prevail  that  the 
Cabots  had  coursed  south  along  a  continental 
shore.  It  was  a  year  before  Balboa  discovered 
the  Pacific  that  this  map  was  published  at  Cra- 
cow ;  and  we  are  forced  to  believe  that  divination, 
or  more  credible  report,  had  told  John  de  Stob- 
nicza  what  was  beyond  the  land  which  the  Span- 
iards were  searching.  The  map  is  striking,  and, 
singular  to  say,  it  has  not  been  long  known. 
The  only  copy  known  of  the  little  book  of  less 
than  fifty  leaves,  which  contains  it,  was  printed 
at  Cracow  without  date  as  Introdiidio  in  Ptholo- 
mei  Cosmographiam,  and  is  in  the  Imperial  Li- 
brary at  Vienna ;  and  though  there  are  other 
copies  known  with  dates  (151 2),  they  all  lack 
the  maps,  there  being  two  sheets,  one  of  the  Old 
World,  the  other  of  the  New,  including  in  this 
latter  designation  the  eastern  shore  of  Asia, 
which  is  omitted  in  the  fac-simile  given  herewith. 
A  full-size  fac-simile  of  the  New  World  was 
made  by  Muller  of  Amsterdam  (five  copies  only 
at  twenty-five  florins),  and  one  is  also  given  in 
ihe  Carter-Brcnvn  Catalogue,  i.  53.  We  note 
but  a  very  few  other  copies,  all  however,  except 


one,  without  the  map.  One  is  in  the  great 
library  at  Munich.  A  second  (forty-three  leaves 
and  dated  151 2)  was  sold  by  Otto  Harrassowitz, 
a  dealer  of  Leipsic,  in  1873,  to  Muller  of  Am- 
sterdam (we  suppose  it  to  be  the  copy  described 
in  the  latter's  Boohs  on  America,  iii.  163,  which 
was  sold  for  240  florins),  from  whom  it  passed 
into  the  Carter-Brown  Library  in  Providence. 
Harrisse,  Bib.  Anier.  Vet.,  no.  69,  says  there  are 
two  copies  at  Vienna,  one  in  the  Imperial  Li- 
brary (which  has  the  map,  a  wood-cut),  and  the 
other  in  the  City  Library,  both  without  date. 
One  or  both  of  these  copies  are  said  to  have 
forty-two  leaves,  —  Kunstmann,  Die  Entdeckung 
Amerikas,  p.  130.  A  fifth  was  advertised  in 
1876  by  Harrassowitz,  Catalogue  no.  29,  as  con- 
taining forty-six  leaves,  dated  151 2,  but  without 
the  map,  and  priced  at  500  marks.  In  the  same 
dealer's  Catalogue  no.  6r,  book-number  56,  a 
copy  of  forty-six  leaves  is  dated  1511,  and  priced 
400  marks,  which  is  perhaps  the  same  copy 
with  a  corrected  description.  See  also  Panzer, 
Annates  lypographici,  vi.  454.  From  this  it 
would  appear,  as  from  slight  changes  said  to 
be  in  the  text,  that  there  were  three  separate 
issues  and  perhaps  editions  about  1511-12.  Mr. 
Henry  C.  Murphy's  copy  of  15 13  has  no  map. 
A  second  edition  was  printed  in  Cracow  in  1519, 
but  without  the  map,  —  Carter-Brown  Catalogue, 
no.  60 ;  Harrisse,  Bib.  Amer.  Vet.  no.  95,  The 
Finaeus  map,  above  referred  to,  was  a  heart- 
shaped  projection  of  the  earth,  which  appeared 
in  Grynasus's  Novus  Orbis,  in  the  edition  of 
Paris,  1532.  A  fac-simile  of  it  has  been  pub- 
lished by  Muller,  of  Amsterdam,  and  in  Stevens's 
Notes,  pi.  4.  America  occupies  the  extreme  edge 
of  the  plate,  and  is  greatly  distorted  by  the 
method  of  projecting.  Mr.  Brevoort  reduced 
the  lines  to  Mercator's  projection  for  Stevens's 
Historical  and  Geographical  uVotes,  1869,  pl-  3; 
and  a  fac-simile  of  this  reduction,  which  shows 
also  the  true  Asian  coast-line  in  its  right  longi- 
tude, and  curiously  resembling  the  American 
(Asian)  coast  of  the  map,  is  given  herewith.  See 
also  Stevens's  Bibliotheca  Geographica,  p.  124; 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  104;  Harrisse,  Biblio- 
graphia  Americana  vet.  pp.  294,  297.  There  are 
copies  of  the  map  also  found  in  the  1540  editions 
of  Pomponius  Mela,  and  in  the  Geografia  of  La- 
freri  and  others,  published  at  Rome,  1554-72. — 
Ed.J 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


II 


12 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


of  his  Decades,  addressed  to  Pope  Leo  X.,  the  second  and  third  of  which  Decades  had 
been  written  in  1514  and  1515.^  In  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  third  Decade  —  of  which 
we  give  later  a  page  in  slightly  reduced  fac-simile  —  is  the  following  :  — 

"These  northern  shores  have  been  searched  by  one  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  Venetian  born,  whom, 
being  but  in  manner  an  infant,  his  parents  carried  with  them  into  England,  having  occasion  to 
resort  thither  for  trade  of  merchandise,  as  is  the  manner  of  the  Venetians  to  leave  no  part  of  the 
world  unsearched  to  obtain  riches.  He  therefore  furnished  two  ships  in  England  at  his  own 
charges,  and  first  with  three  hundred  men  directed  his  course  so  far  towards  the  North  Pole  that 
even  in  the  month  of  July  he  found  monstrous  heaps  of  ice  swimming  on  the  sea,  and  in, manner 
continual  daylight ;  yet  saw  he  the  land  in  that  tract  free  from  ice,  which  had  been  molten.  Where- 
fore he  was  enforced  to  turn  his  sails  and  follow  the  west;  so  coasting  still  by  the  shore  that  he 
was  thereby  brought  so  far  into  the  south,  by  reason  of  the  land  bending  so  much  southwards  that 
it  was  there  almost  equal  in  latitude  with  the  sea  Freiiim  Herailcufn.  He  sailed  so  far  towards  the 
west  that  he  had  the  island  of  Cuba  on  his  left  hand  in  manner  in  the  same  degree  of  longitude. 
As  he  travelled  by  the  coasts  of  this  great  land  (which  he  named  Baccalaos)  he  saith  that  he  found 
the  like  course  of  the  waters  toward  the  great  west,  but  the  same  to  run  more  softly  and  gently 
than  the  swift  waters  which  the  Spaniards  found  in  their  navigation  southward.  .  .  .  Sebastian 
Cabot  himself  named  these  lands  Baccalaos,  because  that  in  the  seas  thereabout  he  found  so  great 
multitudes  of  certain  big  fishes  much  like  unto  tunnies    (which   the  inhabitants   call   baccallaos)^ 


1  The  first  Decade,  which  was  begun  in  1493, 
and  completed  in  1510,  was  printed  at  Seville  in 
1511. 

-  Baccalaos  is  an  old  ante-columbian  name 
for  codfish,  in  extensive  use  in  the  South  of 
Europe.  Humboldt  says  (Ghillany,  p.  4),  "  Stock- 
fischland,  von  Bacallao,  dem  Spanischen  Namen 
des  stockfisches."  Mr.  Brevoort  says  it  is  the 
Iberian  name  for  codfish  ;  see  his  Verrazano  the 
Navigator,  pp.  61,  137,  where  the  etymology  of 
the  word  is  given.  The  name  is  found  on  many 
of  the  early  charts.  On  that  of  Reynel,  the  Portu- 
guese pilot,  assigned  by  geographers  to  the  year 
1504  or  1505,  it  appears  on  the  east  coast  as 
"  Y  dos  Bocalhas"  (Island  of  Codfish).  On  the 
chart  of  Ruysch,  1508,  it  is  seen  as  applied  to  a 
small  island,  or  cape,  as  "J.  Baccalaurus."  On 
another  Portuguese  map  published  by  Kunst- 
mann,  assigned  to  the  year  1514,  or  a  little  later, 
the  name  "  Bacalnaos  "  is  applied  to  Newfound- 
land and  Labrador,  including  also  Nova  Scotia. 
After  various  fortunes  the  name  became  subject 
to  the  limitations  which  overtook  "  Norumbega," 
and  has  settled  down  on  a  small  island  on  the 
east  coast  of  Newfoundland.  There  appears  to 
be  no  evidence,  except  Martyr's  statement,  that 
Cabot  gave  the  name  to  the  region  he  discovered  ; 
and  it  may  well  be  asked  on  what  book  or  map 
he  had  caused  it  to  be  inscribed }  There  is  no 
such  name  on  Cosa's  map,  the  only  early  record 
of  the  Cabots'  discoveries  in  the  New  World. 
The  name  was  probably  applied  by  the  Portu- 
guese. Dr.  John  G.  Kohl,  the  distinguished 
geographer,  says  that  the  Portuguese  originated 
the  name  of  Tierra  de  Bacalhas  ("  the  stockfish 
country ")  and  gave  currency  to  it,  though  the 
word,  like  the  cod-fishery  itself,  appears  to  be 
of  Germanic  origin.  See  his  learned  note  in 
full  in  Doc.  Htst.  of  Maine^  i.  188,  189,  and  com- 


pare Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France,  pp.  170,  171. 
Parkman  says:  "If,  in  the  original  Basque, 
baccalaos  is  the  word  for  codfish,  and  if  Cabot 
found  it  in  use  among  the  inhabitants  of  Nevv- 
foundland,  it  is  hard  to  escape  the  conclusion 
that  Basques  had  been  there  before  him."  The 
affirmative  of  this  proposition  —  that  the  Cabots 
had  been  preceded  by  the  fishermen  —  has  been 
held  by  a  few  writers,  but  it  is  generally  be- 
lieved that  the  evidence  for  it  is  insufficient. 
Dr.  Kohl  says :  "  That  the  name  should  have 
been  introduced  by  the  Cabots  is  for  many 
reasons  most  improbable ;  and  that  they  should 
have  heard  and  received  the  name  from  the  In- 
dians, is  certainly  not  true ;  though  both  these 
facts  are  asserted  by  Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe 
N'ovo,  dec.  iii.  ch.  6."  (Kohl,  pp.  188,  189; 
and  compare  his  statement  on  p.  481.)  Dr. 
Kohl  had  already  said  that  the  name,  with 
some  tranposition  of  the  letters,  had  long  been 
used,  before  the  discoveries  of  the  Cabots  and 
Cortereals,  in  many  Flemish  and  German  books 
and  documents.  It  should  be  added  that  the 
statement  of  Peter  Martyr,  that  the  savages  on 
the  coast  visited  by  Sebastian  Cabot  called  a 
certain  kind  of  fish  found  there  in  abundance 
baccalaos,  is  repeated  in  the  legend  on  Cabot's 
map,  published  in  1544,  as  rendered  by  Hakluyt 
in  his  folio  of  1589,  p.  511.  Indeed,  much 
in  the  general  description  of  the  coast  and  the 
inhabitants,  both  of  the  sea  and  the  land,  is 
similar  in  both  accounts,  and  indicates  one 
origin. 

[In  a  dispute  with  England  so  early  as  1672, 
the  Spaniards  claimed  a  right  to  fish  at  New- 
foundland by  reason  of  the  prior  discovery  by 
the  Biscayan  fishermen.  Papers  relating  to  the 
rupture  with  Spain,  London,  1672.  The  latest 
claim  for  the  Basques'  antedating  Cabot  in  this 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


13 


^Ev??  I  A?J?r^ 


STOBNICZA'S    map,    15 1 2,    REDUCED.^ 


that  they  sometimes  staied  his  ships.  He  also  found  the  people  of  those  regions  covered  with 
beasts'  skins,  yet  not  without  the  use  of  reason.  He  also  saith  there  is  great  plenty  of  bears  in 
those  regions  which  use  to  eat  fish ;  for  plunging  themselves  into  the  water,  where  they  perceive  a 


region  is  in  C.  L.  Woodbury's  Relation  of  the 
Fisheries  to  the  Discovery  of  North  America,  Bos- 
ton, 1880.  — Ed.] 

*  [The  legends  oh  the  map  even  on  the  large 
scale    are   not    clear,  and   Brunet,  Supplement, 


p.  697,  gives  a  deceptive  account  of  them.  The 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p.  54,  makes  them  thus  : 
On  North  America,  "  Ortus  de  bona  ventura," 
and  "  Isabella."  Hispaniola  is  called  "  Spag- 
nolla."     On  the  northern  shore  of  South  Amer- 


14  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

multitude  of  these  fishes  to  lie,  they  fasten  their  claws  in  their  scales,  and  so  draw  them  to  land 
and  eat  them,  so  (as  he  saith)  they  are  not  noisome  to  men.  He  declareth  further,  that  in  many 
places  of  those  regions  he  saw  great  plenty  of  laton  among  the  inhabitants.  Cabot  is  my  very 
friend,  whom  I  use  familiarly,  and  delight  to  have  him  sometimes  keep  me  company  in  mine  own 
house.  For  being  called  out  of  England  by  the  commandment  of  the  Catholic  king  of  Castile,  after 
the  death  of  Henry  VII.  King  of  England,  he  is  now  present  at  Court  with  us,  looking  for  ships  to 
be  furnished  him  for  the  Indies,  to  discover  this  hid  secret  of  Nature.  I  think  that  he  will  depart 
in  March  in  the  year  next  following,  1516,  to  explore  it.  What  shall  succeed  your  Holiness  shall 
learn  through  me,  if  God  grant  me  life.  Some  of  the  Spaniards  deny  that  Cabot  was  the  first 
finder  of  the  land  of  Baccalaos,  and  affirm  that  be  went  not  so  far  westward."  ^ 

This  account  we  may  well  suppose  to  have  come  primarily  from  Sebastian  Cabot  him- 
self, and  it  will  be  noticed  that  his  father  is  not  mentioned  as  having  accompanied  him  on 
the  voyage.  Indeed,  no  reference  is  made  to  the  father  except  under  the  general  state- 
ment that  his  parents  took  him  to  England  while  he  was  yet  very  young,  pene  mfans. 
No  date  is  given,  and  but  one  voyage  is  spoken  of.  It  may  be  said  that  Peter  Martyr  is 
not  here  writing  a  history  of  the  voyage  or  voyages  of  the  Cabots  ;  that  the  account  is 
merely  brought  into  his  narrative  incidentally,  as  it  were,  to  illustrate  a  subject  upon 
which  he  was  then  writing,  —  namely,  on  a  "  search  "  into  "  the  secret  causes  of  Nature,"  or 
the  reason  "  why  the  sea  runneth  with  so  swift  course  from  the  east  into  the  west ;  "  and 
that  he  cites  the  observations  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  region  of  the  Baccalaos,  for  his 
immediate  purpose.  Richard  Biddle,  in  his  Life  of  Sebastian  Cabot^  pp.  81-90,  supposes 
the  voyage  here  described  to  be  the  second,  that  of  1498,  undertaken  after  the  death  of  the 
father,  as  the  mention  of  the  three  hundred  men  taken  out  would  imply  a  purpose  of 
colonization,  while  the  first  voyage  was  one  of  discovery  merely;  and  thinks  that  this  view 
is  confirmed  by  a  subsequent  reference  of  Martyr  to  Cabot's  discovery  of  the  Baccalaos, 
in  Decade  seven,  chapter  two,  written  in  1524,  where  the  discovery  is  said  to  have  taken 
place  "  twenty-six  years  before,"  that  is,  in  1498.2 

ica,  "Arcay "  and  "  Caput  de  Sta  de."  On  its  ern  cut-off  of  the  northern  continent  five  de- 
eastern  parts,  "  Gorffo  Fremosa,"  "  Caput  S.  grees  higher.  "  Isabella "  is  transferred  from 
Crucis,"  and  "Monte  Fregosb."  At  the  south-  Cuba  to  Florida,  and  the  northeast  coast  of 
em  limit,  "Alia  pega."  The  straight  lines  of  South  America  is  very  different.  There  are  ac- 
the  western  coasts,  as  well  as  the  words  "  Terra  curate  fac-similes  of  this  Ptolemy  map  in  Varn- 
incognita,"  are  thought  to  represent  an  uncer-  hagen's  Premier  Voyage  de  Vespucci,  and  in  Ste- 
tainty  of  knowledge.  The  island  at  the  west  is  vens's  Historical  and  Geographical  Notes,  pi.  ii. 
"  Zypangu  insula,"  or  Japan.  Mr.  Bartlett,  the  See  the  chapter  on  Norumbega,  notes. — Ed.] 
editor  of  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogjte,  is  of  the  ^  This,  the  earliest  notice  of  Cabot  which  I 
opinion  that  the  island  at  the  north  is  Iceland ;  have  seen  in  print,  and,  written  by  one  so 
but  it  seems  more  in  accordance  with  the  prevail-  distinguished  as  Peter  Martyr,  who  had  such 
ing  notions  of  the  time  to  call  it  Baccalaos.  It  ap-  rare  opportunities  for  information,  is  given 
pears  in  the  same  way  on  the  Lenox  globe,  and  almost  entire.  It  is  from  the  quaint  English 
in  the  circumpolar  MS.  map  of  Da  Vinci  (1513)  version  of  Richard  Eden,  made  some  three  hun- 
in  the  Queen's  library  at  Windsor,  where  this  dred  and  thirty  years  ago,  and  published  in  his 
island  is  marked  "Bacalar."  The  eastern  coast  Decades,  fol.  118,  119.  The  translation  has  been 
outline  of  the  Stobnicza  map  bears  a  certain  compared  with  the  Latin  text  of  Martyr,  in  the 
resemblance  to  the  Waldseemiiller  map  which  De  Orbe  Novo  of  1516,  "  Tertie  decadis  liber 
appeared  in  the  Ptolemy  of  151 3,  having  been  sextus,"  printed  the  year  after  it  was  written, 
however  engraved,  but  not  published,  in  1507,  and  a  few  redundances  eliminated.  See  M. 
and  Stobnicza  may  have  seen  it.  If  so,  he  D'Avezac's  criticism  on  some  of  Eden's  English 
might  have  intended  the  straight  western  line  renderings,  in  Revtie  Critique,  v.  265. 
of  North  America  to  correspond  to  the  marginal  2  When  Mr.  Biddle  was  issuing  the  second 
limit  of  the  Ptolemy  map;  but  he  got  no  war-  London  edition  of  his  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot, 
rant  in  the  latter  for  the  happy  conjecture  of  in  1832,  he  cancelled  one  leaf  in  the  book,  at 
the  western  coast  of  the  Southern  Continent,  pages  77,  78,  that  he  might  insert  a  notice  of  an 
nor  could  he  find  such  anywhere  else,  so  far  as  early  dramatic  poem  cited  by  J.  Payne  Collier  in 
we  know.  The  variations  of  the  eastern  coast  his  then  recently  published  History  of  English 
do  not  indicate  that  he  depended,  solely  at  least,  Dramatic  Poetry  .  .  .  and  Annals  of  the  Stage, 
upon  the  Ptolemy  map,  which  carries  the  north-  London,  1831,  ii.  319.     The  play  was  entitled, 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  1 5 

LIBER     SEXTVS. 
xniimiUorrtm  naturam  reoptimccallcrciaftarcntrqiudragmtafclcquasfuiflc  nuano^ 
ftc  trafporCatos  prxtcr  opCnionem  conqueninmr. 

TERTIE  DECADIS  LIBER  SEXTVS, 

ICPHrLOSOPHANDVM  EST  PARYMPER  BEATISSIME 
parcr&a  cofmographiadigredicndiimad  naturxarchanorum  caufas 
Dccurrcre  ad  ocddcntcmibimanauclutie  montlbus  torrcntcs  dcla^ 
buntur:omnc6  \mo  oro  prxdicant.Proptcrca  trahor  ego  in  ambiguum 
quo  aam  aqux  illx  tendant.qux  rotate  ac  perpetuo  traftu  ab  orfcnrc  flu 
antiicliniTugientcsadocddcntcmindcnunqjrcdditiirxrnccpocddcns 
pioptcrcaniaglsrepl(rilur:ncq5oricnseuacnctiir.Si3dccntrucastcndcrcdenaturagr3 
uium  dixcn'mus:  cetninq;  lineamcc  xqiiinoftialem  uoluerimusrutiplxric^aiuntrqiiod 
centrum  dabitur  tot  tantarumcpcapaxaquarunifqiixiicdrcunfercntfarepcricturmadi;^ 
daFRationcmueriffniilcm  qui  calittorapcrluftrar lint  prxbcntnullamputantplwrfc^ua  ^^^^^^ 
ftasce fauces  inangulofinuali maguxilluistclluns qua dixfmus Italia oftuplo  maiorej  ^^  ^^^^ 
abocd<icntccabxinrulx:quxrapidashasaquasobrorbeant:feiindcadocddcntemillas 
Cmittant:quoadorientem  noflrumrcdcantraliidicuntad  fcptentrionem.  Volontnons 
nulliclaufum  ee  finum  ilium  magnx  tellufisttcndcrcqp  ad  feptctrionem  a  tcrgocubx  ita 
vt  fcptcntrioiialcs  terras  quasgladaledrcufepitmarc  Tub  arftocompleftaturrfintc^nniis 
uerfa  littora illacont/guarundc  crcdunt eas  aquas  obicftu  magnx  tellaris  drcumagi:  uc 
in  fluminibus  licet  conrpiccrcriparumgyris  fefeobicftatibusifedhocminfmc  quadrat 
Eodemnamq^  modornonacritamcn:  fed  Icuiflucrc  ad oddcntcaqaas perpetuo lapfu 
inqttiunt:quighciaIcstent3runtoras:&  occidentcm  poilca  fecuti  funt.  Scrutatus  eft  eas 
Scbaftianus  qutdam  cabotus  gcncrc  uenctus;fcda  parcnribus  in  britaniam  infulam  ten^ 
dcntibus:utimoris  eft  ucnetorumrquicommerdicaaraterranini  omnium  funthofpites 
tranfportatus pcneinfans.Duo is (ibi uauigia propria pccnnia in britania ipfa  inftruxit  ^oftSc* 
6C  primo  tcndens  cum  hominibus  tercentum  ad  feptcntrioncm  donee ctiam iulio  men^s  orbU* 
feuaftasrepercritglacialcs  moles  pe?3gonatantcs:&Iuccm  fere  perpetu3m:tellurc  tame 
libera  gelu  liquefafto.Qjuarccoaftusfuitutiafc  uclauertcre&occidetcm  fequiitetedit 
($  tamcn  ad  meridiem  littore  fefc  incaruanteivt  hcrculei frcti.latitudlnis  fere gradus  cq 
fit  ad  occidcntcmc^profeftus  tantum  dl:  utcubara  infulam  a  Ixua  longitudine  graduu 
pcnc  parcm  habuerit.Is  ca  littora  pf,rcurrens quxbacallaos  appcUauit;eosde  fc  repcrif*? 
ieaquarum  fcdlcncs  delaprusadoccidctemait:quoscaftcIIani  meridionalesfuasregio 
nesadnaufgantesinueuiunt.crgononmodo  ncrifimiliusifcdnccefTarloconcIudenda 
cilaiaftos  inter  ntrac^ignotam  haftcnustdluremiaccrc  hyatusrquiuiam  prxbeataquis 
ab  oriente  cadentibus  in  occidentemrquas  arbitror  impulfu  codorum  drcularitcr  agi  ia 
gyrum drca  tcrrx  globummon  autcm  demogorgonc  anhelantc  uomi  abforberi$  utnd 
tiulli  fenferunt:quodinfluxu5i  rcfluxu  forfan  affcntircdarctur.Baccallcfos  cabottus  ipfc 
terras  illas  appclIauit:co  ($  in  earum  pelago  tantam  repcrit  magnonim  quorundam  piC^ 
dum:tinno8cmulantium:fic«ocatoruniabindigenis:multitudinem:ut  ctiam illi  naui  c^uare  bsi 
gia  interdumdetardarcnt.Earum  rcgionu homincspdlibus tantum coopcrtos repen'c  caUdoe, 
bat:rationishaudqu3(5cxpeftcs.Vrforuminc(rcregionibuscopiam  ingentem  refert  peiiib>  u( 
qui  6c  ipfi  pifdbus  ucfcantur .Inter dcnfa  nan$pifcium illorum  agmina  fcfc  immergut  ^^^^* 
vrfl:  &  fingulos  lingnli  complcxosrungm'bnstj  inter  fquamat  immiffis  injtcrram  raptat 
&  coramcduut;p:optcrcamininicnoxios  hominibus  vrfosccait.OrichaIai5lpLrrisc5      , 
lodsfcuidifTcapudincolasprxdicant.Familiarcmhabco  domi  cabotam  ipfum  b^con^  dbnlrf^ 
tubcrnalcm  intcidamruocatus  na$  ex  brxtanaia  a  regc  noftro  catholico  poft  enrrid  ma 
ipris  britamxre^  mortem  concarialifnoilerell'expeAat^  indies  at  aauigia  fibi  pare 

PETER   MARTYR,    I516. 


i6 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


A  map  of  the  world  was  composed  in  1529  by  Diego  Ribero,  a  very  able  cosmographer 
and  map-maker  of  Spain  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  is  a  very  interest- 
ing map,  but  is  so  well  known  to  geographers  that  I  need  give  no  particular  description  of 
it  here.  The  northern  part  of  our  coast,  delineated  upon  it,  is  supposed  to  have  been 
drawn  from  the  explorations  and  reports  of  Gomez  made  in  1525.  It  was  copied  and 
printed,  in  its  general  features  only,  in  1534,  at  Venice.  A  superior  copy  in  fac-simile 
of  the  original  map  was  published  by  Dr.  Kohl  in  i860,  at  Weimar,  in  his  Die  beiden 
jEltesten  General- Kar ten  von  Afnerika.^     On  this  map  an  inscription,  of  which  the  fol- 


A  new  interlude  and  a  mery  of  the  nature  of 
the  iiij  elements  declaryinge  many  proper  poynts 
of  phylosophy  natnrall  and  of  dyvers  stratmge 
landys  and  of  dyvers  straunge  effects  and  causis, 
etc.  Dr.  Dibdin,  in  his  Typogr.  Ant.,  iii.  105, 
inserts  it  among  the  works  from  Rastell's  press, 
and  in  a  manuscript  note  at  the  beginning  of  the 
copy  in  the  British  Museum,  it  is  said  to  have 
been  printed  by  him  in  1519.  This  copy,  the 
only  one  known,  formerly  belonged  to  Garrick. 
I  saw  it  in  London  in  1S66,  and  collated  it  with 
the  brief  extracts  in  Collier.  It  is  imperfect; 
and,  as  the  colophon  is  wanting,  the  imprint,  in- 
cluding date,  is  gone.  Different  years  have  been 
assigned  to  the  book  according  as  the  reader 
has  interpreted  the  historical  references  in  it. 
The  citations  from  the  "  Interlude  "  which  fol- 
low are  taken  from  the  publications  of  the 
Percy  Society,  vol.  xxii.  issued  in  1848.  Among 
the  characters  is  one  Experyens  (Experience), 
who  represents  a  practical  navigator  who  had 
been  a  great  traveller ;  — 

"  Right  fair,  Syr,  I  liave  ridden  and  gone. 
And  seen  straunge  thynges  many  one 
In  Affrick,  Europe,  and  Ynde  ; 
Both  est  and  west  I  have  ben  farr. 
North  also,  and  seen  the  sowth  sterr 
Bothe  by  see  and  lande. 

And,  apparently  pointing  to  a  map.  Experience 
proceeds : — 

"  There  lyeth  Iselonde  where  men  do  fyshe, 
But  beyonde  that  so  colde  it  is 
No  man  may  there  abyde. 
This  see  is  called  the  Great  Occyan  ; 
So  great  it  is  that  never  man 
Coulde  tell  it  sith  the  worlde  began 
Tyll  nowe  within  this  xx.  yere, 
Westewarde  be  founde  new  landes 
That  we  never  harde  tell  of  before  this 
By  wrytynge  nor  other  meanys. 
Yet  many  nowe  have  ben  there  ; 
And  that  contrey  is  so  large  of  rome, 
Muche  lenger  then  all  Crestendome, 
Without  fable  or  gyle ; 
For  dyvers  maryners  had  it  tryed, 
And  sayled  streyght  by  the  coste  syde 
Above  V.  thousande  myle  ! 
But  what  commodytes  be  wythin, 
No  man  can  tell  nor  well  imagin. 
But  yet  not  long  ago 
Some  men  of  this  contrey  went, 
By  the  Kynge's  noble  consent, 
It  for  to  search  to  that  entent. 
And  coude  not  be  brought  thereto ; 
But  they  that  were  they  venierea 


Have  cause  to  curse  their  maryners, 

Fals  of  promys,  and  dissemblers, 

That  falsly  them  betrayed. 

Which  wold  take  no  paine  to  sail  farther 

Than  their  own  lyst  and  pleasure  ; 

Wherfor  that  vyage,  and  dyvers  other 

Such  kaytyffes  have  destroyed. 

O  what  a  thinge  had  be  than 

Yf  that  they  that  be  Englyschemen 

Myght  have  ben  furst  of  all 

That  there  shulde  have  take  possessyon. 

And  made  furst  buyldynge  and  habytacion, 

A  memory  perpetuall ! 

And  also  what  an  honorable  thynge 

Bothe  to  the  realme,  and  to  the  Kynge, 

To  have  had  his  domynyon  extendynge 

There  into  so  farr  a  grounde, 

Whiche  the  noble  Kynge  of  late  memory, 

The  most  wyse  prynce,  the  VII.  Herry, 

Causyd  furst  for  to  be  founde,  .  .  ." 

Percy,  in  his  essay  on  the  Origin  of  the  Eng. 
lish  Stage,  1767,  supposed  this  play  to  have  been 
written  about  the  year  1510,  from  the  follow- 
ing lines  which  he  referred  to  Columbus  :  — 

"...  Within  this  XX.  yeer 
Westewarde  be  founde  new  landes." 

But  Columbus  is  not  named  in  the  play,  and 
the  finding  of  America  is  attributed  to  Americus 
Vespucius,  whose  earliest  alleged  voyage  was 
in  1497:  — 

"  But  this  newe  lands  founde  lately, 
Ben  callyd  America,  bycause  only 
Americus  dyd  furst  them  fynde." 

The  date  ascribed  to  the  play  by  the  writer 
of  the  memorandum  in  it,  1519,  would  seem  to 
be  not  far  from  the  truth.  But  the  verses  which 
speak  of  the  discovery  made  for  the  late  king, 
Henry  VII.,  principally  interest  us  here.  They 
would  seem  to  refer  to  the  Cabots,  who  made 
the  only  authentic  Western  discovery  for  England 
in  that  reign.  The  whole  poem  has  been  re- 
printed by  the  Percy  Society.  See  Winsor's 
Halliivellianay  p.  8,  and  references  there.  Mr.  J. 
F.  Nicholls,  in  his  Life  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  Lon- 
don, 1869,  p.  91,  prints  these  lines,  and  thinks 
"that  the  Experyens  herein  depicted  was  none 
other  than  Sebastian  Cabot  himself." 

1  [A  sketch  of  a  portion  of  the  North  Amer- 
ican coast  is  given  in  another  chapter.  It  was 
reproduced  in  Sprengel's  translation  of  Munoz's 
Geschichte  der  neuen  Welt,  Weimar,  1795,  ^"d 
separately  in  his  Ueber  f.  Ribero's  dlteste  welt- 
charte,  size  50  by  65  centimetres,  and  shows  the 
coast  from  Labrador  to  Magellan's  Straits.     Cf. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  17 

*^  ^   Wf;  S.--=  €C- ^^4^^^, 

<^ 

thorne's  map,  1527. 

VOL.  III.  —  3- 


l8  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

lowing  is  an  English  version,  is  placed  over  the  territory  inscribed  Tierra  del  Labrador  -. 
"  This  country  the  EngHsh  discovered,  but  there  is  nothing  useful  in  it."  See  an  abridged 
section  of  the  map  and  a  description  of  it  in  Kohl's  Doc,  Hist,  of  Mame,  i.  299-307. ^ 

In  1530,  four  years  after  Martyrs  death,  there  was  published  at  Alcala  (Complutum), 
in  Spain,  his  eight  Decades,  Be  Orbe  Novo,  which  included  the  three  first  pubhshed  in 
1516,  in  the  last  of  which,  the  third,  appeared  the  notice  of  Sebastian  Cabot  cited  aboye. 
And  it  may  be  added  here  that  the  three  Decades,  including  the  De  nuper  .  .  .  repertis  in- 
sulis,  etc.,  or  abridgment,  so  called,  of  the  fourth  Decade,  printed  at  Basel  in  1521,  were 
reprinted  together  in  that  city  in  1533.  Of  later  editions  there  will  be  occasion  to  say 
something  farther  on.  Martyr's  notice  of  Cabot  was  the  earhest  extant,  and  the  republi- 
cation of  these  Decades,  at  different  places,  served  to  keep  alive  the  important  fact  of  the 
discovery  of  North  America  under  the  Enghsh  flag.  In  some  of  these  later  Decades, 
written  in  1524  and  1525,  references  will  be  found  to  Sebastian  Cabot  and  to  his  employ- 
ment in  Spain. 

There  was  published  in  Latin  at  Argentoratum  (Strasbourg),  in  1532,  by  James 
Ziegler, — a  Bavarian  theologian,  who  cultivated  mathematics  and  cosmography  with 
success,  —  a  book  relating  in  part  to  the  northern  regions.  Under  the  head  of  "  Gron- 
land  "  the  author  quotes  Peter  Martyr's  account  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  voyage  :  — 

"  Peter  Martyr  of  Angleria  writeth  in  his  Decades  of  the  Spanish  navigations,  that  Sebastian 
Cabot,2  saiUng  from  England  continually  towards  the  north,  followed  that  course  so  far  that  he 
chanced  upon  great  flakes  of  ice  in  the  month  of  July;  and  diverting  from  thence  he  followed  the 
coast  by  the  shore,  bending  toward  the  south  until  he  came  to  the  clime  of  the  island  of  Hispan- 
iola  above  Cuba,  an  Island  of  the  Cannibals.  Which  narration  hath  given  me  occasion  to  extend 
Gronland  beyond  the  promontory  or  cape  of  Huitsarch  to  the  continent  or  firm  land  of  Lapponia 
above  the  castle  of  Wardhus ;  which  thing  I  did  the  rather  for  that  the  reverend  Archbishop  of 
Nidrosia  constantly  afiirmed  that  the  sea  bendeth  there  into  the  form  of  a  crooked  elbow." 

This  writer  evidently  supposed  that  Cabot  sailed  along  the  east  coast  of  Greenland,  and 
the  inference  he  drew  from  Cabot's  experience,  as  related  by  Martyr,  confirmed  his  belief 

Humboldt's  Examen  Critique,  iii.  184.    It  is  also  Christian  name  probably  arose  from  a  misread- 

given  in  Lelewel's  Atlas;  in  Murphy's  Verraz-  ing of  Martyr's  language  in  Dec.  iii.  lib.  6 :"  Scru- 

zano,  p.  129;  and  in  De  Costa's   Verrazano  the  t2iins  &st  cdiS  Sebastiauj is  quidam  Cabottis.'^    Eden 

Explorer,  p.  43.     The  original  is  at    Weimar,  did  not  hesitate  to  substitute  Sebastian  for  An- 

with  a  replica  at  Rome. — Ed.]  thony.     As  a  mystification  concerning  the  name 

1  I  might  mention  here  an  interesting   map  Antoninum  (or  Anthony)  Cabot,  I  will  add  that 

composed    by   the    English   merchant,    Robert  Mr.  Brevoort  has  called  my  attention  to  the  fol- 

Thorne,  while  residing  in  Seville  in  Spain,  in  lowing  entry  in  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and 

1527,  and  sent,  with  a  long  discourse  on  cos-  Domestic,    Henry    VIII.,   vol.    i.    pt.    i,   p.   939, 

mography,  to  Dr.  Ley,  English  ambassador  to  doc.  5639,  Nov.  27,  1514:  "Patent  denization  to 

Charles  V.     The  map  is  very  rude,  and  was  first  Antho7ty  Chabo,  surgeon,  native  of  Savoy,"  with 

published  with  the  discourse  by  Hakluyt  in  his  another  entry  showing  that  in  151 2  an  annuity 

little  quarto  in  1582.     Along  the  line  of  the  coast  of  twenty  pounds  was  granted  to  him  ;  and  Mr. 

of  Labrador  is  a  Latin  inscription  of  which  the  Brevoort  asks    the   question  if   Anthony  could 

following  is  the  English  reading :  "  This  land  was  have  been  another  son  of  Jean  Cabot,  arriving 

first  discovered  by  the  English."      Thorne  was  in  England  later ;  and  also  whether  the  Cabots 

very  urgent  —  as  well  in  his  letter  to  Dr.  Ley  as  might   not   have   come  originally  from  Savoy.? 

in  a  letter  to  the  king,  Henry  VIII.,  also  pub-  [Ziegler's  title  reads:  Syria,  Falestina,  Arabia, 

lished  by  Hakluyt  —  that  the  English  should  en-  yEgyptus,    Schondia,    Holmia,  —  the   section   on 

gage  in  those  maritime  discoveries  to  the  west  Schondia,  as  he  calls  the  north,  takes  folios  85- 

which  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese  were  138 ;  and  the  last  of  the  eight  maps  in  the  book 

moqijpolizing.  is  of   Schondia.     See    Harrisse's  Biblio.  Anier. 

*  In   Ziegler's   original  work  he  begins  this  Vetus,   no.    170;    F.    Muller's    Catalogue,    1877, 

sentence    thus :   "  Petrus  Martyr  mediolanensis  no.  3595.     The  Schondia  section  was  reprinted 

in  hispanicis  navigationibus  scribit,  Antoninum  in    Krantzius's    Regnorum   Aquilonarium,   etc., 

quendam   Cabotum  solventem  a  Britannia,"  etc.  Frankfort,  1583.     F.   Muller's    Catalogue,    1872, 

This  clerical  or  typographical  error  as  to  Cabot's  no.  844.  —  Ed.J 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  I9 

that  that  country  joined  on  to  Lappona  (Lapland),  —  an  old  notion  which  lasted  down 
to  the  time  of  Willoughby,  —  making  "one  continent;"  and  so  he  represented  it  on 
his  map  no.  8,  published  in  his  book.i  He  places  "Terra  Bacallaos ''  on  the  east  coast 
of  "Gronland."  He  believed  that  Cabot's  falling  in  with  ice  proved  "  that  he  sailed  not 
by  the  main  sea,  but  in  places  near  unto  the  land,  comprehending  and  embracing  the  sea  in 
the  form  of  a  gulf."  I  have  copied  this  from  Eden's  Enghsh  version  of  Ziegler  {Decades^ 
fol.  268),  in  the  margin  of  which  at  this  place  Eden  says,  "  Cabot  told  me  that  this  ice  is 
of  fresh  water,  and  not  of  the  sea."  ^ 

There  was  published  at  Venice  in  1534,  in  Itahan,  a  volume  in  three  parts;  the  first 
of  which  was  entitled,  Summario  de  la  generate  historia  de  Vindie  occidentali  cavato  da 
libri  scritti  dal  signor  don  Pietro  Martyre  del  consiglio  delle  indie  della  niaesta  de  Vim- 
per adore,  et  da  inolte  altre  particulari  relationi.^ 

This,  as  will  be  seen,  purports  to  be  a  summary  drawn  from  Peter  Martyr  and 
other  sources,  —  "from  many  other  private  accounts."  The  basis  of  the  work  is  Martyr's 
first  three  Decades,  published  together  in  Latin  in  15 16,  the  original  arrangement  of  the 
author  being  entirely  disregarded,  many  facts  omitted,  and  new  statements  introduced  for 
which  no  authority  is  given.  By  virtue  of  the  concluding  words  of  the  quoted  title,  the 
translator  or  compiler  appears  to  claim  the  privilege  of  taking  the  utmost  liberty  with  the 
text  of  JMartyr.  For  the  well-known  passage  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  third  Decade, 
where  Martyr  says  that  Sebastian  Cabot  "  sed  a  parentibus  in  Britaniam  insulam  tenden. 
tibus,  uti  moris  est  Venetorum  :  qui  commercii  causa  terrarum  omnium  sunt  hospites  trans- 
portatus  pene  infans  "  ("whom  being  yet  but  in  manner  an  infant,  his  parents  carried  with 
them  into  England,  having  occasion  to  resort  thither  for  trade  of  merchandise,  as  is  the 
manner  of  the  Venetians  to  leave  no  part  of  the  world  unsearched  to  obtain  riches  "),  the 
Italian  translator  has  substituted,  "Costui  essendo  piccolo  fu  menato  da  suo  padre  in 
Inghilterra,  da  poi  la  morte  del  quale  trouandosi  ricchissimo,  et  di  grande  animo,  delibero 
si  come  hauea  fatto  Christoforo  Colombo  voler  anchor  lui  scoprire  qualche  nuoua  parte 
del  modo,"  etc.  ("  He  being  a  little  boy  was  taken  by  his  father  into  England,  after 
whose  death,  finding  himself  very  rich  and  of  great  ambition,  he  resolved  to  discover  some 
new  part  of  the  world  as  Columbus  had  done  "). 

M.  D'Avezac  has  given  some  facts  which  show  that  the  editor  of  this  Italian  version  of 
Peter  Martyr,  as  he  calls  this  work,  was  Ramusio,  the  celebrated  editor  of  the  Navigationi  et 
Viaggi,'^  etc.,  and  this  work  is  introduced  into  the  third  volume  of  that  pubhcation,  twenty- 
one  years  later.  Mr.  Brevoort  has  also  called  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  woodcut 
-of  "  Isola  Spagnuola,"  used  in  the  early  work,  was  introduced  into  the  later  one,  which  is 
confirmatory  of  the  opinion  that  Ramusio  was  at  least  the  editor  of  the  Summario  oi  1534.° 

Cabot  we  know  was,  during  his  residence  in  Spain,  a  correspondent  of  Ramusio,  —  at 
least,  the  latter  speaks  once  of  Cabot's  having  written  to  him,  and  we  shall  see  farther  on 
that  they  were  not  strangers  to  each  other,  —  and  it  is  possible  that  this  modification  of 
Peter  Martyr's  language  was  authorized  by  him.  It  is  here  stated,  however,  that  Cabot 
reached  only  55°  north,  while  in  the  prefatory  Discorso  to  his  third  volume  the  editor 
says  that  Cabot  wrote  to  him  many  years  before  that  he  reached  the  latitude  of  67  degrees 
and  a  half,  and  no  explanation  is  given  as  to  whether  the  reference  is  to  the  same  voyage. 
A  fair  inference  from  the  passage  above  cited  from  the  Italian  Summario  would  be  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  planned  the  voyage  of  discovery  after  his  father's  death,  which  we  know 

1  [It  is  also  so  drawn  in  Ruscelli's  map  of  Amer.  Vetiis,  pp.  290,  291,  350,  and  the  Carter- 
1544.  —  Ed.]  Brown    Catalogue,  pp.   106,   120,  where  will  be 

2  Ziegler's   book    is   rare   and   curious;   he  found  a  notice  of  Ziegler.    Biddle,  p.  31. 
was  a  geographer  of  great  repute.     Such  books  ^  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p.  1 10. 

often   serve   to   perpetuate   references  to  more  ^  See   Annee    Veritable   de   la    Naissance   de 

important  works,  and  to  show  the  erroneous  geo-  Christophe  Colomb,  p.  10,  n.  8. 

graphical  opinions  of  the  period.     A  second  edi-  ^  See   also   Relationi  del  S.  Pietro  Martira 

tion,  under  a  different  title,  was  published  at  the  Milanese,  Della  cose  notabili  della  provincia  deW 

same   place   in    1536.      See    Harrisse's    Biblio.  ^^///t;,  etc.,  by  Carlo  Passi,  Venetia,  1564. 


20  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

was  not  true ;  as  it  was  equally  untrue  that  the  death  of  his  father  made  him  very  rich, 
for  the  Italian  envoy  tells  us  that  John  Cabot  was  poor.  Indeed,  the  whole  language  of 
the  passage  relating  to  Sebastian  Cabot  is  mythical  and  untrustworthy,  whoever  may  have 
inspired  it.^ 

I  now  come  to  a  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  bearing  date  1544,  as  the  year  of  its  compo- 
sition, a  copy  of  which  was  discovered  in  Germany  in  1843,  by  Von  Martius,  in  the  house 
of  a  Bavarian  curate,  and  deposited  in  the  following  year  in  the  National  Library  in  Paris. 
It  has  been  described  at  some  length  by  M.  D'Avezac,  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Sociele  de 
Giographie,  4  ser.  xiv.  268-270,  1857.  It  is  a  large  elliptical  7Tiappe  jno7tde,  engraved  on 
metal,  with  geographical  delineations  drawn  upon  it  down  to  the  time  it  was  made.  I  saw 
the  map  in  Paris  in  1866.  On  its  sides  are  two  tables :  the  first,  on  the  left,  inscribed 
at  the  head  "Tabula  Prima;"  and  that  on  the  right,  "Tabula  Secunda."  On  these 
tables  are  seventeen  legends,  or  inscriptions,  in  duplicate ;  that  is  to  say,  in  Spanish  and  in 
Latin,  the  latter  supposed  to  be  a  translation  of  the  former,  — each  Latin  legend  immedi- 
ately following  the  Spanish  original  and  bearing  the  same  number.^ 

After  the  seventeen  legends  in  Spanish  and  in  Latin,  we  come  to  a  title  or  heading: 
"  Plinio  en  el  secund  libro  capitulo  Ixxix.,  escriue  "  ("  Pliny,  in  the  second  book,  chapter  79, 
writes  ").  Then  follows  an  inscription  in  Spanish,  no.  18,  from  Pliny's  Natural  History^ 
cap.  Ixvii.,  the  chapter  given  above  being  an  error.  Four  brief  inscriptions,  also  in  Spanish, 
numbered  19  to  22,  relating  to  the  natural  productions  of  islands  in  the  eastern  seas,  taken 
from  other  authors,  complete  the  list.  So  there  are  twenty-two  Spanish  inscriptions  or 
legends  on  the  map,  —  ten  on  the  first  table  and  twelve  on  the  second,  —  the  last  five  of 
which  have  no  Latin  exemplaires  j  and  there  are  no  Latin  inscriptions  without  the  same 
text  in  Spanish  immediately  preceding. 

There  are  no  headings  prefixed  to  the  inscriptions,  except  the  ist,  the  17th,  and  i8th. 
The  first  inscription,  relating  to  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  by  Columbus,  has  this 
title,  beneath  Tabula  Prima,  '■''  del  almirantey  The  17th  —  a  long  inscription  —  has  this 
title  :  Retulo,  del  auctor  conqiertas  razoncs  de  la  variation  que  haze  il  aguia  del  marear 
€071  la  estrella  del  Norte  ("  A  discourse  of  the  author  of  the  map,  giving  certain  reasons  for 
the  variation  of  the  magnetic  needle  in  reference  to  the  North  Star").  It  is  also  repeated 
in  Latin  over  the  version  of  the  inscription  in  that  language.  The  title  to  the  i8th  inscrip- 
tion, if  it  may  be  called  a  title,  has  already  been  given. 

The  17th  inscription  begins  as  follows:  "Sebastian  Caboto,  capitan  y  piloto  mayor 
de  la  S.  c.  c.  m.  del  Imperador  don  Carlos  quinto  deste  nombre,  y  Rey  nuestro  sennor 
hizo  este  figura  extenda  en  piano,  anno  del  nascim"  de  nro  Salvador  lesu  Christo  de 

1  In  a  recent  letter  from  Mr.  J.  Carson  Bre-  three  Decades    (the   last  book   not   having  yet 

voort,  the  distinguished  bibliographer  and  his-  been  written)  and  sent  the  MS.  to  a  friend  in 

torical  scholar,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y., — who  has  Italy,  where  it  slumbered   until   1534,  when  it 

kindly  communicated  for  my  use  his  abundant  fell  into  the  hands  of  Ramusio,  who  committed 

materials  relating  to  the  Cabots,  and  has  laid  it  to  the  press.     This  is  a  curious  question  in 

me  under  great  obligations  for  aid  in  preparing  bibliography. 

this  paper,  —  he  says  he  has  been  collating  the  It  should  be  added  here  that  the  statements  of 

first  part   of   the   Siwimario  of    1534  with   the  Martyr  included  in  the  Latin  Decades  of  1516 

Latin   Decades  of   Peter   Martyr,  and   he   finds  (afterward  published  in  the  entire  work  of  1530) 

them  to  differ  in  a  way  that  no  mere  transla-  are  so  often  referred  to  by  the  author,  in   the 

tor  would  have  ventured  to  effect;  that  in  one  course  of  his  correspondence, that  we  are  bound 

instance  two   books  of    the    Decades   are   con-  to  accept  that  edition  as  the  genuine  work.     It 

densed  into  a  few  lines,  and  the  whole  worked  was  published  during  his  lifetime,  and  received 

over  as  an  author  only  could  do  it.     The  Ital-  his  imprimatur. 

ian   Summary  closes  at  the  end  of  the  ninth  2  The  figures  of  men  and  animals  on  the 

book  of  the  third  Decade.     He  thinks  that  Ra-  map  are  colored.     I  have  recently  received  from 

musio,   with   the   edition   of    1516  before    him,  my  friend  M.  Letort,  of   the  National   Library 

would  not  have  omitted  the  tenth  book.     Mr.  in   Paris,  a  more  particular  description  of   the 

Brevoort  therefore  is  led  to  believe  that  Mar-  legends   of  this  map  than    has   hitherto  been 

tyr  himself    rewrote    in    1515,  in    Italian,   the  published. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


21 


MDXLini.  annos,  tirada  por  grades  de  latitud  y  longitud  con  sus  vientos  como  carta  de 
marear,  imitando  en  parte  al  Ptolomeo,  y  en  parte  alos  modernos  descobridores,  asi  Espa- 
noles  como  Portugueses,  y  parte  por  su  padre,  y  por  el  descubierto,  por  donde,  podras 
nave.^ar  como  por  carta  de  marear,  teniendo  respecto  a  luariagion  que  haze  el  aguia,"  etc. 
("  Sebastian  Cabot,  captain  and  pilot-major  of  his  sacred  imperial  majesty,  the  emperor 
Don  Carlos,  the  fifth  of  this  name,  and  the  king  our  lord,  made  this  figure  extended  on  a 
plane  surface,  in  the  year  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  1544,  having  drawn  it 
by  degrees  of  latitude  and  longitude,  with  the  winds,  as  a  sailing  chart,  following  partly 
Ptolemy  and  partly  the  modern  discoveries,  Spanish  and  Portuguese,  and  partly  the  dis- 
covery made  by  his  father  and  himself :  by  it  you  may  sail  as  by  a  sea-chart,  having  regard 
to  the  variation  of  the  needle,"  etc.).  Then  follows  a  discussion  relating  to  the  variation  of 
the  magnetic  needle,  which  Cabot  claims  first  to  have  noticed.^ 

In  the  inscription.  No.  8,  which  treats  of  Newfoundland,  it  says :  "  This  country  was 
discovered  by  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  liis  son,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  MCCCCXCIV.  [1494]  on  the  24th  of  June,  in  the  morning,  which 
country  they  called  *primum  visam' ;  and  a  large  island  adjacent  to  it  they  named  the 
island  of  St.  John,  because  they  discovered  it  on  the  same  day."  ^ 

A  fac-simile  of  this  map  was  published  in  Paris  by  M.  Jomard,  in  Plate  XX.  of  his 
Monuments  de  la  Geographic  (begun  in  1842,  and  issued  during  several  years  following 
down  to  1862),  but  without  the  legends  on  its  sides,  which  unquestionably  belong  to  the 
map  itself ;  for  those  which,  on  account  of  their  length,  are  not  included  within  the  interior 
of  the  map,  are  attached  to  it  by  proper  references.  M.  Jomard  promised  a  separate  vol- 
ume of  "  texte  explicatif,"  but  death  prevented  the  accomplishment  of  his  purpose.^ 


1  It  is  supposed  that  a  new  edition  of  this 
map  was  published  in  1 549,  the  year  after  Sebastian 
Cabot  returned  to  England.  The  only  evidence 
of  this  is  contained  in  a  thick  duodecimo  volume 
first  published  in  1594,  at  Herborn,  in  Nassau, 
edited  by  Nathan  Chytraeus,  entitled  Variorum 
in  Europa  Itinertwi  Delicice,  —  a  work  consisting 
of  monumental  and  other  inscriptions,  antique 
legends,  and  curious  bits  of  antiquity  in  prose 
and  verse,  picked  up  by  the  diligent  compiler  in 
almost  every  country  in  Europe.  He  was  in 
England  in  1565;  and  apparently  at  Oxford  he 
saw  a  document,  "  a  geographical  table,"  under 
which  he  found  several  inscriptions  in  not  very 
elegant  Latin,  which  he  copied  and  printed  in 
his  volume,  filling  twenty-two  pages  of  the  book. 
They  are  wholly  in  Latin,  and  correspond  sub- 
stantially with  the  Latin  inscriptions  on  the 
Paris  map  described  above.  There  is  this 
difference.  The  inscriptions  here  are  but  nine- 
teen in  number,  whereas  on  the  Paris  map  there 
are  twenty-two,  five  of  them  in  Spanish  only. 
No.  xviii.,  of  Chytraeus,  is  in  the  body  only  of 
the  map,  and  in  Spanish ;  and  No.  xix.  appears 
only  in  Spanish.  In  Chytraeus  each  inscription 
has  a  title  prefixed,  wanting,  as  a  rule,  on  the 
Paris  map.  There  are  some  verbal  variations 
in  the  text,  owing  probably  to  the  contingencies 
of  transcription  and  of  printing.  In  the  legend, 
No.  xvii.,  which  has  the  title,  "  Inscriptio  sev 
titulus  Auctoris,"  the  date  1549  is  inserted  as 
the  year  in  which  the  map  to  which  the  inscrip- 
tions belonged  was  composed,  instead  of  1544, 
as  in  the  Paris  map. 


-2  I  copy  here  this  legend  entire,  in  the  orig- 
inal Spanish  as  on  the  Paris  map :  — 

"  No.  8.  Esta  tierra  fue  descubierta  por  loan  Caboto 
Veneciano,  y  Sebastian  Caboto  su  hijo,  anno  del  nascimiento 
denuestro  Saluador  lesu  Christo  de  M.CCCC.XCIIII.  a 
ueinte  y  quarto  de  Juniopor  la  mannana,  a  la  qual  pusieron 
nobre  prima  tierra  uista,  y  a  una  isla  grade  que  esta  par 
la  dha  tierra,  le  pusieron  nobre  sant  loan,  por  auer  sido 
descubierta  el  mismo  dia  lagente  della  andan  uestidos  de- 
pieles  de  animales,  usan  en  sus  guerras  arcos,  y  flechas, 
lancas,  y  dardos,  y  unas  porras  de  palo,  y  Hondas.  Es 
tierra  muy  steril,  ay  enella  muchos  orsos  plancos,  y  cieruos 
muy  grades  como  cauallos,  y  otras  muchas  animales,  y 
semeiantemete  ay  pescado  infinite,  sollos,  salmoes,  len- 
guados,  muy  grandes  de  uara  enlarge  y  otras  muchas  diver- 
sidades  de  pescados,  y  la  mayor  multitud  dellos  se  dizen 
baccallaos,  y  asi  mismo  ay  en  la  dha  tierra  Halcones  prietos 
como  cueruos  Aquillas,  Perdices,  Pardillas,  y  otras  muchas 
aues  de  diuersas  maneras" 

In  the  Latin  inscription  we  read  that  the  dis- 
covery was  made  "  hora  5,  sub  diluculo ;  "  that  is, 
at  the  hour  of  five,  at  daybreak.  The  ^Spanish 
simply  says  that  the  discovery  was  made  in  the 
morning. 

3  [We  give  reduced  a  part  of  the  North  Amer- 
ican coast.  Other  representations  will  be  found 
in  Stevens's  Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  pi.  4 ;  Kohl's 
Discovery  of  Maine,  p.  358 ;  Jurien  de  la  Gra- 
viere's  Les  Marins  dtc  XV'  et  du  XVI'  siecle, 
Paris,  1879,  with  an  essay  on  the  map,  —  papers 
originally  printed  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes, 
1876;  Nicholl's  Life  of  S.  Cabot,  but  inaccurate 
in  the  names ;  Hist.  Mag.,  March,  1868,  in  con- 
nection with  Mr.  Brevoort's  paper;  F.  Kidder's 
Discovery  of  North  America  by  John  Cabot ;  Bry- 
ant and  Gay's   United  States,  i.   193.      Also   in 


22 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  23 

If  this  map,  with  the  date  of  its  composition,  is  authentic,  it  is  the  first  time  the  name 
of  John  Cabot  has  been  introduced  to  our  notice  in  any  printed  document,  in  connection 
with  the  discovery  of  North  America.  Here  the  name  is  brought  in  jointly  with  that  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,  on  the  authority  apparently  of  Sebastian  himself.  He  is  said  to  be  the 
maker  of  the  map,  and  if  he  did  not  write  the  legends  on  its  sides  he  may  be  supposed  not 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  their  having  been  placed  there.  As  to  Legend  No.  8,  copied 
above,  who  but  Sebastian  Cabot  would  know  the  facts  embodied  in  it,  —  namely,  that  the 
discovery  was  made  by  both  the  father  and  the  son,  on  the  24th  of  June,  about  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning;  that  the  land  was  c2L\\ed prima  vista,  or  its  equivalent,  and  that  the  island 
near  by  was  called  St.  John,  as  the  discovery  was  made  on  St.  John's  Day?  Whether  or 
not  Sebastian  Cabot's  statement  is  to  be  implicitly  relied  on,  in  associating  his  own  name 
with  his  father's  in  the  voyage  of  discovery,  in  view  of  the  evidence  which  has  recently 
come  to  light,  the  legend  itself  must  have  proceeded  from  him.  Some  additional  informa- 
tion in  the  latter  part  of  the  inscription,  relating  to  the  native  inhabitants,  and  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  country,  may  have  been  gathered  in  the  voyage  of  the  following  year. 
Sebastian  Cabot,  without  doubt,  was  in  possession  of  his  father's  maps,  on  which  would  be 
inscribed  by  John  Cabot  himself  the  day  on  which  the  discovery  was  made. 

Whatever  opinions,  therefore,  historical  scholars  may  entertain  as  to  Sebastian  Cabot's 
connection  with  this  map  in  its  present  form,  or  with  the  inscriptions  upon  it  as  a  whole, 
all  must  admit  that  the  statements  embodied  in  No.  8,  and,  it  may  be  added,  in  No.  17, 
could  have  been  communicated  by  no  one  but  Sebastian  Cabot  himself.  The  only  alterna- 
tive is  that  they  are  a  base  fabrication  by  a  stranger.  Moreover,  this  very  map  itself,  or  a 
map  with  these  legends  upon  it,  as  we  shall  see  farther  on,  was  in  the  possession  of  Richard 
Eden,  or  was  accessible  to  him ;  and  one  of  its  long  inscriptions  was  translated  into  Eng- 
h'sh,  and  printed  in  his  Decades,  in  1555,  as  from  "  Cabot's  own  card," —  and  this  at  a  time 
when  Cabot  was  living  in  London,  and  apparently  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Eden.  Le- 
gend No.  8  contains  an  important  statement  which  is  confirmed  by  evidence  recently  come 
to  light,  namely,  the  fact  of  John  Cabot's  agency  in  the  discovery  of  North  America  ;  and, 
although  the  name  of  the  son  is  here  associated  with  the  father,  it  is  a  positive  relief  to  find 
an  acknowledgment  from  Sebastian  himself  of  a  truth  tliat  was  to  receive,  before  the  close 
of  the  century,  important  support  from  the  publication  of  the  Letters  Patent  from  the 
archives  of  the  State.  And  this  should  serve  to  modify  our  estimate  of  the  authenticity  of 
reports  purporting  to  come  from  Sebastian,  in  which  the  father  is  wholly  ignored,  and  the 
son  alone  is  represented  as  the  hero.  The  long  inscription.  No.  17,  contains  an  honorable 
mention  of  his  father,  as  we  have  already  seen  ;  and  in  the  Latin  duplicate,  the  language 
in  the  passage  which  I  have  given  in  English  will  be  seen  to  be  even  more  emphatic  than 
is  expressed  in  the  Spanish  text.  Indeed,  in  several  instances  in  the  Latin,  though  gener- 
ally following  the  Spanish,  so  far  as  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  observing,  there  are 
some  statements  of  fact  not  to  be  found  in  the  Spanish. ^     The  passage  already  cited  con- 

Augusto  Zeri's  Giovanni  e.  Sebastiano  Caboto,  Es-  before,  takes  with  him  to  show  to  your  Majesty  two  figures 

tratto   dalla   Rivista   Marittima,  Marzo,  Roma,  ^'\^'^h  ^''^^  ""  '"^PPe  '"""^e  &\^\A^^  by  the  equator,  from 

00  TM  1     1        r  ii  •        •  u    i.  which  your  Majesty  can  see  the  causes  of  the  variation  of  the 

1881.     1  he  whole  of  the  map  IS  given,  but  on  a  „        j .,  u    •.  .  •       . 

^         ^  '  needle,  and  the  reasons  why  it  moves  at  one  time  towards 

much  reduced  scale,  in  Judge  Daly's  Early  His-  the  north,  at  another  towards  the  south  pole;  the  second 

tory  of  Cartograpliy,  N.  Y.,  1879.  —  Ed.]  figure  shows  how  to  take  the  longitude  on  whatever  parallel 

1   The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  Sebas-  a  man  happens  to  be.     The  results  of  both  these  the  said 

tian   Cabot    to    the    Emperor    Charles   V.,   dated  f;  ^leU.  will  relate  to  your  Majesty  as  I  have  here  instructed 

^         ,         ^_  ,         .  ,  .  him  fully  about  them,  and  as  he  is  himself  skilled  in  the 

London,  Nov.  15,  1554,  speaks  of  a  sea-chart  m-  ^^^  ^f  navigation,     in  regard  to  the  sea-chart  (?)  which  the 

tended   for   his   Majesty,   and  refers  also   to    the  said   F.  de  U.  has,  I  have  written  to  your  Majesty  before 

subject  of  the  variation  of  the  needle,  which  inter-  about  it,  that  it  is  of  importance  to  your  service,  and  also 

ested  Cabot  in  an  especial  manner  :  —  t''^^«  written]  about  a  relation  in  my  own  handwriting  to 

Juan  Esquefe,  your  ambassador,  to  send  it  to  your  Majesty. 

•'With  respect  to  laying  down  the  position  of  the  coast  From  what  I  am  told,  it  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Secretary 

of  Guinea  conformably  with  the  variation  made  by  the  nee-  Eraso.     To  it  I  refer  you,  and  I  assert  that  the  chart  will 

die  with  the  pole,  if  the  King  of  Portugal  falls  into  an  error,  be  of  great  service  in  reference  to  the  division  line  agreed 

I  give  your  Majesty  a  remedy.  upon  between  the  royal  crown  of  Spain  and  Portugal  for  the 

"  The  same  Francisco  de  Urista,  whom  I  have  named  reasons  set  forth  in  my  relation. 


^4  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

eludes  thus  in  the  Latin :  "  And  also  from  the  experience  and  practice  of  long  sea-service 
of  the  most  excellent  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian  by  nation,  and  of  my  author  [the  map  is  here 
made  to  speak  for  itself]  Sebastian  his  son,  the  most  learned  of  all  men  in  knowledge  of 
the  stars  and  the  art  of  navigation,  who  have  discovered  a  certain  part  of  the  globe  for 
a  long  time  hidden  from  our  people."  ^ 

Though  we  are  not  quite  willing  to  believe  that  Sebastian  Cabot  wrote  the  eulogy  of 
himself  contained  in  this  passage,  yet  who  but  he  could  have  known  of  those  facts  concern- 
ing his  father,  who,  we  suppose,  had  been  dead  some  fifty  years  before  this  map  was 
composed  ? 

The  map  itself,  as  a  work  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  is  unsatisfactory,  and  many  of  the 
legends  on  its  sides  are  also  unworthy  of  its  alleged  author.  It  brought  forward  for 
the  first  time,  in  Legend  8,  the  year  1494  as  the  year  of  the  discovery  of  North  America, 
which  the  late  M.  D'Avezac  accepted,  but  which  I  cannot  but  think  from  undoubted 
evidence,  to  be  adduced  farther  on,  is  wrong.  The  "terram  primum  visam"  of  the  legend 
is  inscribed  on  the  northern  part  of  Cape  Breton,  and  there  would  seem  to  be  no  good 
reason  for  not  accepting  this  point  on  the  coast  as  Cabot's  landfall.  The  "y  de  s.  Juan," 
the  present  Prince  Edward  Island,  is  laid  down  on  the  map  ;  and  although  Dr.  Kohl  thinks 
that  the  name  was  given  by  the  French,  and  that  Cabot  may  have  taken  it,  not  from  his 
own  survey,  but  from  the  French  maps,  I  have  seen  no  evidence  of  the  application  of  the 
name  on  any  map  before  this  of  Cabot.  Cartier  gave  the  name  "Sainct  Jean"  to  a  cape 
op  the  west  coast  of  Newfoundland,  in  1534,  discovered  also  on  St.  John's  Day;  but  this 
fact  was  not  known,  in  print  at  least,  till  1556,  when  the  account  of  his  first  voyage  was 
published  in  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio. 

We  find  no  strictly  contemporaneous  reference  to  this  map,  or  evidence  that  it  exerted 
any  influence  on  opinions  respecting  the  first  two  voyages  of  the  Cabots ;  and  the  name  of 
John  Cabot  again  sinks  out  of  sight.  Dr.  Kohl  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  au- 
thor of  this  map  has  copied  the  coast  line  of  the  northern  shore  largely  from  Ribero. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  inscription  No.  8,.  on  Cabot's  map,  has  since  its  republication 
by  Hakluyt,  with  an  English  version  by  him,  in  1589,  been  regarded  as  containing  the  most 
definite  and  satisfactory  statement  which  had  appeared  as  to  the  discovery  of  North  Amer- 
ica, the  date  as  to  the  year  having  been  subjected  to  some  interesting  criticisms,  to  be 
referred  to  farther  on. 

In  the  year  1550  Ramusio  issued  at  Venice  the  first  volume  of  his  celebrated  collection 
of  voyages  and  travels  in  Italian,  entitled,  Delle  Ahivigationi  et  Viaggi^  etc.  This  con- 
tained, in  a  discourse  on  spices,  etc.,  the  well-known  report  of  a  conversation  at  the  villa 
of  Hieronymo  Fracastor,  at  Caphi,  near  Verona,  in  which  the  principal  speaker,  a  most 
profound  philosopher  and  mathematician,  incidentally  relates  an  interview  which  he  had, 
some  years  before,  with  Sebastian  Cabot  at  Seville.  Ramusio,  who  was  present,  and  tells 
the  story  himself,  says  he  does  not  pretend  to  give  the  conversation  precisely  as  he  heard 
it,  for  that  would  require  a  talent  beyond  his  ;  but  he  would  try  and  give  briefly  what  he 
could  recollect  of  it.  The  substance  of  Cabot's  story  as  related,  much  abridged  by  me, 
is  this  :  — 

•'  \  beg  you  to  receive  my  good  will,  etc.    (Would  come     review  of  the  whole  question  in  the  Archcvologia, 

in  person  but  am  ill,  etc.)."  ,.••      -    .^    •      -.^^^ 

xlni.  17-42,  in  1570. 

(CV/.  de  Doc.  Ined.  Madrid,  1843,  iii.  512.)     An-  [Reference  may  also  be  made  to  D'Avezac's 

dr^s  Garcia  de  Cespedes,  in  his  Regimiento  de  paper  in  the  Bidletin  de  la  Societe  de  Geographies 

Navigation,  etc.,  1606,  speaking  of  the  longitude,  4th  ser.,  iv.  266;  Asher's  appendix  to  his  Henry 

p.  137,  probably  alludes  to  this  very  map :    "  Se-  Hudson,  p.  260 ;  and  papers  by  Mr.  Deane  himself 

bastian   Cabott   de    nacion    Ingles,   Piloto   bien  m  Atner.  Antiq.  Soc.  Fj-oc.,  A-^x\\,i'&6j,  Historical 

conocido,  in   un  Mapa  que  die  al  Key  de  Gas-  Magazine,  November,  1866,  p.  353;  and  his  note 

tilla,"  etc.  in  Hakluyt's  Westerne  Planting,  p.  225.    Cf.  also 

^  Cf.  the  learned  dissertations  on  this  map,  Kohl's  Descriptive  Catalogue  of  those  Maps  relat- 

by  Dr.  Kohl   and   M.   D'Avezac,  in  Doc.  Hist,  ing  to  America,  mentioned  in   Hakluyfs   Third 

of  Maine y  i.  358-77,  506,  507;  and  Mr.  Major's  Volume,  p.  ii.  — Ed.] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  25 

Sebastian  Cabot's  father  took  him  from  Venice  to  London  when  he  was  very  young, 
yet  having  some  knowledge  of  the  htunanities,  and  of  the  sphere.  His  father  died  at 
the  time  when  the  news  was  brought  of  the  discovery  of  Columbus,  which  caused  a 
great  talk  at  the  court  of  Henry  VII.,  and  which  created  a  great  desire  in  him  (Cabot)  to 
attempt  some  great  thing ;  and  understanding,  by  reason  of  the  sphere,  that  if  he  should- 
sail  by  the  northwest  he  would  come  to  India  by  a  shorter  route,  he  caused  the  king  to  be 
informed  of  his  idea,  and  the  king  immediately  furnished  him  with  two  small  ships,  and  all 
things  necessary  for  the  voyage,  which  was  in  the  year  1496,  in  the  beginning  of  summer. 
He  therefore  began  to  sail  to  the  northwest,  expecting  to  go  to  Cathay,  and  from  thence  to 
turn  towards  India,  but  found  after  some  days,  to  his  displeasure,  that  the  land  ran  towards 
the  north.  He  still  proceeded  hoping  to  find  the  passage,  but  found  the  land  still  continent 
to  the  56th  degree  ;  and  seeing  there  that  the  coast  turned  toward  the  east,  he,  in  despair  of 
finding  the  passage,  turned  back  and  sailed  down  the  coast  toward  the  equinoctial,  ever 
hoping  to  find  the  passage,  and  came  as  far  south  as  Florida,  when,  his  provisions  failing, 
he  returned  to  England,  where  he  found  great  tumults  among  the  people,  and  wars  in 
Scotland. 

The  volumes  of  Ramusio  became  justly  celebrated  throughout  the  literary  centres  of 
Europe,  and  the  publication  of  the  account  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  discovery  in  the  first 
volume  attracted  the  attention  of  scholars  in  England.  It  will  be  noticed  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  here,  as  well  as  in  the  account  in  Peter  Martyr,  is  said  to  have  been  born  in  Venice, 
and  taken  to  England  while  yet  very  young ;  yet  not  so  young  but  that  he  had  acquired 
some  knowledge  of  letters,  and  of  the  sphere.  He  speaks  here  of  the  death  of  his  father  as 
occurring  before  the  voyage  of  discovery  was  entered  upon,  for  which  he  had  two  small 
ships  furnished  him  by  the  king.  He  says  that  this  was  in  the  year  1496  ;  yet  he  speaks  of 
events  occurring  in  England  on  his  return,  — great  tumults  among  the  people,  and  wars  in 
Scotland,  —  which  point  to  the  year  1497.  The  latitude  he  reached  "under  our  pole"  was 
56  degrees  ;  and,  despairing  to  find  the  passage  to  India,  he  turned  back  again,  sailed  down 
the  coast,  "and  came  to  that  part  of  this  firm  land  we  now  call  Florida."  ^  Many  incidents 
here  described  could  not  have  occurred  on  the  voyage  of  discovery,  as  we  shall  see 
farther  on. 

We  do  not  know  the  precise  year  in  which  the  interview  at  Seville  between  this  learned 
man  and  Sebastian  Cabot  was  held,  but  have  given  some  reasons  below  for  believing  that 
it  took  place  about  ten  years  before  it  was  printed  by  Ramusio.^ 

1  The    geographical    designation    here    em-  ment  is  that  "  he  sailed  down  the  coast  by  that 

ployed  has  been  thought  by  some  to  be  very  in-  land  toward  the  equinoctial,  and  came  to  that 

definite,  inasmuch  as  the  Spaniards,  who  discov-  part  of  this  firm  land  which  is  now  called  Flo- 

ered  Florida,  subsequently  gave  that  name  to  rida."    Of  course  the  point  which  he  reached  is 

the  whole  country  northward  and  westward  of  very  indefinite.     Peter  Martyr  had  said,  thirty- 

the  territory  now  bearing  that  name ;  but  it  must  five  years  before,  that  Cabot  told  him  that  he 

be  remembered  that  that  designation  was  not  ac-  went  south  almost  to  the  latitude  of  the  strait  of 

cepted  by  geographers  of  other  nations.     After  Gibraltar,  which  is  in  36°  N.     Nobody  knows 

the  voyages  of  Verrazano  and  Cartier  the  name  whether  these  two  accounts  relate  to  the  same 

"  La  Nouvelle  France  "  was  applied  by  French  voyage.     That  to  which  the  conversation  refers 

geographers  to  the  territory  as  far  down  as  40°  is  assumed  by  the  narrator  to  be  the  voyage  of  dis- 

N.,   and  the   name   was   sometimes  applied  to  covery.    Indeed,  for  two  hundred  years  and  more 

the  whole  of  North  America.     The  maps  of  the  there   was   no  suspicion  that  a  voyage  by  the 

Italian  geographer,  Gastaldi,  who   made   maps  Cabots  followed  immediately  the  voyage  of  dis- 

for  Ramusio's  third  volume,  and  of  Ruscelli,  his  covery ;  though  some  incidents  are  related  which 

pupil,  confined  Florida  to  more  southern  limits;  may  have  taken  place  in  a  subsequent  voyage, 

and  so  did  Sebastian  Cabot  himself,  if  the  map  and  others  which  never  took  place  at  all.     Mod- 

of  1544  was  made  by  him.     Indeed,  in  the  con-  ern  critics,  who  accept  the  above  story  as  to  the 

versation  of  these  Italian  savans  at  the  house  of  latitude  reached  at  the  south,  generally  agree  that 

Fracastor,  that  geographical  status  was  assumed  ;  it  was  only  on  the  second  voyage  that  this  was 

that  is  to  say,  the  country  of  Cabot's  landfall,  accomplished. 

and  the  land  by  which  he  sailed  north  and  south,  '-^  The  conversation  at  Caphi,  at  the  house  of 

was  not  understood  to  be  Florida,  for  the  state-  Fracastor,  who  was  a  friend  of  Ramusio,  took 
VOL.    III. — 4. 


26  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

I  might  mention  here  another  reference  to  Cabot,  in  Ramusio's  third  volume,  1556, 
though  of  a  little  later  date.  In  a  prefatory  dedication  to  his  excellent  friend  Hieronimo 
Fracastor,!  at  whose  house  the  conversation  related  in  Ramusio's  first  volume  took  place, 
Ramusio  under  date  of  June  20,  1553,  says  that  "  Sebastian  Cabot  our  countryman,  a  Ven- 
etian," wrote  to  him  many  years  ago  that  he  sailed  along  and  beyond  this  land  of  New 
France,  at  the  charges  of  Henry  VII.  King  of  England;  that  he  sailed  a  long  time  west 
and  by  north  into  the  latitude  of  67^^  degrees,  and  on  the  nth  of  June,  finding  still  the  sea 
open,  he  expected  to  have  gone  on  to  Cathay,  and  would  have  gone,  if  the  mutiny  of  the 
shipmaster  and  mariners  had  not  hindered  him  and  made  him  return  homewards  from 
that  place. -^ 

I  have  already  briefly  referred  to  this  letter,  in  speaking  of  the  alleged  voyage  of  1516- 
17,  contended  for  by  Biddle  (pp.  1 17-19),  on  which  occasion  he  thinks  Cabot  entered  Hud- 
son Bay.  This  passage  in  Ramusio  is  mentioned  twenty  years  later  by  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  in  his  tract,  as  we  shall  see  farther  on,  principally  on  account  of  the  high  degree  of 
northern  latitude  reached,  6y}4°,  and  where  the  sea  was  found  still  open.^  As  this  is  the 
only  account  of  a  voyage  which  describes  so  high  an  elevation  reached,  and  an  imme- 
diate return  thence  by  reason  of  mutiny,  some  have  supposed  that  the  incidents  described 
must  have  occurred  on  a  third  voyage,  in  company  with  Sir  Thomas  Pert.  On  Cabot's 
map  of  1544  there  is  inscribed  a  coast  line  trending  westward,  terminating  at  the  degree  of 
latitude  named. 

In  1552  Gomara's  Historia  General  de  las  Indias  was  published  at  Saragossa  in  Spain. 
In  cap.  xxxix.,  under  the  head  of"  Los  Baccalaos,"  he  says  :  — 

"  Sebastian  Cabot  was  the  first  that  brought  any  knowledge  of  this  land,  for  being  in  England  in 
the  days  of  King  Henry  VIL  he  furnished  two  ships  at  his  own  charges,  or  (as  some  say)  at  the 
King's,  whom  he  persuaded  that  a  passage  might  be  found  to  Cathay  by  the  North  Seas.  .  .  .  He 
went  also  to  know  what  manner  of  lands  those  Indies  were  to  inhabit.     He  had  with  him  three 

place  a  short  time  only  before  its  publication,  perhaps  he  did  not  observe,  that  Hakluyt  got 

Ramusio  says,  in  his  report,  "  a  few  months  ago."  the  name  from  Eden  [Decades,/.  252,  verso),  who 

We  do  not  know  precisely  when  he  wrote  his  re-  made  the  original  blunder.     Martyr,  in  the  be- 

port,  but  there  is  a  reference  in  it  to  a  book  of  ginning  of  his  second  Decade,  written  in  151 5, 

Jacob  Tevius,  published  in   1 548.     As    I  have  speaks  of  knowing  Butrigarius  of  Bologna,  when 

said  above,  we  do  not  know  the  year  of  the  in-  the  latter  was  of  the  Pope's  embassy  in  Spain  ; 

terview  with   Cabot  at  Seville.     The    narrator  and  I  find  that  he  died  in  1518,  in  the  forty-third 

says  that  it  was  "some  years  ago,"  and  I  should  year  of  his  age  (see  Zedler's  Universal  Lexilcoji, 

infer  that  it  was  some  years  after  Cabot's  return  v.  4,  Halle,  1733).     M.  D'Avezac  had  noted,  as 

in  August,  1 530,  from  the  La  Plata  expedition,  to  early  as  1869,  that  Butrigarius  had  died  thirty 

which  Cabot  in  the  interview  refers.     He  also  years  before  the  conversation  took  place  at  the 

mentions  that  he  is  growing  old,  and  retiring  house  of  Fracastor,  and  also  that  the  editor  of 

from  active  duties.     In  1540  he  would  probably  Ramusio,  Tomaso  Giunti,  had  added  the  word 

have  been  approaching  seventy  years  of  age,  and  Mantuan   to   this    anonymous   person's    name; 

this  date  may  safely  be  assumed  as  not  far  from  and  now,  through  the  researches  instituted  by 

the  time  when  the  conversation  took  place.     M.  Charles  Bullo  and  by  the  mediation  of  the  super- 

D'Avezac,  in  Revue  Crit.,  v.  265,  gives  1544  or  intendent  of  the  archives  of  the  state  at  Venice, 

1545  as  the  probable  date.  it   is    ascertained    that    this    unknown     person 

To   the   publication  of    this  report  relating  was  Gian  Giacomo  Bardolo,  of  Mantua.      See 

to  Cabot,  Hakluyt,  in  1589,  prefixed  the  name  Intorno    a    Giovanni    Cahoto,   etc.,   by    Cornelio 

of   Galeacius  Butrigarius,  the  Pope's  legate  in  Desimoni,    Genova,    1881,   pp.   26,    27  ;  also,  in 

Spain,   as    the    distinguished    person    who    re-  Atti,   vol.  xv.,  of   the    Societa   ligure   di   storia 

ported  the  conversation  with  Cabot;  and  ever  patria. 

since  that  time,  down  to  the  publication  of  Bid-  1  Fracastor  died  Aug.  8,  1553,  over  seventy 
die's  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  183 r,  the  years  of  age.  He  was  a  maker  of  globes.  Hum- 
statement  passed  without  question.  Biddle,  who  phrey  Gilbert  says  that  he  was  a  traveller  in  the 
regarded  the  matter  as  of  little  moment,  said  northern  parts  of  America.  (Kohl,  p.  229 ;  Hak- 
there   was  no    authority  for  that  name  in    Ra-  luyl,  1589,  p.  602). 

music,  who   says  himself  that   he  withholds   it  2  Ramusio,  ii.  4;  Hakluyt,  1589,  p.  513. 

from  motives  of  delicacy ;  but  Biddle  did  not  say,  »  Hakluvt,  1 589,  p.  602. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  2/ 

hundred  men,  and  directed  his  course  by  the  track  of  Iceland,  upon  the  Cape  of  Labrador,  at  fifty- 
eight  degrees  (though  he  himself  says  much  more),  affirming  that  in  the  month  of  July  there  was 
such  cold  and  heaps  of  ice  that  he  durst  pass  no  further ;  that  the  days  were,  very  long  and  in 
manner  without  night,  and  the  nights  very  clear.  Certain  it  is  that  at  sixty  degrees  the  longest 
day  is  of  i8  hours.  But  considering  the  cold  and  the  strangeness  of  the  unknown  land,  he  turned 
his  course  from  thence  to  the  west,  refreshing  themselves  at  Baccalaos  ;  and  following  the  coast  of 
the  land  unto  the  38th  degree,  he  returned  to  England."  1 

Francis  Lopez  Gomara  was  among  the  most  distinguished  of  the  historical  writers  of 
Spain,  In  his  History  of  the  Indies  his  purpose  was  to  give  a  brief  view  of  the  whole 
range  of  Spanish  conquest  in  the  islands  and  on  the  American  continent,  as  far  down 
as  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.  He  must  have  known  Cabot  in  Seville,  and 
might  have  informed  himself  as  to  his  early  maritime  enterprises,  but  he  seems  to  have 
neglected  his  opportunity.  His  book  was  published  after  Cabot  had  returned  to  England. 
On  one  point  in  the  above  brief  account,  namely,  as  to  whether  the  ships  were  furnished 
at  the  charge  of  Cabot,  he  speaks  doubtfully.  Peter  Martyr  had  said  that  Cabot  furnished 
two  ships  at  his  own  charge,  while  Ramusio,  in  the  celebrated  Discorso,  makes  Cabot  say 
that  the  king  furnished  them.  As  usual  but  one  voyage  is  spoken  of;  and  Sebastian  Cabot 
is  the  only  commander,  and  is  called  a  Venetian.  His  statement  contains  little  new,  and 
is  principally  a  repetition  of  Peter  Martyr.  There  is  added  the  statement  that  the  expedi- 
tion, on  returning  from  the  northern  coasting,  "refreshed  at  Baccalaos."  The  degrees 
given,  as  to  the  latitude  and  longitude  reached  in  sailing  both  north  and  south,  appear  to  be 
an  inference  from  Martyr  and  Ramusio.  The  incidents  here  related  of  course  refer  to  the 
second  voyage.  Gomara,  in  his  history,  has  other  notices  of  Cabot  during  his  residence 
in  Spain  at  a  later  period,  in  connection  with  his  account  of  the  junta  at  Badajos,  and  the 
expedition  to  the  La  Plata. 

In  1553  Richard  Eden,  the  first  English  collector  of  voyages  and  travels,  published  in 
London  a  translation  "out  of  Latin  into  English"  of  the  fifth  book  of  the  Universal  Cosmog- 
raphiaoi  Sebastian  Miinster,  entithng  it  A  Treatise  of  the  Newe  India,^  etc.  In  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  book  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  who  had  been  Lord  High  Admiral  of 
England  under  Henry  VIII.,  Eden  says,  incidentally,  that  "King  Henry  VIII.  about  the 
same  year  of  his  reign  \i.  e.  between  April  15 16  and  April  15 17],  furnished  and  sent  forth 
certain  ships  under  the  gouvernance  of  Sebastian  Cabot  yet  living,  and  one  Sir  Thomas 
Pert,  whose  faint  heart  was  the  cause  that  the  voyage  took  none  effect ;  "  and  that  if 
manly  courage  "  had  not  at  that  time  been  wanting,  it  might  happily  have  come  to  pass  that 
that  rich  treasure  called  Perularia,  which  is  now  in  Spain  in  the  city  of  Sivil,  and  so  named 
for  that  in  it  is  kept  the  infinite  riches  brought  hither  from  the  new-found-land  of  Peru, 
might  long  since  have  been  in  the  Tower  of  London,  to  the  king's  great  honor  and  wealth 
of  this  his  realm." 

I  find  no  notice  taken  of  this  statement  of  Eden,  at  the  time,  and  it  is  only  when  we 
come  down  to  the  publication  of  Hakluyt's  folio,  in  1589,  that  we  see  an  attempt  made  to 
attach  some  importance  to  it.     Although  deviating  a  little  from  the  chronological  order  of 

1  Eden's  Decades,  fol.  318,  corrected  by  the  six   editions    in    twenty   years    (1556  to    1576). 

original.      [The   first   edition  of   Gomara   is   a  Sabin  says  eighteen  in  that  interval,  but  I  fail  to 

rare  book,  and  a  copy  has  been  lately  priced  by  find  them.    There  was  a  seventh  near  the  end  of 

Quaritch  at  ;^36.    It  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most  the  century  ( 1 599).     In  1 568  or  1 569  there  seem 

popular  of  all  the  books  of  that  century  on  the  to  have  been  three  issues  of  the  first   French 

New  World ;  and,  as  we  count,  including  varieties  translation,  and  six  others  followed,  from  1577 

of  titles,  there  were  more  than  a  score  of  edi-  to  1597.     These  statements  are  based  chiefly  on 

tions  in  fifty  years,  so  that  his  statements  became  the  lists  of  editions  given  in  Sabin,  vii.  306  (said 

widely  known.    There  were  seven  such  issues  in  to  have  been  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Brevoort) ;  in  the 

Spanish,  either  in  Spain  or  in  Flanders,  in  two  Carter-Brown    Catalogue,   i.    169;   and  Leclerc's 

years,  when  the  demand  for  it  seems  to  have  Bibliotheca  Americana,  ^o.  143.  —  Ed.] 

failed  in  its  original  tongue,  and  was  transferred  "^  [See  a  later  Editorial  note  on  "  The  earliest 

to  Italy,  where  at  Rome  and  Venice  there  were  English  publications  on  America."  —  Ed.] 


28  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

this  narrative,  I  propose  here  to  bring  together  what  I  may  have  to  say  concerning  this 
voyage. 

Dr.  Kohn  very  properly  says  that  this  incidental  remark  of  Eden  is  all  the  original 
evidence  we  have  on  this  so-called  expedition  of  Cabot  in  1 516,  to  which  some  modern 
writers  attach  great  importance,  and  by  which  great  discoveries  are  said  to  have  been 
made  under  Henry  VIII.  Hakluyt,  in  his  folio  of  1589,  p.  515,  copies  the  language  of 
Eden  cited  above,  and  also  an  abstract  from  a  spurious  Italian  version  of  Oviedo,  in  Ramu- 
sio's  collections,  in  which  that  writer  is  made  to  say  that  a  Spanish  vessel  in  the  year  1517 
fell  in  with  an  English  rover  at  the  islands  of  St.  Domingo  and  St.  John's  in  the  West 
Indies,  on  their  way  from  Brazil ;  and  concludes  that  this  English  rover  could  be  none 
other  than  the  vessel  of  Cabot  and  Pert.  But  Richard  Biddle,-^  nearly  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years  after  Hakluyt  wrote  this  opinion,  exploded  this  theory  by  showing  that  Oviedo, 
in  his  genuine  work,  really  gave  1527  as  the  date  of  the  meeting  of  the  English  vessel,  as 
narrated.  Biddle,  however,  still  had  faith  in  Eden's  statement  that  an  expedition  sailed 
from  England  in  the  year  indicated,  commanded  by  Cabot  and  Pert,  but  held  that  it  took 
a  northwesterly  direction,  and  that  it  was  on  this  expedition  that  Cabot  entered  Hudson 
Bay,  and  reached  the  high  latitude  of  67^  N.  as  mentioned  by  him  in  a  letter  to  Ramu- 
sio;3  in  which  letter  Cabot  says  that  "  on  the  i  ith  of  June,  finding  still  the  open  sea  without 
any  manner  of  impediment,  he  thought  verily  by  that  way  to  have  passed  on  still  the  way 
to  Cathay,  which  is  in  the  east,  ...  if  the  mutiny  of  the  shipmaster  and  mariners  had  not 
hindered  him,  and  made  him  to  return  homewards  from  that  place."  Biddle  saw  a  parallel 
in  the  language  of  Eden  as  to  the  "faint  heart"  of  Pert,  and  in  that  of  Cabot  as  to  the  "mu- 
tiny of  the  shipmaster  and  mariners  ;  "  not  forgetting  also  similar  language  in  a  letter  written 
by  Robert  Thorne  to  Doctor  Ley,  in  1527,  relating  to  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  west, 
in  which  Thome's  father  and  another  merchant  of  Bristol,  Hugh  Eliot,  were  participants 
—  which  voyage,  Mr.  Biddle  says,  was  in  1517  —  that,  "  if  the  mariners  would  then  have 
been  ruled  and  followed  their  pilots'  mind,  the  lands  of  the  West  Indies,  from  whence  all 
the  gold  cometh,  had  been  ours."*  Mr.  Biddle  forgets  that  in  the  letter  of  Cabot  to 
Ramusio,  cited  above,  the  writer  says  that  the  voyage  of  which  he  is  here  speaking  was 
made  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  who  died  in  1509,  seven  or  eight  years  before  the  date 
which  Biddle  assigns  to  the  alleged  Cabot  and  Pert  voyage. 

Dr.  Kohl,  who  has  very  learnedly  and  at  great  length  examined  the  claims  for  this 
voyage  of  1516-17,^  has  little  confidence  that  any  such  expedition  actually  sailed.  Eden 
says  the  voyage  "took  none  effect,"  which  may  mean  that  the  expedition  never  sailed.  It 
seems  also  very  improbable  that  Cabot,  so  recently  domiciled  in  Spain,  where  he  was 
occupying  an  honorable  position,  should  leave  it  all  now  and  re-enter  the  service  of  Eng- 
land, by  whose  Government  he  had  apparently  for  so  many  years  been  neglected.  No  Eng- 
lish or  Spanish  writer  mentions  his  leaving  Spain  at  this  time.^ 

1  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine ^  i.  206.  Pert,    or    Spert,   against   whom   the    charge   of 

2  Mem.  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  110-119.  "faint  heart"  is  alleged  by  Eden,  is  mentioned 
8  Vol.  iii.  p.  4,  1556.  in  vol.  i.  of  Letters  and  Papers  Foreign  and  Do- 
"*  Divers  Voyages,  Hakluyt  Soc.,  pp.  50,  51.  mestic,  IleJtry  VIII.,  151 2,  c.  1514,  as  master  of 
^  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine,  \.  208-210.  the  "  Mary  Rose,"  and  of  the  "  Great  Harry."  In 
^  Mr.  Brevoort  has  submitted  some  notes  to  15 14  he  is  pensioned,  and  in  1517  is  placed  on 

my   attention,  on   this  voyage.      Rejecting  the  shore  duty.     There  is  no  report  of  him  in  1 516, 

year    1516-17    as   impracticable,   he   adopts   an  but   as  he  was  a  veteran  in   1514  it  is   hardly 

earlier  date,  before  Cabot  had  left  England,  and  probable  that  he  would  have  been  on  a  voyage 

finds  some  authority  for  it  in  a  book  of  George  of  discovery  in  1516.     He  is  usually  mentioned 

Beste,  London,   1578,  on  the  three  voyages  of  as  Thomas  Spert;  only  once  is  he  called  Pert. 

Frobisher,   hereafter   to    be    mentioned.      The  As  evidence  that  an  expedition  left  England  on 

writer  there  gives  1508  as  the  year  of  Sebastian  a  voyage  of  discovery  some  time  during  the  last 

Cabot's  discovery  of  North  America,  probably  years  of  Henry  VII.,  or  during  the  early  years 

never   having   heard  of   any   previous  voyages,  of  his  successor,  the  Interlude  of  the  Four  Ele- 

Mr.  Brevoort  thinks  he  had  authority  for  a  voy-  metits,  of  uncertain   date,  but  probably  written 

age  of  Cabot  about  the  year  named.     Thomas  before  15 19,  cited  above,  is  adduced  as  showing 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  29 

In  1555  there  appeared  in  London  the  first  collection  in  English  of  the  "results  of 
that  spirit  of  maritime  enterprise  which  had  been  everywhere  awakened  by  the  discovery 
of  America."  The  book  was  edited  by  Richard  Eden, — just  mentioned  as  the  translator 
of  the  fifth  book  of  Munster,  in  1553,  —  and  consisted  of  translations  from  foreign  writers, 
principally  Latin,  Spanish,  and  Italian,  of  travels  by  sea  and  land,  largely  relating  to  discov- 
eries in  the  New  World.  The  book  was  entided,  The  Decades  of  the  Newe  Worlde  or  West 
India^  etc.,  inasmuch  as  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  folios  out  of  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
four,  which  the  book  contains,  consist  of  the  first  three  Decades  of  Peter  Martyr,  and  an 
epitome  of  the  fourth  Decade  first  issued  at  Basle,  in  1521.  Then  follow  abstracts  of  Oviedo, 
Gomara,  Ramusio,  Ziegler,  Pigafeta,  Munster,  Bastaldus,  Vespucius,  and  several  others. 
Some  of  the  voyages  are  original  and  were  drawn  up  by  Eden's  own  hand.  It  is  a  very 
desirable  book  to  possess ;  and  though  Eden  was  a  clumsy  editor,  not  always  correct  in 
his  translations,  and  did  not  always  make  it  clear  whether  he  or  his  author  was  speaking, 
we  are  grateful  to  him  for  the  book.  An  enthusiastic  tribute  is  paid  to  Eden  and  his 
book  by  Richard  Biddle,i  who  sets  him  off  by  an  invidious  comparison  with  Richard  Hak- 
luyt,  whom  he  studiously  depreciates.  Eden  was  apparently  a  devoted  Catholic,  and  was 
a  spectator  of  the  public  entry  of  Philip  and  Mary  into  London  in  1554.  He  says  that  the 
splendid  pageant  as  it  passed  before  him  inspired  him  to  enter  upon  some  work  which  he 
might  in  due  season  offer  as  the  result  of  his  loyalty,  and  "  crave  for  it  the  royal  blessing."  '^ 
In  his  preface  to  the  reader  Eden  gives  a  brief  review  of  ancient  history,  and  coming  down 
to  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  the  Indies  by  Spain  he  eulogizes  the  conduct  of  that  nation 
towards  the  natives,  particularly  in  having  so  effectually  labored  for  their  conversion.  His 
language  is  one  continued  eulogy  of  the  Spaniards.  He  urges  England  to  submit  to 
King  Philip,  of  whom  he  says  :  — 

"Of  his  behavior  in  England,  his  enemies  (which  canker  virtue  never  lacked),  —  they,  I  say,  if 
any  such  yet  remain,  —  have  greatest  cause  to  report  well,  yea  so  well,  that  if  his  natural  clemency 
were  not  greater  than  was  their  unnatural  indignation,  they  know  themselves  what  might  have  fol- 
lowed. .  .  Being  a  lion  he  behaved  himself  as  a  lamb,  and  struck  not  his  enemy  having  the  sword 
in  his  hand.  Stoop,  England,  stoop,  and  learn  to  know  thy  lord  and  master,  as  horses  and  other 
brute  beasts  are  taught  to  do  !  " 

He  earnestly  desires  to  see  the  Christian  religion  enlarged,  and  urges  his  countrymen 
to  follow  here  the  example  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World.     He  says  :  — 

"  I  am  not  able,  with  tongue  or  pen,  to  express  what  I  conceive  hereof  in  my  mind,  yet  one 
thing  I  see  which  enforseth  me  to  speak,  and  lament  that  the  harvest  is  so  great  and  the  work- 
men so  few.  The  Spaniards  have  showed  a  good  example  to  all  Christian  nations  to  follow.  But 
as  God  is  great  and  wonderful  in  all  his  works,  so  beside  the  portion  of  land  pertaining  to  the 
Spaniards  (being  eight  times  bigger  than  Italy,  as  you  may  read  in  the  last  book  of  the  second 
Decade),  and  beside  that  which  pertaineth  to  the  Portugals,  there  yet  remaineth  another  portion  of 
that  main  land  reaching  toward  the  northeast,  thought  to  be  as  large  as  the  other,  and  not  yet 
known  but  only  by  the  sea-coasts,  neither  inhabited  by  any  Christian  men  ;  whereas,  nevertheless, 
(as  writeth  Gemma  Phrisius)  in  this  land  there  are  many  fair  and  fruitful  regions,  high  mountains, 
and  fair  rivers,  with  abundance  of  gold,  and  diverse  kinds  of  beasts.  Also  cities  and  towers  so 
well  builded,  and  people  of  such  civility,  that  this  part  of  the  world  seemeth  little  inferior  to  our 
Europe,  if  the  inhabitants  had  received  our  religion.  They  are  witty  people  and  refuse  not  barter- 
ing with  strangers.  These  regions  are  called  Terra  Florida  and  Regio  Baccalearum  or  Bacchallaos, 
of  the  which  you  may  read  somewhat  in  this  book  in  the  voyage  of  that  worthy  old  man  yet  living, 

that   the   incident   related    occurred    "not   long  Henry  VII I. ,  "about  the  same  year  of  his  reign," 

ago."     And   certain  verses  which  speak  of  the  was  intended  to  place  it  in  the  8th  year  of  the 

disobedience  of  the  mariners,  which  put  an  end  century.     But   that   would   bring   it  within    the 

to  the  voyage,  and  to  the  hopes  of  the  projector,  reign  of  Henry  VII. 

afford  the  earliest  reference  to  the  mutiny  story.  1  Mem.  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  pp.  62-66. 

Mr.   Brevoort  is  of  opinion  that  Eden's  vague  ^  Dedication  of  the  book,  folios  i,  2;  Biddle, 

reference  to  an  event  occurring  in  the  reign  of  pp.  64,  65. 


30  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  vi.  book  of  the  third  Decade.  But  Cabot  touched  only  in  the  north  corner, 
and  most  barbarous  part  thereof,  from  whence  he  was  repulsed  with  ice  in  the  month  of  July. 
Nevertheless,  the  west  and  south  parts  of  these  regions  have  since  been  better  searched  by  other, 
and  found  to  be  as  we  have  said  before.  .  .  .  How  much  therefore  is  it  to  be  lamented,  and  how 
greatly  doth  it  sound  to  the  reproach  of  all  Christendom,  and  especially  to  such  as  dwell  nearest 
to  these  lands  (as  we  do),  being  much  nearer  unto  the  same  than  are  the  Spaniards  (as  within  xxv 
days  sailing  and  less),  —  how  much,  I  say,  shall  this  sound  unto  our  reproach  and  inexcusable  sloth- 
fulness  and  negligence,  both  before  God  and  the  world,  that  so  large  dominions  of  such  tractable 
people  and  pure  gentiles,  not  being  hitherto  corrupted  with  any  other  false  religion  (and  therefore 
the  easier  to  be  allured  to  embrace  ours),  are  now  known  unto  us,  and  that  we  have  no  respect 
neither  for  God's  cause  nor  for  our  own  commodity,  to  attempt  some  voyages  into  these  coasts,  to 
do  for  our  parts  as  the  Spaniards  have  done  for  theirs,  and  not  ever  like  sheep  to  haunt  one  trade, 
and  to  do  nothing  worthy  memory  among  men  or  thanks  before  God,  who  may  herein  worthily  accuse 
us  for  the  slackness  of  our  duty  toward  him." 

The  few  voyages  of  discovery  made  by  the  English  in  the  first  part  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  either  by  the  authority  of  the  Government  or  on  private  account,  were  productive 
of  little  results  ;  and  when  Sebastian  Cabot  finally  returned  to  England  from  Spain,  in 
1547  or  1548,  his  influence  was  engaged  by  sundry  merchants  of  London,  who  were  seek- 
ing to  devise  some  means  to  check  the  decay  of  trade  in  the  realm,  by  the  discovery  of  a 
new  outlet  for  the  manufactured  products  of  the  nation.  The  result  was  the  sending  off 
the  three  vessels  under  Willoughby,  in  May,  1553,  to  the  northeast,  and  finally  the  in- 
corporation of  the  merchant  adventurers,  with  Cabot  as  governor. 

In  Richard  Eden's  long  address  fo  the  reader  prefixed  to  his  translation  of  the  fifth 
Book  of  Sebastian  Munster,  written  probably  before  the  Willoughby  expedition  had  been 
heard  from,  he  speaks  of  "  the  attempt  to  pass  to  Cathay  by  the  North  East,  which  some 
men  doubt,  as  the  globes  represent  it  all  land  north,  even  to  the  north  pole."  In  his 
preface  to  his  Decades^  cited  above,  written  two  years  later,  we  have  seen  that  he  urges 
the  people  of  England  to  turn  their  attention  in  the  old  direction,  and  to  take  possession 
of  the  waste  places  still  unoccupied  by  any  Christian  people  ;  which  regions  he  says  are 
called  Terra  Florida  and  Regio  Baccalearum.  These  offer  a  large  opportunity  for  traffic 
as  a  remedy  for  the  stagnation  of  trade  under  which  England  is  suffering,  and  a  wide  field 
for  the  Christian  missionary. 

The  reader  will  have  noticed,  in  the  above  extract,  that  Eden  says  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  "  touched  only  in  the  north  corner  and  most  barbarous  part "  of  the  region  which 
he  is  urging  his  countrymen  to  take  possession  of,  "from  whence  he  was  repulsed  with 
ice  in  the  month  of  July." 

Eden's  Decades  placed  before  the  English  reader  for  the  first  time  the  several  notices 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  of  which  mention  has  been  here  made  ;  namely,  by  Martyr,  Ramusio, 
Gomara,  and  the  brief  Commentary  by  Ziegler.  And  the  fact  that  this  large  unoccupied 
territory  at  the  west,  which  Eden  here  urges  the  English  Government  and  people  to  take 
possession  of,  was  discovered  by  Cabot  for  the  English  nation,  could  not  fail  in  time  to 
produce  its  fruit  upon  the  English  mind. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  as  we  have  seen,  was  living  in  England  at  the  time  Richard  Eden  pub- 
lished his  book,  and  a  very  old  man.  Eden  appears  to  have  been  on  terms  of  acquaintance 
with  him,  if  not  of  intimacy  ;  and  unless  the  infirmities  of  years  weighed  too  heavily  upon  his 
faculties,  Cabot  might  have  been  able  to  impart  much  information  to  one  so  curious  and  eager 
as  Eden  was  to  gather  up  details.  Eden  more  than  once  speaks  of  what  Sebastian  Cabot 
told  him.  In  the  margin  of  folio  255,  where  is  a  report  of  the  famous  conversation  con- 
cerning Sebastian  Cabot,  extracted  from  Ramusio,  in  which  Cabot  is  spoken  of  as  "a 
Venetian  born,"  Eden  says  :  "  Sebastian  Cabot  told  me  that  he  was  born  in  Brystowe, 
and  that  at  iiii  years  old  he  was  carried  with  his  father  to  Venice,  and  so  returned  again 
into  England  with  his  father,  after  certain  years,  wherby  he  was  thought  to  have  been 
born  in  Venice.  "  This  was  a  bad  beginning  on  the  part  of  Eden  as  an  interviewer  ;  that 
is  to  say,  the  truth  was  not  reached. 


OF 

THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  3I 

Sebastian  Cabot,  if  he  had  been  asked,  might  have  told  Eden  much  more.  Why  did 
not  Eden  hand  in  a  list  of  questions?  Why  did  he  not  submit  to  him  a  proof-sheet  of  the 
story  from  Ramusio,  which  we  know  contains  so  many  errors,  and  ask  him  to  correct  it, 
so  that  the  world  might  have  a  true  account  of  the  discovery  of  North  America?  What  an 
excellent  opportunity  was  lost  to  Cabot  for  printing  here  under  the  auspices  of  Eden  all 
those  maps  and  discourses -which  Hakluyt,  at  a  later  period,  tells  us  were  in  the  custody 
of  the  worshipful  Master  William  Worthington,  who  was  very  willing  to  have  them  over- 
seen and  published,  but  which  have  never  yet  seen  the  li^J-ht !  ^ 

I  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Eden  had  a  copy  of  Cabot's  map,  and 
translated  one  of  the  legends  upon  it,  —  that  relating  to  the  River  La  Plata,  no.  vii.^ 

About  this  time,  or  perhaps  a  few  years  earlier,  there  was  painted  in  England  a  portrait 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  supposed  for  many  years  to  have  been  done  by  Holbein,  whose  death 
has  usually  been  referred  to  the  year  1554,  though  recent  investigations  have  rendered  it 
probable  that  he  died  eleven  years  before.  The  first  notice  of  this  portrait  which  I  have 
seen  is  in  Purchas.^  A  minute  description  of  it,  with  a  notice  of  its  disappearance  from 
Whitehall,  where  it  hung  for  many  years,  is  given  by  Mr.  Biddle,'^who  subsequently  pur- 
chased the  picture  in  England  and  brought  it  to  this  country,  where  in  1845  it  was  burned 
with  his  house  and  contents,  in  Pittsburg,  Pa.  Two  excellent  copies  of  it,  however,  had 
fortunately  been  taken,  one  of  which,  by  the  artist  Chapman,  is  in  the  gallery  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society,^  and  the  other  in  that  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society.® 
The  portrait  was  painted  after  Cabot  had  returned  to  England  ;  and  it  is  said,  I  know 
not  on  what  authority,  to  have  been  painted  for  King  Edward  VI.,  who  died  in  1553. 
Cabot  lived  some  five  years  longer.  The  picture  represents  Cabot  as  a  very  old  man.  It 
has  the  following  inscription  upon  it  :  '^  — 

Effigies-   Sebastiani  Caboti 

Angli-    Filii-    Johanis-    Caboti-    Vene 

Tl  -     MiLITIS  -     AVRATI  -     PrIMI  •     INVET 

oris-   Terr^  nov^  sub  Herico  Vn.  Angl 

L^    ReGE. 

A  peculiar  interest  is  attached  to  this  inscription,  from  the  circumstance  that  it  must 
probably  have  proceeded  from  Sebastian  Cabot  himself ;  that  is  to  say,  the  facts  intended 
to  be  embodied  in  it  by  the  artist  or  herald  could  best  come  from  him.  But  being  clumsily 
expressed,  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  son  or  the  father  was  intended  to  be  represented  as  the 
knight  and  discoverer.  With  the  exception  of  the  legend  on  the  map  already  mentioned, 
it  is  the  only  direct  testimony  presumably  from  Sebastian  himself  as  to  the  principal  fact 
involved.  That  joins  both  the  father  and  the  son  as  discoverers.  Here  the  honor  is  given 
to  but  one  of  them,  but  unhappily  the  only  statement  clearly  expressed  is  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  is  an  Enghshman  and  the  son  of  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian.  Which  was  the  knight 
and  the  discoverer  no  one  can  tell  certainly  from  the  legend  itself.  The  inscription  has 
been  the  subject  of  considerable  discussion  and  even  controversy.^  Humboldt  has  a 
brief  note  on  the  subject,^  in  which  he  says  :  "  11  importe  de  savoir  si  c'est  le  pere  Jean  ou 

1  Hakluyt's  Divers   Voyages,  1582.  capy  of  this  picture,  painted  in  the  year  1763,  now 

2  He  printed  it  on  folios  316,  and  317  of  his  hangs  in  the  Sala  della  Scudo,  in  the  ducal  pal- 
Decades.  See  the  inscription  in  Latin  in  a  work  ace  in  Venice,  with  a  long  Latin  inscription  com- 
already  cited,  by  Nathan  Chytraeus,  pp.  779-  posed  probably  at  the  time  the  copy  was  made. 
781.  Notes  and  Queries,  2d  ser.  vol.  v.  p.  2. 

^  See  vol.  iii,  807,  and  iv.  1812.     See  Doc.  "^  See  A/ass.  //ist.  Soc.  Froc.] 3.n.  iS6$,  pp.  c)i- 

Hist.  of  Maine,  ii.  224.  96.     Hist.  Mag.  Nov.  1869,  pp.  306, 307. 

4  Appendix  to  his  Mem.  of  Sebastian  Cabot.  ^  See  the  Appendix  to  the  Historical  View  of 
Mr.  Biddle  is  said  to  have  paid  ;i^50o  for  the  the  progress  of  Discovery  on  the  moi-e  Northern 
picture.  Coasts  of  America,   by   Patrick   Eraser    Tytler, 

5  See  fheix  Proceedings,  ii.  loi,  in.  Esq. 

®  No.  103  in  the  Catalogue  of  its  gallery.    A  ^  Examen  Crit.  iv.  232. 


32 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


le  fils  Sebastien  qui  est  ddsign^  comme  celui  auquel  la  ddcoverte  est  due.  Si  c'etait  le 
fils,  Holbein  aurait  probablement  placd  le  mot  y?//z  apr^s  Veneti.  II  aurait  dcrit  :  Effigies 
Seb.  Caboti  Angli,  Joannis  Caboti  Veneti  filii.  ..."  We  now  know  from  other  evidence 
that  John  Cabot  was  the  discoverer  of  North  America.  He  may  have  been  accompanied 
by  his  son,  Sebastian,  but  it  would  have  been  a  pleasant  fact  to  have  the  testimony  of  the 
son  to  his  father's  honor  clearly  expressed,  as  may  have  been  intended  in  this  awkward 
composition.  Sebastian  Cabot  has  been  the  sphinx  of  American  history  for  over  three 
hundred  years,  and  this  inscription  over  his  head  in  his  picture  does  not  tend  to  divest  him 
of  that  character.  There  has  as  yet  appeared  no  other  evidence  to  show  that  either  John 
-Cabot  or  Sebastian  was  ever  knighted.  Purchas  ^  insists  on  giving  the  title  of  "  Sir  "  to 
the  son.  Laying  aside  the  question  as  to  the  interpretation  of  the  inscription  on  the  por- 
trait, there  is  sufficient  evidence  elsewhere  to  show  that  Sebastian  Cabot  was  not  a  knight. 
In  two  documents  to  be  more  particularly  noticed  in  another  place,  —  one  dated  in  May, 
1555,  and  the  other  in  May,  1557,  the  latter  dated  not  long  before  Sebastian  Cabot's 
death,  —  relating  to  a  pension  granted  to  him  by  the  Crown  of  England,  he  is  styled 
"Armiger,"  a  dignity  below  that  of  knight  and  equivalent  to  that  of  esquire.  See 
Rymer's  Fcedera,  vol.  xv.  pp.  427  and  466. 

In  1558  there  was  published  in  Paris  a  book  entitled  Les  Singularitez  de  la  France 
Antarcktigue,tic.,  by  F.  Andrd  Thevet,  the  French  Cosmographer.^  This  writer  is  held  in 
little  estimation,  and  deservedly  so.  In  chapter  Ixxiv.  fol.  145,  verso,  in  speaking  of  the 
Baccalaos,  is  this  passage  :  — 

"  It  was  first  discovered  by  Sebastian  Babate,  an  Englishman,  who  persuaded  Henry  VII.,  King 
of  England,  that  he  could  go  easily  this  way  by  the  North  to  Cathay,  and  that  he  would  thus  obtain 
spices  and  other  articles  from  the  Indies  equally  as  well  as  the  King  of  Portugal ;  added  to  which 
he  proposed  to  go  to  Peru  and  America,  to  people  the  country  with  new  inhabitants,  and  to  estab- 
lish there  a  New  England,  which  he  did  not  accomplish.  True  it  is  he  put  three  hundred  men 
ashore,  somewhere  to  the  north  of  Ireland,  where  the  cold  destroyed  nearly  the  whole  company, 
though  it  was  then  the  month  of  July.  Afterwards  Jaques  Cartier  (as  he  himself  has  told  me) 
made  two  voyages  to  that  country  in  1534  and  1535." 

This  passage  it  will  be  seen  is  a  mere  perversion  of  that  in  Gomara,  changing  the  name 
of  Cabot  to  Babate,  and  Iceland  to  Ireland,  but  adding  the  wholly  unauthorized  statement 
that  the  three  hundred  men  were  put  ashore  and  perished  in  the  cold.  Mr.  Biddle,^  who 
calls  attention  to  this  writer's  recklessness,  says  that  this  is  a  "  random  addidon  suggested 
by  the  reference  in  Gomara  to  one  of  the  objects  of  Cabot's  expedition,  and  the  reasons 
which  compelled  him  to  turn  back."  On  the  other  hand,  he  thinks  it  possible  that  Thevet 
"derived  his  information  from  Cartier,  who  would  be  very  likely  to  know  of  any  such  at- 
tempt at  settlement.  "  It  is  not  at  all  likely  that  Thevet  had  any  authority  whatever  for  his 
statement.  His  mention  of  Cartier  is  probably  suggested  by  seeing  in  Gomara,*  immedi- 
ately following  the  extract  from  him  above  quoted,  the  mention  of  Cartier  as  being  on  that 
coast  in  1534  and  1535.  But  Thevet's  statement  has  entered  into  sober  history,  and  has 
been  quoted  and  requoted. 

Captain  Antonio  Galvano,  the  Portuguese,  had  died  in  1557,  leaving  behind  him  a  Tra- 
dado,  a  historical  treatise,  which  was  published  at  Lisbon  in  1563.  It  gives  an  account  "  of 
all  the  discoveries,  ancient  and  modern,  which  have  been  made  up  to  the  year  one  thousand 
five  hundred  and  fifty.  "     This  is  a  valuable  chronological  list  of  discoveries  in  which  the 

1  iv.  1 177.  the  Italian  of  1561,  and  is  worth  ten  guineas  or 

2  I  might  mention  here  that  an  English  ver-  thereabout.  A  recent  French  catalogue  prices 
sion  of  this  book,  made  by  Thomas  Hacket,  was  the  original  Paris  edition  at  about  the  same 
published  in  England  in  1568,  dedicated  to  Sir  sum.  It  has  been  recently,  1878,  reprinted  in 
Henry  Sidney.     The  passage  in  question  occurs  Paris  with  notes  by  Paul  Gaffarel. —  Ed.] 

in   fol.   122   H.  C.      Carter-Brown   Catalogjie, -p.  ^  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot^'^.^f). 

241.    [This  version  is  perhaps  rarer  than  the  two  *  See  La  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  1554, 

French  editions  (Paris  and  Anvers)  of  1558,  and     cap.  xxxix,  fol.  31. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  33 

writer  includes,  in  the  latter  part,  his  own  experience.  He  spent  the  early  part  of  his  life  in 
India,  and  the  latter  part,  on  being  recalled  home,  in  compiling  an  account  of  all  known 
voyages.  The  Hakluyt  Society  have  published  Galvano's  book  in  the  original,  from  a 
copy,  believed  to  be  unique,  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library,  at  Providence  R.  I.  It  is 
accompanied  by  an  English  version,  by  an  unknown  translator,  long  in  the  possession 
of  Hakluyt,  corrected  and  published  by  him,  as  the  title  says,  in  i6oi.^  Hakluyt  never 
could  get  sight  of  a  copy  of  the  original  edition.  On  comparing  the  texts,  several  omis- 
sions and  additions  are  noticed  by  the  modern  editor.  The  former  are  supposed  to  be  due 
to  the  inadvertence  of  the  translator,  the  latter  to  Hakluyt,  who  supplied  what  he  thought 
important  from  other  sources  ;  and  to  him  are  probably  due  the  marginal  references. 
The  following  is  the  English  version  of  Galvano's  account  ^  of  Cabot's  discovery,  some 
omissions  having  been  supplied  by  the  modern  editor:  — 

"  In  the  year  1496  there  was  a  Venetian  in  England  called  John  Cabota,  who  having  knowledge 
of  such  a  new  discovery  as  this  was  [viz.  the  discovery  by  Columbus],  and  perceiving  by  the  globe 
that  the  islands  before  spoken  of  stood  almost  in  the  same  latitude  with  his  country,  and  much 
nearer  to  England  than  to  Portugal,  or  to  Castile,  he  acquainted  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  then 
King  of  England,  with  the  same,  wherewith  the  said  king  was  greatly  pleased,  and  furnished  him 
out  with  two  ships  and  three  hundred  men ;  which  departed  and  set  sail  in  the  spring  of  the  year, 
and  they  sailed  westward  till  they  came  in  sight  of  land  in  45  degrees  of  latitude  towards  the  north, 
and  then  went  straight  northwards  till  they  came  into  60  degrees  of  latitude,  where  the  day  is  eigh- 
teen hours  long,  and  the  night  is  very  clear  and  bright.  There  they  found  the  air  cold,  and  great 
islands  of  ice,  but  no  ground  in  seventy,  eighty,  an  hundred  fathoms  sounding,  but  found  much  ice, 
which  alarmed  them ;  and  so  from  thence  putting  about,  finding  the  land  to  turn  eastwards,  they 
trended  along  by  it  on  the  other  tack,  discovering  all  the  bay  and  river  ^  named  Deseado,  to  see  if 
it  passed  on  the  other  side ;  then  they  sailed  back  again,  diminishing  the  latitude,  till  they  came  to 
38  degrees  toward  the  equinoctial  line,  and  from  thence  returned  into  England.  There  be  others 
which  say  that  he  went  as  far  as  the  Cape  of  Florida,  which  standeth  in  25  degrees." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  greater  part  of  this  is  taken  from  Gomara,  and  the  writer  had 
also  read  Peter  Martyr  and  Ramus! o,  and  from  the  latter  takes  his  year  1496.  One  state- 
ment, —  namely,  that  Cabot  came  in  sight  of  land  in  45  degrees  north,  —  is  original  here, 
which  would  almost  lead  one  to  suppose  that  Galvano  had  seen  the  prima  vista  of  Cabot's 
map. 

It  will  be  noticed,  near  the  beginning  of  the  extract  from  Galvano,  that  John  Cabot  is 
said  to  be  the  discoverer.  Thus  it  stands  in  the  old  Enghsh  version  as  published  by  Hak- 
luyt, but  in  the  original  Portuguese  it  reads  :  "  No  anno  de  1496  achandose  hum  Venezeano 
por  nome  Sebastiao  Gaboto  em  Inglaterra,"  etc.  The  substitution  of  John  for  Sebastian 
was  no  doubt  due  to  Hakluyt,  who  also  made  this  marginal  note  :  "  The  great  discovery  of 
John  Cabota  and  the  English."^ 

In  this  same  year  (1563)  there  was  published  in  London  an  English  version  from  the 
French  of  Jean  Ribault,  entitled,  The  whole  and  True  discovei'ie  of  Terra  Florida  {eng- 
lished  the  Flourishing  Lande^,  etc.,  giving  an  account  of  the  attempt  to  found  a  colony  at 
Port  Royal  in  the  preceding  year.  The  translation  was  made  by  Thomas  Hacket,  and 
was  reprinted  by  Richard  Hakluyt  in  his  Divers  Voyages,  in  1582.^  In  referring  to  the 
preceding  attempts  at  discovery  and  settlement  of  those  northern  shores,  he  says  :  — 

1  [  Huth  Catalogue,  ii.  572,  Brinley  Catalogue,  the  year  1526  there  went  out  of  Sevill  one  Sebas- 
i,  no.  29.  This  translation  is  also  contained  tian  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  being  chief  Pilote  to  the 
in  J.  S.  Clarke's  Progress  of  Maritime  Bis-  emperor,"  etc.  There  is  added  to  the  old  Eng- 
covery,  London,  1803,  Appendix,  The  Carter-  lish  version,  not  in  the  Portuguese  text,  after 
Brown  Catalogue,  \.  22^,  says  an  English  trans-  "  a  Venetian," — "  by  his  father,  but  born  at  Bris- 
lation  was  printed  in  the  Oxford  Collection  of  tol  in  England."  Hakluyt  Society's  volume, 
Voyages,  ii.  — Ed.]  P-  169. 

2  Pages  87,  88.  ^  Mr.  J.  Winter  Jones,  the  editor  of  the 
3'  Or  inlet.  Divers  Voyages  for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  says, 
*  Under  the  year   1 526  Galvano  says  :   "  In     concerning  the  original   French  edition  of  this 

VOL.  III.  —  5. 


34 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


"  Of  the  which  there  was  one,  a  very  famous  stranger  named  Sebastian  Cabota,  an  excellent 
pilot,  sent  thither  by  King  Henry,  the  year  1498,  and  many  others,  who  never  could  attain  to  any 
habitation,  nor  take  possession  thereof  one  only  foot  of  ground,  nor  yet  approach  or  enter  into 
these  parts  and  fair  rivers  into  the  which  God  hath  brought  us."i 

This  passaoje  from  Ribault  is  cited  principally  for  the  date  there  given,  1498,  as  the 
year  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  visit  to  the  northern  shores.  It  was  not  the  year  of  the  dis- 
covery, but  was  the  year  of  the  second  voyage.  Where  did  Ribault  pick  up  this  date  ? 
No  one  of  the  notices  of  Cabot's  voyage  hitherto  cited  contains  it.  I  have  already  called 
attention  to  Peter  Martyr's  language,  in  1524,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  discovered  the  Bacca- 
laos  twenty-six  years  before,  from  which  by  a  calculation  that  date  is  arrived  at.  '^ 

In  1570  Abraham  Ortelius  published  at  Antwerp  the  first  edition  of  his  celebrated 
Theatruin  orbis  terrariun,  containing  fifty-three  copper-plate  maps,  engraved  by  Hogen- 
berg.^  In  the  beginning  of  the  book  is  a  list  of  the  maps  which  Ortelius  had  consulted, 
and  he  mentions  among  them  one  by  "  Sebastianus  Cabotus  Venetus,  Universalem  Tabu- 
lam  :  quam  impressam  aeneis  formis  vidimus,  sed  sine  nomine  loci  et  impressoris."  This 
would  seem  to  describe,  so  far  as  it  goes,  the  Cabot  map  in  the  National  Library,  at  Paris, 
which  is  a  large  engraved  map  of  the  world,  "  without  the  name  of  the  place  or  the  printer." 

Mr.  Biddle  was  impressed  with  the  belief  that  Ortelius  was  largely  influenced  in  the 
composition  of  his  map  by  the  map  of  Cabot.  He  contended  that  Cabot's  landfall  was  the 
coast  of  Labrador,  and  he  found  near  that  coast,  on  the  map  of  Ortelius,  a  small  island 
named  St.  John,  which  he  supposed  was  that  discovered  by  Cabot  on  St.  John's  day  and 
so  named,  and  was  taken  by  Ortelius  from  Cabot's  map."*  But  an  examination  of  the 
Paris  map  fails  to  confirm  Biddle's  hypothesis.  The  "Y.  de  s.  Juan,"  is  in  the  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence  near  where  the  prima  vista  is  placed  A  delineation  of  what  might  be 
called  Hudson  Bay  appears  on  the  map  of  Ortelius,  and  Biddle  supposed  that  Cabot's 
map  furnished  the  authority  for  it.  But  no  such  representation  of  that  bay  appears 
on  Cabot's  map. 

work,  that  it  "  is  not  known  to  exist,  and  it  is  England,  and  possibly  had  seen  the  old  navi- 
doubtful  if  it  ever  was  printed."  Hakluyt,  how-  gator.  Felix  Van  Hulst's  account  of  Ortelius 
ever,  in  his  "  Discourse  on  Westerne  Planting,"  was  published  in  a  second  edition  at  Liege  in 
published  as  vol.  ii..  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine,  p.  20,  1846.  Ortelius  was  the  first  to  collect  contempo- 
says  it  is  *'  extant  in  print,  both  in  French  and  rary  maps  and  combine  them  into  a  collection, 
English.  [Sparks,  in  his  Life  of  Ribault,  p.  147,  which  became  the  precursor  of  the  modern  atlas, 
says  that  he  cannot  find  that  the  original  French  His  learning  and  integrity,  with  a  discrimination 
was  ever  published;  but  Qf2&2ix€i,  Floride  Fran-  that  kept  his  judgment  careful,  has  made  his 
caise,  says  it  was  published  in  London,  1563,  as  book  valuable  as  a  trustworthy  record  of  the 
Histoire  de  P Expedition  Francaise  en  Floride,  best  geographical  knowledge  of  his  time.  His 
and  soon  became  scarce.  —  Ed.]  position  at  Antwerp  was  favorable  for  broaden- 
1  Hakluyt  Society's  Divers  Voyages,  p.  92.  ing  his  research,  and  a  disposition  to  better  each 
'^  As  the  language  of  Hacket's  English  ver-  succeeding  issue,  in  which  he  was  not  hampered 
sion  of  Ribault  was  accessible  to  me  only  through  by  deficiency  of  pecuniary  resources,  served  to 
Richard  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages,  1582,  in  spread  his  work  widely.  The  first  Latin  edition 
which  he  reprinted  it,  I  had  an  ungenerous  sus-  of  1570  was  followed  by  others  in  that  language, 
picion  that  he  might  have  substituted  that  date  and  in  Dutch,  German,  French,  and  Italian,  with 
for  another,  he  having  placed  the  year  1498  an  ever-increasing  number  of  maps,  and  recast- 
in  the  margin  of  the  page  on  which  he  first  ing  of  old  ones.  These  editions,  including  epi- 
prints  the  alleged  extract  from  Fabian.  The  tomes,  numbered  at  least  twenty-six,  down  to 
only  known  copy  of  Hacket's  translation  is  in  1606,  when  it  was  fdr  the  first  time  put  into 
the  British  Museum,  and  on  an  appeal  to  that,  English,  followed  by  an  epitome  in  the  same 
through  a  transcript  of  it  taken  for  Mr.  John  language,  with  smaller  maps,  in  1610.  There 
Carter-Brown,  I  find  Ribault's  date  to  be  1498.  were  a  few  editions  on  the  continent  during 
[Hacket's  version  as  given  by  Hakluyt  is  also  the  rest  of  that  century  (the  latest  we  note 
reprinted  in  B.  F.  French's  Hist.  Coll.  of  Louisi-  is  an  Italian  one  in  1697),  but  other  geogra- 
ana  and Florida,\\.  159.  —  Ed.]  phers  with  their  new  knowledge  were  then  fill- 

*  [Ortelius  was  not  far  from  thirty  years  old,  ing  the  field.  —  Ed.] 
when  Sebastian  Cabot  died.     He  had  been  in  <  See  Biddle's  Cabot,  p.  56. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  35 

In  1574  there  appeared  at  Cologne  another  edition  of  Peter  Martyr's  three  Decades, 
published  in  connection  with  some  writings  of  the  distinguished  Fleming,  Damiani  A. 
Go^s.i  The  third  Decade  of  Martyr,  as  I  have  already  said,  contained  the  earliest  notice 
of  Sebastian  Cabot. 

We  have  arrived  at  a  period  now  when  the  public  men  of  England  began  especially  to 
interest  themselves  in  voyages  of  discovery  and  colonization,  and  successfully  to  engage 
the  good  offices  of  the  Queen  in  their  behalf.  "There  hath  been  two  special  causes  in 
former  age,"  says  George  Beste  in  "  the  Epistle  Dedicatory"  to  his  voyages  of  Frobisher, 
published  in  1578,  "  that  have  greatly  hindered  the  English  nation  in  their  attempts.  The 
one  hath  been  lack  of  Hberality  in  the  nobility  ;  and  the  other,  want  of  skill  in  the  cosmog- 
raphy and  the  art  of  navigation,  —  which  kind  of  knowledge  is  very  necessary  for  all 
our  noblemen,  for  that,  we  being  islanders,  our  chiefest  strength  consisteth  by  sea.  But 
these  two  causes  are  now  in  this  present  age  (God  be  thanked  !)  very  well  reformed  ;  for 
not  only  her  Majesty  now,  but  all  the  nobihty  also,  having  perfect  knowledge  in  cosmogra- 
phy, do  not  only  with  good  words  countenance  the  forward  minds  of  men,  but  also  with 
their  purses  do  liberally  and  bountifully  contribute  unto  the  same  ;  whereby  it  cometh  to 
pass  that  navigation,  which  in  the  time  of  King  Henry  VII.  was  very  raw,  and  took  (as 
it  were)  but  beginning  (and  ever  since  hath  had  by  little  and  little  continual  increase),  is 
now  in  her  Majesty's  reign  grown  to  his  highest  perfection."  - 

Frobisher  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  in  June,  1576.  The  tract  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 
entitled,  A  Discourse  of  Discovery  for  a  new  Passage  to  Cataia,  principally  written  ten 
years  before,  was  published  before  Frobisher  left  the  Thames.  The  reference  in  this 
tract  to  Sebastian  Cabot  —  who  "by  his  personal  experience  and  travel  hath  set  forth  and 
described  this  passage  [that  is,  the  Straits  of  Anian]  in  his  charts,  which  are  yet  to  be 
seen  in  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Privy  Gallery  at  Whitehall,  who  was  sent  to  make  this  dis- 
covery by  King  Henry  VII.,  and  entered  the  same  fret,"  etc.  —  has  led  Mr.  Biddle  to 
suppose  that  Frobisher  had  the  benefit  of  Cabot's  experience,  and  that  his  maps  or  charts 
hanging  in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall  had  delineated  on  them  the  strait  or  passage  through 
to  the  Pacific,  which  Cabot  entered,  and  would  have  passed  on  to  Cathay,  if  he  had  not 
been  prevented  by  the  mutiny  of  the  master  and  mariners.^ 

One  would  naturally  infer  that  Gilbert  wrote  this  passage  after  inspecting  the  map  in 
Whitehall,  but  the  full  passage  of  which  we  have  here  given  an  extract  is  taken  from 
Cabot's  letter  in  Ramusio,^  to  which  work  Gilbert  refers  in  the  margin  of  his  tract  thus  : 
"  Written  in  the  Discourses  of  Navigation.  "  ^  I  may  add  that  in  the  following  year,  1577, 
Richard  Willes  published  a  new  edition  of  Eden,«  containing  all  the  references  to  Cabot 
in  the  genuine  edition,  and  also  a  paper  on  Frobisher's  first  voyage,  with  some  speculations, 
added  to  those  of  Gilbert,  as  to  the  northwest  passage.  In  this  paper,  addressed  to  the 
Countess  of  Warwick,  he  makes  frequent  reference  to  Cabot's  card  or  table,  in  possession 

1  Carier-Brawn  Catalogue,  p.  255.  last  book  published   by  Eden   was  an   English 

-   The    Three    Voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher,  translation  from  the  Latin  of  a  book  on  naviga- 

Hakluyt  Soc.  1867,  p.  22.     [This  putting  forth  tion,  by   Joannes   Taisnierus,   public   professor 

of  energy  by  the  English  at  this  time  in  pursuit  in    Rome    and  of  several   universities  in  Italy, 

of  maritime  discovery  is  reflected  in  the  larger  It  bears  no  date,  but  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 

production  of   the  English  press  in  this  direc-  issued  in  1576  or  1577.     See  Carter-Broum  Cat- 

tion,  as  shown  in  a  later  Editorial  note.  — Ed.]  alogue,  pt.  i.  p.  262,  which   puts  its  date   1576; 

8  Biddle's  Cabot,  p.  291.  but  it  is  given  1579  in  Markham's  Davis's  Voy- 

4  Vol.  iii,  p.  4.  <^g^^-     In  the  Epistle  Dedicatory,  Eden  speaks 

5  See  also  Hakluyt,  1 589,  p.  602.  of  attending  "  the  good  old  man,"  Sebastian  Cabot, 
*>  Richard  Eden  died  about  this  time,  perhaps  "on  his  death-bed,"  and  listening  to  his  flighty 

in  the  previous  year.     He  left  among  his  papers  utterances  about  a  divine  revelation  of  a  new 

a  translation,  made  "  in  the   year  of   our  Lord,  method  for  finding  the  longitude.     See  Biddle, 

1576,"  and  from  the  Latin  of  Lewis  Vartomann us,  pp.  222,  223.     Eden  was  also  engaged  in   other 

which  Willes  includes  in  his  own  edition.     The  literary  enterprises  not  mentioned  by  me. 


36  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 

of  the  countess's  father  "at  Cheynies,  "  as  proving  by  Cabot's  experience  the  existence  of 
such  a  strait  as  had  been  spoken  of  by  Gilbert,  and  of  which  Frobisher  in  his  first  voyage 
was  in  search.  He  says  :  '*  Cabota  was  not  only  a  skilful  seaman  but  along  traveller,  and 
such  a  one  as  entered  personally  that  strait,  sent  by  King  Henry  VI I.  to  make  this  afore- 
said discovery,  as  in  his  own  discourse  of  navigation  you  may  read  in  his  card  drawn  with 
his  own  hand;  the  mouth  of  the  northwest  strait  lieth  near  the  318  meridian,  betwixt  61 
and  64  degrees  in  elevation,  continuing  the  same  breadth  about  10  degrees  west,  where  it 
openeth  southerly  more  and  more."  ^ 

If  the  Countess  of  Warwick's' father,  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  had  a  map  by  Cabot,  with  a 
northwestern  strait  delineated  on  it  in  degrees  of  latitude  and  longitude  as  described 
by  Willes,  it  could  not  be  a  copy  of  the  recently  recovered  Paris  map.  In  the  latter 
the  coast  to  the  north  of  Labrador  from  latitude  58  to  65  runs  in  a  northeasterly  direction, 
when  it  suddenly  trends  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  its  delineation  ceasing  at  latitude 
68,  where  is  this  inscription,  "Costa  del  hues  norueste"  (coast  west-northwest).  Dr. 
Kohl  is  of  opinion  that  Cabot  is  here  delineating,  from  his  own  experience,  Cumberland 
Island  in  Davis's  Strait ;  but  Mr.  Biddle  thinks  that  Cabot's  highest  northern  latitude 
was  reached  in  Fox's  Channel  on  the  shores  of  Melville  Peninsula.  All  these  specula- 
tions seem  to  me  to  be  based  on  very  uncertain  data.^ 

One  is  impressed  with  the  ambiguous  language  of  Willes  when  he  speaks  of  Cabot's 
"own  discourse  of  navigation  [which]  you  may  read  in  his  card  drawn  by  his  own  hand." 
The  phrase  "  discourse  of  navigation  "  sounds  so  much  like  Gilbert's  reference  in  the 
margin  of  his  tract  to  Ramusio,  that  I  am  disposed  to  refer  it  to  that  source. 

Clement  Adams,  as  we  shall  see  farther  on,  made  a  copy  of  Cabot's  map  or  a  copy  of 
some  reputed  map  of  Cabot,  in  1549  (if  the  supposition  as  to  the  date  is  correct),  which 
in  Hakluyt's  time  hung  in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall,  and  of  which  copies  were  also  to  be 
seen  in  many  merchants'  houses  ;  yet  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  different  copies  of 
a  genuine  map  of  Cabot  could  contain  such  variations.  Certainly  they  are  all  unsatisfac- 
tory, and  throw  but  little  light  on  the  voyage  of  the  Cabots. 

The  indefatigable  compiler  and  translator  Belleforest  issued  in  1576,^  in  Paris,  his  Cos- 
mographie  Universelle,  on  the  basis  of  the  work  of  Sebastian  Munster ;  and  he  says  *  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  attempted,  at  the  expense  of  Henry  VII.  of  England,  to  find  the  way 
to  Cathay  by  the  north  ;  that  he  discovered  the  point  of  Baccalaos,  which  the  Breton  and 
Norman  sailors  now  call  the  Coast  of  Codfish,  and  proceeding  yet  farther  reached  the 
latitude  of  67  degrees  towards  the  Arctic  pole.  Substantially  the  same  passage  may  be 
found  in  Chauveton's  Hisioire  Native  He  du  Noiiveau  Monde,  p.  141,  published  at  Geneva, 
in  1579,  being  a  translation  of  Benzoni,  and  of  other  writers. 

In  connection  with  Frobisher's  voyage  there  was  published  in  London,  in  1578,  A 
Prayse  and  Repoi't  of  Maister  Martyne  Frobisher's  Voyage  to  Meta  Incognita,  by 
Thomas  Churchyard,  a  miscellaneous  and  voluminous  writer,  who  says  :  "  I  find  that 
Cabota  was  the  first  in  King  Henry  VI I. 's  days  that  diserned  this  frozen  land  or  seas 
from  67  towards  the  north,  from  thence  toward  the  south  along  the  coast  to  36  degrees."^ 

The  work  of  George  Beste,  the  writer  of  the  account  of  Frobisher's  three  voyages, 
before  mentioned,  published  in  London  in  1578,  speaks  of  Sebastian  Cabot  as  having  dis- 
covered sundry  parts  of  new-found-land,  and  attempted  the  passage  to  Cathay,  and  as 
being  an  Englishman,  born  in  Bristowe.  And  a  yet  further  reference  is  made  to  him, 
with  the  singular  additional  statement  that  the  date  of  his  discovery  was  1508.  This 
date  may  be  a  clerical  or  typographical  error. 

These  brief  notices  of  Sebastian  Cabot  are  cited  as  showing  how  a  tradition  is  kept 

1  Willes's  History  of  Travnyle,  etc.,  fol.  232,  net,  iii.  1945,  and  Supplement,  i.  11 29,  notice  an 
233;  Biddle's  Ca<J(?/,  p.  292 :  Hakluyt,  1589,  pp.  edition  in  1575,  3  vol.  folio.  See  also  Stevens's 
610-616.  Bibliotheca  Historica,   1870.  p.    121. 

2  Kohl,  p.  364.  4  Tom.  ii.  p.  2175. 
*  I  quote  from  Biddle's  Caboty  p.  27  ;  but  Bru-  ^  Biddle,  p.  28. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  37 

alive  by  one  author  or  compiler  quoting  another,  neither  of  which  is  of  the  slightest 
authority  in  itself. 

In  1582  there  appeared  at  Paris  a  work  entitled  Les  Trots  Mondes,  etc.  by  L.  V. 
Popellini^re.  It  is  a  mere  compilation,  and  embraces  translations  from  various  authors 
relating  to  the  discoveries  of  the  different  maritime  nations  of  Europe  in  various  parts  of 
the  world.  His  third  world  is  Australia,  called  by  the  Spaniards,  he  says,  Terra  del  Fuego, 
which  is  here  represented  on  a  map  as  a  large  continent.^  On  fol.  25  it  is  said  that  Cabot 
was  the  first  to  conduct  the  English  to  the  Baccalaos,  which  was  better  known  to  him 
than  to  any  other  ;  that  he  armed  two  ships  at  the  charge  and  with  the  consent  of  Henry 
VII.  of  England  to  go  there,  and  took  out  with  him"  three  hundred  Englishmen,  and 
sailed  along  48^  degrees  in  a  strait,  but  was  so  bafifled  by  the  extremity  of  the  cold  which 
he  found  there  in  July,  that,  although  the  days  were  long,  and  the  nights  were  clear,  he 
did  not  dare  to  pass  beyond  with  his  men  to  the  island  to  which  he  wished  to  conduct 
them. 

This  is  substantially  a  resume  of  the  account  in  Gomara,  with  a  discrepancy  in  stating 
the  latitude  reached. 

Following  a  long  resume  in  French  of  the  conversation  in  the  first  volume  of  Ramu- 
sio,  this  writer  remarks:  "This  then  was  that  Gabote  which  first  discovered  Florida 
for  the  King  of  England,  so  that  the  EngHshmen  have  more  right  thereunto  than  the 
Spaniards;  if  to  have  right  unto  a  country,  it  sufficeth  to  have  first  seen  and  discovered 
the  same."  ^ 

In  1580  was  published  the  first  edition  of  Stow's  Chronicle  (or  Annals)  of  Eiigland^ 
etc.,  which  contains,  under  the  year  1498,  the  alleged  passage  from  Fabian,  which  Mr. 
Biddle  ^  charges  Hakluyt  with  perverting,  by  prefixing  in  his  larger  work  the  name  of 
John  Cabot  to  the  "Venitian"  as  it  appeared  in  the  Divers  Voyages  of  1582.  The 
passage  in  Stow  begins  thus  :  "  This  year  one  Sebastian  Gabato,  a  Genoa's  son,  born  in 
Bristow,"  etc.     Reference  will  be  made  to  this  document  farther  on. 

In  1582  Richard  Hakluyt  pubhshed  his  Divers  Voyages,  his  first  book,  which  contains 
many  curious  and  important  documents.  It  is  dedicated  to  Master  Philip  Sidney,  Esquire, 
who,  with  other  statesmen  and  public  men  of  England,  was  then  deeply  interested  in 
American  Colonization,  being  largely  inspired  by  political  considerations.  The  dedication 
contains  an  interesting  summary  of  what  had  been  done  by  other  nations,  and  the  reasons 
why  England  should  now  enter  upon  this  work.  Reasons  are  also  given  for  beh'eving  that 
"  there  is  a  strait  and  short  way  open  into  the  west  even  unto  Cathay,"  which  they  had  so 
long  desired  to  find.  And  finally  the  claim  of  England  to  the  large  unsettled  territory  in 
Amicrica  is  set  forth,  "from  Florida  to  sixty-seven  degrees  northward,  by  the  letters 
patent  granted  to  John  Gabote  and  his  three  sons,  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Santius,  with 
Sebastian's  own  certificate  to  Baptista  Ramusius  of  his  discovery  of  America,  and  the 
testimony  of  Fabian  our  own  chronicler." 

We  begin  now  to  approach  for  the  first  time  a  document  which  is  of  the  highest 
authenticity  and  value.     I  mean  the  letters  patent,  which   Hakluyt  here  prints,*  under 

1  [See  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  pt.  i.  p.  292,  first  time  by  the  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  in  1877,  cites 
which  shows  there  were  two  editions  the  same  this  book  of  Popelliniere,  and  gives  an  English 
year.  The  book  is  rare,  and  was  priced  by  Le-  version  from  it  of  the  conversation  in  Ramusio. 
clerc  in  1878  at  650  francs.  Stevens,  Hist.  Coll.  Hakluyt  is  here  asserting  the  Queen  of  England's 
i.  135,  says  he  has  seen  but  two  copies  of  the  title  to  all  the  territory  "  from  Florida  to  the 
map  which  should  accompany  the  book.  This  Circle  Arctic,"  and  he  enlarges  upon  the  ex- 
is  a  folded  wood-cut,  which  in  the  main  is  a  ploits  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  on  which  the  claim 
reduced    copy   of   the   map    in    Ortelius's    first  of  England  is  based. 

edition.      The   map  is  in  the  Harvard  College  ^  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  pp.  42-47. 

copy.     The  Huth  Catalogue,  \\.  1 169,  shows  the  ^  [They  were  subsequently  reprinted  in  Ry- 

map. — Ed.]  mer's  Foedera,  in  Chalmers's  and  Hazard's  Hist. 

2  Hakluyt,  in  a  Discourse  on  Westerne  Plant-  Coll.^  and  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  ed.  of  the 
ing,  written  in  1584,  which  was  printed  for  the  Divers  Voyages.  —  Ed.] 


^8  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

which  the  discovery  of  North  America  was  made  by  authority  of  England.  John  Cabot, 
the  father,  now  emerges  from  obscurity,  for  we  find  the  grant  is  to  him  and  to  his  three 
sons,  of  whom  Sebastian  is  the  second.  The  patent  gave  them  permission  to  sail  with 
five  ships,  at  their  own  costs  and  charges,  under  the  royal  banners  and  ensigns,  to  all 
countries  and  seas  of  the  east,  of  the  west,  and  of  the  north,  and  to  seek  out  and  discover 
whatsoever  isles,  countries,  and  provinces  of  the  heathen  and  infidels,  whatsoever  they  be, 
which  before  this  time  had  been  unknown  to  Christians.  They  also  had  hcense  to  set  up 
the  royal  banners  in  the  countries  found  by  them,  and  to  conquer  and  possess  them  as  the 
king's  vassals  and  lieutenants.  This  document  is  dated  5  March,  1495  (that  is  1496,  new 
style).  Hakluyt  also  prints  an  extract  from  Fabian's  chronicle,  furnished  him  by  John 
Stow,  and  supposed  to  have  been  in  manuscript,  as  it  is  not  contained  in  any  printed 
edition  of  Fabian.  In  the  heading  which  Hakluyt  gives  to  the  paper  as  printed,  he  says 
it  is  "a  note  of  Sebastian  Gabote's  voyage  of  discovery."  The  document  reads:  "This 
year  the  King  (by  means  of  a  Venetian  which  made  himself  very  expert  and  cunning  in 
knowledge  of  the  circuit  of  the  world  and  islands  of  the  same,  .  .  .)  caused  to  man  and 
victual  a  ship  at  Bristowe  to  search  for  an  island  which,  he  said  he  knew  well,  was  rich  and 
replenished  with  rich  commodities,  —  which  ship  thus  manned  and  victualed  at  the  King's 
cost,  divers  merchants  of  London  ventured  in  her  small  stocks,  being  in  her  as  chief 
patron  the  said  Venetian.  And  in  the  company  of  the  said  ship  sailed  also  out  of  Bristowe 
three  or  four  small  ships  fraught  with  slight  and  gross  merchandizes  ;  .  .  .  and  so  departed 
from  Bristowe  in  the  beginning  of  May,  of  whom  in  this  Mayor's  time  returned  no  tidings." 
This  of  course  refers  to  the  voyage  of  1498. 

In  the  margin  against  this  paper  Hakluyt  has  this  note:  "In  the  13  year  of  King 
Henry  the  VII.,  1498,"  and  also  "  William  Purchas,  Mayor  of  London,"  whose  time  expired 
the  last  of  October,  1498.  Stow,  as  has  been  seen,  had  already  printed  this  paper,  two 
years  before,  in  his  Annals j  and  it  is  reprinted  in  later  editions  of  that  work.  What  pre- 
cise shape  the  original  paper  was  in,  which  was  used  by  Stow  and  Hakluyt,  we  do  not 
know.  If  they  had  but  one  original  it  was  not  followed  in  all  its  details  by  both.  Dr. 
E.  E.  Hale  printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  for  October^ 
1865,  a  paper  from  the  Cotton  manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum,  Vitellius,  A.  xvi,  which 
he  thought  was  the  original  paper  used  by  each,  and  to  which  Hakluyt's  copy  conforms 
more  nearly  than  does  that  of  Stow.  The  Cotton  manuscript  gives  no  name  to  the 
navigator,  but  calls  him  a  stranger  "  Venetian,"  as  does  Hakluyt.  Stow,  who  probably 
rarely  heard  of  the  name  of  John  Cabot,  and  was  very  familiar  with  that  of  Sebastian, 
calls  him  "Sebastian  Gaboto,  a  Genoa's  son."  ^ 

1  In  the  Proceedinf^s  of  the  American  Anti-  and  Hakluyt.  They  give  facts  and  details  not 
quarian  Society  for  October,  18S1,  Mr.  George  to  be  found  in  that  manuscript;  and  this  remark 
Dexter  has  traced  the  publication  of  this  alleged  will  particularly  apply  to  the  extract  relating  to 
extract  from  Fabian  to  an  earlier  date  than  had  the  three  savage  men,  which  in  the  Vitellius  is 
usually  been  assigned  to  it.  It  was  published  by  brief  and  meagre.  Both  Stow  and  Hakluyt 
Stow,  in  his  Annals,  in  1580,  together  with  the  must  have  used  a  genuine  Fabian  manuscript 
paragraph  relating  to  the  savage  men  said  to  yet  to  be  discovered.  For  though  neither  would 
have  been  brought  home  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  probably  hesitate  to  add  or  change  a  name  or 
and  also  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  1582.  They  a  date,  if  he  thought  he  had  sufficient  author- 
were  also  printed  in  the  second  edition  of  Hoi-  ity  for  so  doing,  they  would  not  manufacture  a 
inshed,  1586-87.      The  Cotton   manuscript,  Vi-  narrative. 

tellius,  A.  xvi.,  has  been  re-examined,  and  proves         As  regards  the  savage  men  referred  to,  Stow, 

not  to  be  a  Fabian.     Mr.  Dexter  has  printed  the  under   the   date  of    1502,   says   they  were   that 

two  extracts  from  it,  the  latter,  relating  to  the  year  presented  to  the  King,  yet  that  they  were 

"  savage  men,"  for  the  first  time.     In  the  Cotton  brought  over  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1498,  giving 

collection,  Nero,  C.  xi.,  is  a  genuine  Fabian,  but  Fabian  as  his  authority.     Hakluyt,  in  his  quarto 

it  contains  nothing  about  Cabot.     The  conclu-  of  1582,  repeats  the  same  story,  on  the  same  au- 

sion  to  which   I  have  arrived  from  this  exam-  thority;  yet  in  his  folio  of  1589  he  changes  the 

ination    by   Mr.    Dexter   is,   that    the   Vitellius  date  in  his  heading  as  to  the  year  of  their  pre- 

manuscript  was  not  the  original  used  by  Stow  sentation  to  the  King,  making  it  conform  to  the 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  39 

Hakluyt  also  prints  in  this  precious  little  volume  the  substance  of  Sebastian  Cabot's 
letter  to  Ramusio,  printed  in  the  beginning  of  his  third  volume,  in  which  he  mentions  the 
degree  of  latitude,  67}^'^  N.,  which  Cabot  reached  in  his  voyage  in  search  of  a  way  to 
Cathay. 

He  also  prints  for  the  first  time  the  two  well-known  letters  of  Robert  Thorne,  in  the 
latter  of  which,  addressed  to  Dr.  Ley,  the  English  ambassador  to  Spain,  the  writer  says 
that  his  father  and  another  merchant  of  Bristol,  Hugh  Eliot,  were  the  discoverers  of  the 
new-found  lands.  Some  have  conjectured  that  these  merchants  went  out  with  the  Cabots, 
and  others  that  they  were  in  some  later  expedition  not  well  defined.  Hakluyt  also  prints 
here  an  English  version  of  "  Verarzanus,"  and  Hacket's  "  Ribault."  The  volume  also  con- 
tains two  maps,  one  of  which,  prepared  by  Michael  Locke,  was  made,  he  says,  "according 
to  Verarzanus's  plat,"  an  "old  excellent  map,  which  he  gave  to  King  Henry  VII L,  and  is  yef 
in  the  custody  of  Master  Locke."  The  map  of  Locke  was  probably  made  only  in  its  gen- 
eral features  according  to  the  original  model,  and  contained  some  more  modern  additions 
by  its  compiler.  It  has  one  interesting  inscription  upon  it,  —  namely,  on  the  delineatioD 
of  C.  Breton  we  read,  '^J.  Gabot,  1497."  This  is  the  first  time  I  have  seen  this  date 
assigned  as  the  date  of  the  discovery.^ 

Hakluyt's  little  volume  expressed  the  interest  felt  in  England  on  the  subject  of  North 
American  colonization,  and  furnished  the  ground  on  which  England  based  her  title  to  the 
country.  He  also  announced  in  this  book  that  Sebastian  Cabot's  maps  and  discourses 
were  then  in  the  custody  of  one  of  Cabot's  old  associates,  William  Worthington,  who  was 
willing  to  have  them  seen  and  pubHshed. 

The  interest  in  the  contemplated  voyage  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  made 
the  first  serious  attempt  in  that  century  at  colonization  for  England,  culminated  next 
year,  when  he  sailed  and  never  returned.  Among  the  reports  of  that  voyage  was  one 
written  by  Mr.  Edward  Haies  in  1583,  in  which  he  says :  "  The  first  discovery  of 
these  coasts  (never  heard  of  before)  was  well  begun  by  John  Cabot  the  father, 
and  Sebastian  the  son,  an  Englishman  born,  who  were  the  first  finders  out  of  all  that 
great  tract  of  land  stretching  from  the  Cape  of  Florida  unto  those  islands  which  we 
now  call  the  Newfoundland ;  all  which  they  brought  and  annexed  unto  the  crown  of 
England."  ^ 

Sir  George  Peckham,  a  large  adventurer  with  Gilbert,  also  wrote  in  1583  on  the  same 
theme,  and  he  makes  mention  of  the  title  of  England  in  the  following  language :  •'  In  the 
time  of  the  Queen's  grandfather  of  worthy  memory,  King  Henry  VI L,  letters  patent  were 
by  his  Majesty  granted  to  John  Cabota,  an  Italian,  to  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius,  his 
three  sons,  to  discover  remote,  barbarous,  and  heathen  countries,  which  discovery  was 
afterwards  executed  to  the  use  of  the  Crown  of  England  in  the  said  King's  time  by  Sebas- 
tian and  Sancius,  his  sons,  who  were  born  here  in  England."^  It  seems  to  have  been 
thought  that  the  tide  of  England  would  be  strengthened  by  the  statement  that  the  dis- 
coverers, or  some  of  them,  were  native  subjects  of  the  Crown  of  England.     This  seems  to 

year  in  which  they  were  brought  over.     Mr.  Bid-  things,   in   token    of    possession   taken,"    very 

die  {Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  ]}Y>-~Z'^,  231)  has  oddly  assigning  the  voyage,  which  he  regarded 

a  labored  argument  to  show  that  the  men  were  as  the  voyage  of  discovery,  to  the  year  1 508. 
not  brought  over  by  Cabot,  but  by  some  one  ^  I  had  called  attention  to  this  fact  in  some 

else,   in   the   year  they   were  presented  to  the  notes  on  Cabot's  map  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 

King,  1502,  reflecting  severely  on  Hakluyt  for  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  April,  1867,  and  Dr.  Kohl, 

changing  this  last  date.     It  is  not  at  all  prob-  p.  371,  says  that  Locke  is  supposed  to  have  copied 

able  that  the  name  of  either  John  Cabot  or  Se-  the  inscription  from  a  map  of  Cabot  in  England, 

bastian  Cabot  was  given  in  the  original  manu-  The   fact    must   have   been   inscribed  on   some 

script  used  by  Stow  and  Hakluyt.     I  will  add  other  map  of  Cabot  than  the  recently  recovered 

that  George  Beste,  in  his  work  on  the  voyages  one  in  Paris,  for  that  certainly  does  not  bear  out 

of  Frobisher,  cited  above,  says  that    Sebastian  the  conjecture. 
Cabot  brought  home    "sundry  of  the  people"  2  Hakluyt,  1589,  p.  680. 

of   the   country   he   visited,    "and   many   other  ^  Hakluyt,  iii.  173. 


40 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


have  been  one  reason  why  it  has  always  been  insisted  on  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  so  long 
supposed  to  be  the  discoverer,  was  born  in  England.  ^ 

I  have  already  spoken  of  an   edition  of  Peter  Martyr's  Decades  in  the  original  Latin, 


1  In  the  year  1584  Richard  Hakluyt,  at  the 
request  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  wrote  a  Discourse 
on  Westerne  Plantings  —  to  which  I  have  already 
made  a  brief  reference,  —  supposed  to  embody 
the  opinions  of  the  statesmen  of  England  at  that 
period  on  the  colonization   of   North  America. 


It  is  a  remarkable  paper,  intended  for  the  eye  of 
the  Queen.  After  giving  all  the  reasons  why 
England  should  enter  upon  this  work  speed- 
ily, he  presents,  in  chapter  xviii.  "  the  Queen  of 
England's  title  to  all  the  West  Indies,  or  at 
least  to  as  much  as  is  from  Florida  to  the  circle 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  41 

De  Orbe  Novo,  published  at  Paris  in  1587,  under  the  editorship  of  Richard  Hakluyt,  who 
was  then  residing  in  that  city  in  connection  with  the  British  Embassy.  It  was  dedicated 
to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  for  whom,  three  years  before,  Hakluyt  had  written  the  Discourse  on 
Westerne  Plantittg.  It  was  the  first  time  the  Decades  had  been  printed  entire  since  the 
first  edition  of  them  appeared  at  Alcala  in  Spain  in  1530.  It  has  been  suggested  by  Mr, 
Brevoort  that  the  Spanish  Government  did  not  favor  their  circulation,  or  encourage  their 
republication.  In  Hakluyt's  edition  there  was  inserted  an  excellent  map  of  North  and 
South  America,  of  small  size,  six  and  a  half  by  seven  and  a  half  inches,  and  dedicated  to 
him  by  the  maker,  "  F.  G."  On  the  delineation  of  the  coast  of  Labrador,  there  is  inscribed 
just  north  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  "  Baccalaos  Ab  Anghs,  1496."  This  date  was 
without  doubt  supplied  by  Hakluyt  himself,  who,  in  his  Discourse  on  Westerne  Planting, 
insisted  on  that  erroneous  date  as  the  true  year  of  discovery,  —  citing  the  conversation  in 
the  first  volume  of  Ramusio  for  his  authority,  as  we  have  seen. 

In  tracing  down  the  notices  in  print  of  John  or  Sebastian  Cabot,  we  come  now  to  a 
book  of  considerable  interest,  published  in  Venice  in  1588,  some  years  after  the  death  of 
its  author,  Livio  Sanuto.  It  was  entitled  Geographica  Distincta,  etc.,  and  related  in  part 
to  matters  connected  with  naval  science.  The  author  was  deeply  interested  in  the  subject 
of  the  variation  of  the  needle,  and  having  heard  that  Sebastian  Cabot  had  publicly  ex- 
plained this  subject  to  the  King  of  England  (supposed  to  be  Edward  VI.,  on  Cabot's 
return  to  England),  he  applied  to  the  Venetian  ambassador  there  resident  to  ascertain 
from  Cabot  himself  where  he  had  fixed  the  point  of  no  variation.  The  information  was 
accordingly  procured  and  pubHshed  by  Sanuto.  In  the  course  of  his  investigations  the 
author  made  use  of  a  map  composed  by  Cabot  himself,  in  which  the  position  of  this  merid- 
ian was  seen  to  be  one  hundred  and  ten  miles  to  the  west  of  the  island  of  Flores,  one  of 
the  Azores.  Mr.  Biddle,i  who  dwells  at  some  length  on  this  volume,  calls  attention  to  the 
fact  "that  the  First  Meridian  on  the  maps  of  Mercator,  running  through  the  most  western 
point  of  the  Azores,  was  adopted  with  reference  to  the  supposed  coincidence  in  that  quarter 
of  the  true  and  magnetic  poles."  Sanuto  makes  frequent  reference  to  the  map  of  Cabot 
in  his  book,  and  also  makes  mention  of  Cabot's  observations  relating  to  the  variation  of  the 
compass  at  the  equator.  I  have  already  called  attention  to  one  of  the  legends  on  Cabot's 
map  of  1544,  no.  17,  which  relates  in  part  to  the  variation  of  the  needle.  In  Prima 
Parte,  lib.  ii.  fol.  17,  Sanuto  gives  a  brief  account  of  Cabot's  voyage,  which  Mr.  Biddle^ 
says  corresponds  minutely  with  that  which  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  derived  from  the  map 
hung  up  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  gallery.  Sanuto,  however,  evidently  copied  from  Cabot's 
letter  in  the  preface  of  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio,  from  which  also  the  language  in 
Gilbert  is  drawn. 

In  1589  Hakluyt  published  his  first  folio  of  825  pages  entided.  The  Principal  Naviga- 
tions, Voyages,  and  Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation,  a  monument  of  his  industry  as  a 
collector.  In  this  first  folio  Hakluyt  included  several  pieces  from  his  little  quarto  tract 
of  1582,  and  he  collected  and  put  into  English  other  most  important  evidence  relating 
to  the  discovery  of  North  America  by  the  Cabots.  He  gave  the  passage  in  Peter  Martyr, 
the  conversation  in  Ramusio,  the  extract  from  Gomara,  added  to  those  documents  re- 
printed from  the  quarto  tract,  all  of  which  have  been  here  noticed  in  the  order  in  which 
they  appeared  in  print.  It  may  be  added  that  in  the  passage  from  Fabian  Hakluyt  intro- 
duced the  name  of  John  Cabot  as  the  Venetian,  though  he  allowed  the  name  of  Sebastian 

Arctic,"  as  being  "more  lawful  and  right  than  to  this  date   as   showing   the  fact.     Indeed,  he 

the  Spaniards',  or  any  other  Christian  princes' ;  "  once  goes  so  far  as  to  cite  the  date  on  Clement 

and  the  claim  is  based  mainly  on  the  discovery  Adams's   map,  1494,  as  carrying   the  claim  yet 

by  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  year  1496,  as  related  farther  back.     [The  history  of  this  manuscript, 

in  the  first  volume  of  Ramusio,  which  is  cited,  published  as  vol.  ii.  of  the  Documentary  History 

Hakluyt  is  anxious  to  make  it  appear  that  Cabot  of  Maine,  is  traced  in  an  Editorial  note  to  Dr. 

discovered  North  America  before  Columbus  dis-  De  Costa's  chapter.  —  Ed.] 
covered  the  firm  land  of  the  Indies;  yea,  more  1  Memoir  of  S.  Cabot,  pp.  30,  178-180. 

than  a  year  before,  and  he  recurs  more  than  once  2  /^/^,  p.  ^i. 

VOL.  III. — 6. 


42 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


A   SKETCH   OF  THE   HAKLUYT-MARTYR    (1587)    MAP.^ 

to  Stand  in  the  heading,  probably  through  inadvertence.     He  also  brought  the  marginal 
date  into  the  text. 

He  also  produced  here  from  the  Rolls  Office  a  memorandum  of  a  license  granted  by  the 


^  [This  sketch-map  is  taken  from  the  fac- 
simile in  Stevens's  Historical  and  Geographical 
Notes,  and  needs  the  following  key:  — 

1.  CJroenlandia. 

2.  Islandia. 

3.  Frislandia. 

4.  Meta  incognita  ab  AngHs  inventa  An.  1 576. 

5.  Uemonum  ins. 

6.  S.  Brandon. 

7.  Baccalaos  ab  Anglis,  1496. 

8.  Hochelaga. 

9.  Nova  Albion  inventa  An.  1580,  ab  Anglis. 

10.  Nova  Francia.  • 

11.  Virginia,  1584. 

12.  Bermuda. 

13.  Azores. 

14.  Florida. 


15.  Nueva  Mexico. 

16.  Nova  Hispania. 

17.  Caribana. 

18.  Brasilia. 

19.  Fretum  Magellani. 

20.  Peru. 

This  map  is  so  rare  that  the  copies  in  some 
of  the  choicest  collections  lack  it,  such  as  the 
Huth  (p.  920,)  Brinley  (no.  42),  and  Carter-Brown 
(no.  370).  Rich  priced  a  copy  in  1832  with  the 
map  at  £^  4s.,  which  would  to-day  be  a  small 
sum  for  the  book  without  the  map ;  while  a  copy 
with  the  map  is  now  worth  ;i{^20.  Quaritch, 
Cat.  331,  no.  I.  The  Boston  Athenaeum  copy 
has  the  map.  See  Norton's  Lit.  Gazette,  new 
series,  i.  272.  Bull.  Soc.  Ghg.,  Oct.  1858,  p.  271. 
—  Ed.] 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


43 


King  to  John  Cabot  alone,  to  take  five  English  ships  of  two  hundred  tons  or  under,  with 
necessary  furniture,  and  mariners  and  subjects  of  the  King  as  would  willingly  go  with 
him,  —  dated  the  3d  day  of  February  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  his  reign  (1497/8). 

The  full  copy  of  this  license  Hakluyt  probably  never  saw,  and  the  significance  of  this 
brief  memorandum  was  never  known  until,  two  hundred  and  forty  years  afterwards,  the 
entire  document  was  found  and  published  by  Mr.  Richard  Biddle  in  his  Memoir  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot?-  It  was  therefore  often  interpreted,  in  connection  with  the  letters  patent  pre- 
viously issued,  as  a  grant  to  take  up  ships  for  the  first  voyage,  which,  as  was  supposed, 
did  not  take  place  till  1498. 

The  original  grant  of  this  license,  of  which  Hakluyt  publishes  a  brief  memorandum,  is 
found  to  be  a  permit  to  enlist  ships  and  mariners,  etc.,  "and  them  convey  and  lead  io  the 
land  and  isles  of  late  found  by  the  said  fohn  in  onr  name  and  by  our  commandmetit. 
Paying  for  them  and  every  of  them  as  and  if  we  should  in  or  for  our  own  cause  pay,  and 
none  otherwise." 

The  part  I  have  italicized  is  most  significant,  and  shows  that  a  previous  voyage  had 
been  made  by  John  Cabot  under  the  authority  of  the  Crown. 

Hakluyt  also  reprinted  for  the  first  time,  in  Latin,  with  an  English  version,  an  extract 
from  Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  being  no.  8  of  the  Legends  inscribed  upon  it,  relating  to  the 
discovery  of  North  America,  already  recited  on  p.  21.  And  in  saying  that  it  was  taken 
from  Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  I  should  explain  that  Hakluyt  says  it  was  "  an  extract  taken 
out  of  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  .  .  .  which  is  to  be  seen  in 
her  Majesty's  Privy  Gallery  at  Westminster,  and  in  many  other  ancient  merchants' 
houses."  This  language  is  a  little  equivocal,  and  some  have  supposed  that  Hakluyt 
intended  to  say  that  the  extract  simply  was  cut  by  Adams,  and  not  that  the  whole  map 
was  copied  by  him.     Clement  Adams  was  a  schoolmaster  and  a  learned  man,  and  prob- 


1  This  book  of  Mr.  Biddle  was  published  in 
London  in  two  editions,  1831  and  1832,  and 
in  the  United  States,  1831,  all  without  the 
name  of  the  author,  an  eminent  jurist  and 
statesman  of  Pittsburg,  Penn.,  who  was  born 
in  1795,  ^"d  died  in  1847.  It  is  a  work  of  great 
value  for  its  authorities,  and  displays  much  crit- 
ical talent ;  and  though  composed  with  little 
system  and  with  a  strong  bias  in  favor  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  whom  the  author  makes  his  hero,  it 
may  be  regarded  as  the  best  review  of  the  history 
of  maritime  discovery  relating  to  the  period  of 
which  he  treats,  that  had  appeared. 

[The  most  important  notice  of  Mr.  Biddle's 
book  occurred  in  I'ytler's  Historical  Viezv  of  the 
Progress  of  Discovery  on  the  more  Northern  Coasts 
of  Am  erica,  Biddle's  reflections  upon  Hakluyt  be- 
ing the  particular  occasion  of  a  vindication  of 
that  collector.  George  S.  Hillard  also  reviewed 
Biddle  in  the  North  American  Review,  xxxiv.  405, 
and  it  elicited  other  essays  in  contemporary 
journals.  It  supplied  largely  the  material  for 
Hayward's  Life  of  Cabot  in  Sparks's  American 
Biography.  The  most  recent  treatment  of  the 
subject  is  in  a  condensed  and  somewhat  enthusi- 
astic Remarkable  Life,  Adventiwes  aud  Discoveries 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  by  J.  F.  Nicholls,  the  public 
librarian  of  Bristol,  London,  1869.  This  writer 
ascribes  the  chief  glory  to  Sebastian  and  not  to 
the  father,  and  rather  grandly  lauds  his  achieve- 
ments. This  provoked  Henry  Stevens  to  putting 
a  note  in  his  Bibliotheca  Hisforica,  1870,  no.  2519, 


in  vindication  of  John  Cabot's  greater  claim,  — 
a  view  he  again  emphasized  in  a  little  tract,  with 
the  expressive  mathematical  title,  Sebastian  Cabot 
— foJin  Cabot  =0:  Boston,  1870.  Some  of  the 
later  information  has  been  embodied  by  Bancroft 
in  a  paper  on  Cabot  in  the  N'ew  American  Cyclo- 
pa;dia,^V\Q)cv  he  has  used  again  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Cen- 
tenary Ed.  History  of  the  United  States.  A  very 
good  resiivie  of  existing  knowledge  as  it  stood 
forty-five  years  ago,  is  given  in  Conway  Robin- 
son's Discoveries  in  t/ie  West  and  Voyages  along 
the  Atlantic  Coast,  Richmond,  1848.  A  some- 
what similar  treatment  is  given  in  Peschel's  Ge- 
schiciite  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckiingen,  book  ii., 
ch.  6,  and  notice  may  also  be  taken  of  the  same 
author's  Geschichte  der  Erd/ctinde,  vol.  iv.  P'ox 
Bourne,  in  his  English  Seamen  tender  the  Tiidors, 
gives  a  summary  of  the  Cabots'  career  as  explor- 
ers, and  in  his  Enolish  Merchants  he  treats  of 
their  relation  to  British  commerce  and  the  enter- 
prise of  Bristol.  Mr.  Travers  Twiss  communi- 
cated some  papers  on  the  relative  influence  of 
Columbus  and  Cabot  on  American  Discovery  to 
the  Nautical  Magazine,  July  and  August,  1876 ; 
and  a  review  of  a  somewhat  similar  kind  will  be 
found  in  Admiral  Jurien  de  la  Graviere's  Les 
Marins  du  xz'^  et  xvi^  Slides,  composed  of  papers 
which  had  originally  appeared  in  the  Revue  des 
deux  Mojides,  1876,  et  seq.  Among  other  views, 
reference  may  be  made  to  F.  von  Hellward's 
Sebastian  Cabot,  43  pp.;  Malte-Brun's  Annates  des 
Voyages,  xcix.,  p.  39. —  Ed.] 


44  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

ably  was  not  an  engraver.  But  Hakluyt  is  elsewhere  more  explicit.  In  his  West  erne 
Planting}  he  says  :  "  His  [Cabot's]  own  map  is  in  the  Queen's  Privy  Gallery  at  West- 
minster, the  copy  whereof  was  set  out  by  Mr.  Clement  Adams,  and  is  in  many  mer- 
chants' houses  in  London."  It  was  probably  reproduced  under  the  inspection  of  Adams. 
We  do  not  know  the  year  in  which  Adams's  copy  was  made,  unless  an  equivocal  date 
in  the  margin  of  Purchas  ^  may  be  regarded  as  expressing  the  year,  namely  "1549." 
Purchas  has  fallen  into  great  confusion  in  attempting  to  describe  Cabot's  map  and  his 
picture  as  they  hung  in  Whitehall  in  his  time.^ 

All  these  documents  relative  to  the  Cabot  voyages  were  reprinted  by  Hakluyt  in  the 
third  volume  of  his  larger  work  —  bearing  a  similar  general  title  to  that  of  1589  —  pub- 
lished in  1600.*  In  the  extract  from  Cabot's  map,  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  there  repro- 
duced, he  changed  the  date  of  the  year  of  the  discovery  from  1494  to  1497.  This  latter  is 
no  doubt  the  true  date,  but  on  what  authority  did  Hakluyt  make  the  change  ?  M.  D'Avezac, 
who  contended  that  1494  was  the  true  date  of  the  discovery,  that  being  the  date  on  Cabot's 
map,  believed  that  the  change  was  the  result  of  a  typographical  error. ^  That  it  was  delib- 
erate and  that  the  change  was  not  made  by  an  error  of  the  printer,  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  the  altered  date  appears  both  in  the  Latin  extract  and  the  English  version  of  it ;  and 
that  the  index  or  general  catalogue  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  volume,  in  noticing  the 
authorities  for  Sebastian  Cabot's  voyage,  gives  "  1497  "  as  the  year.  Again,  a  copy  of 
Emeric  Molyneaux's  map,  prepared  about  this  time,  and  inserted  in  some  copies  of  this 
volume  of  Hakluyt,  has  on  the  delineation  of  Labrador,  which  some  suppose  to  have  been 
the  prima  vista  of  Cabot,  the  following  inscription  :  "  This  Lind  was  discovered  by  John  and 
Sebastian  Cabot  for  King  Henry  VI L,  1497."  ^  I  have  already  referred  to  the  earliest  use 
of  this  date  as  the  year  of  the  discovery,  inscribed  on  a  map  of  Locke  in  Hakluyt's  Divers 
Voyages  of  1582.     But  the  true  source  of  the  date  is  not  here  revealed. '^ 

Clement  Adams's  map  is  yet  a  mystery.  I  have  already  called  attention  to  two  edi- 
tions of  Cabot's  map,  one  of  which  is  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris,  and  another  from 

1  Page  126.  by  M.  D'Avezac,  printed  in  the  Bulletin  de  la 

-  Vol.  iii.  p.  807.  Soc.  Geog.,  in  Paris  for  1869,  ^"^  translated  in 

3  See  D'Avezac   in   the  Btdletiti  de  la  Soc.  the  Doc.  Hist,  of  Alaine,  \.  506,  507,  he  revises 

Geog.,  Quar.  vSer.,  xvi.  272,  273.  his  opinion,  and  affirms  his  belief  that  the  change 

*  [The  titles  of  these  works  in  full,  with  some  of  date  from   1494,    in  Hakluyt's  first  folio,  to 

further  account  of  the  instrumentality  of  Hak-  1497  in  that  of  1600  was  caused  by  a  typograph- 

luyt  in  advancing  discovery,  are  given  in  Dr.  De  ical  error.     [D'Avezac's  paper  was  entitled  :  Les 

Costa's  chapter  on   "  Norumbega,"  and  in  the  navigations  Terre-neuviennes  de  Jean  et  Sebastten 

notes  accompanying  it.  —  Ed.]  Cabot —  Lettre  au  Reverend  Leonard  Woods ;  and 

^  M.  D'Avezac,  in   the   Bulletin  de  la  Soc.  was  also  prmted  separately  in  Paris.  —  Ed.J 

Geog.,  Quar.  Ser.,  xiv.,  271,  272,  1857,  and  Dr.  ^  [See  the  note  on  Molyneaux's  map,  with  a 

Asher   in   his    Henry  Hudson    (Hakluyt   Soc),  sketch  of  it,  appended  to  the  chapter  on"Nor- 

pp.  Ixviii,  261,   i860,  both  express  the  opinion  umbega."  —  Ed.] 

that   Clement    Adams   deliberately   altered   the  "^  It  has  been  suggested    that   Hakluyt  had 

date  from  1494  to  1497,  the  latter  being  the  date  access  to  Cabot's  papers  in  possession  of  William 

copied  by  Hakluyt  into  his  extract  from  Adams's  Worthington,  and  that   they  revealed  the  true 

map,  as  published  in  the  third  volume  of  his  fol.  date.     It  is  a   pity  he  did  not    "make   note  of 

of  1600;  neither  of  these  writers  being  aware  of  it"  among  his  authorities.     See  R.  H.  Major's 

the   fact   that    in  Hakluyt's  first    citation   from  True  Date  of  the  English  Discovery,  etc.,  Lon- 

Adams's  map,  in  his  folio  of  1589,  the  date  1494  don,   1870,   originally   printed   in  the  Archa:olo- 

was  given.     All  we  know  of  Adams's  map  is  gia,  xliii,  17. 

derived  from  Hakluyt ;  and  as  an  additional  evi-  The  mention  of  the  name  of  William  Wor- 

dence  that  the  extract  cited  from  it  bore  the  date  thington,  against  whom  Mr.  Biddle  has  empha- 

1494,  we  have  Hakluyt's  previous  statement,  in  sized  a  suspicion  of  unjust  dealing  with  Sebastian 

his  Discourse  on  Westerne  Planting,  cited  above,  Cabot,  reminds  me  of  a  remark  of  M.  D'Avezac 

where  this  fact  is  clearly  affirmed.  in  speaking  of  the  marriage  of  Cabot  to  Cather- 

In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  ine  Medrano,  — that  he  suspected  that  Worthing- 

for .April,  1867,  I  called  attention,  in  some  notes  ton,  instead  of  being  hostile  to  Cabot,  was,  on 

on  Cabot's  map,  to  the  inadvertences  of  these  the  contrary,  bound  to  him  by  family  ties.     See 

distinguished  historians ;  and,  in  a  later  paper  Rcvtie  Critique,  v.  268,  269. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  45 

which  the  legends  in  Chytraeus  were  copied.  The  extract  from  Adams's  edition,  first 
made  by  Hakluyt  in  1589,^  was  in  Latin,  but  from  a  text  quite  different  from  that  of  Chy- 
traeus,  or  from  the  Paris  map.  It  is  Legend  No.  8  of  the  inscriptions,  and  was  the  "  Chap- 
iter of  Gabot's  mapp  De  terra  nova,^''  as  set  out  by  Adams,  which  Hakluyt  tells  us  of  in  his 
Discotirse.'^  This  heading  is  the  same  as  that  in  Chytncus.  Here  we  have  two  different 
translations  from  a  Spanish  original.  Did  Adams  transcribe  from  another  copy  of  Cabot's 
map  yet  to  be  discovered  —  for  we  can  hardly  suppose  he  would  make  a  new  Latin  version 
of  the  legends,  with  one  already  before  him  —  or  did  he  translate  from  a  map  with  the 
Spanish  legends  only.'*  —  neither  of  which  precious  documents  is  to  be  found  in  our 
bureaus  of  cartography,  and  they  are  yet  to  be  added  to  Dr.  Kohl's  list  of  lost  maps ! 

Following  Hakluyt's  extract  from  Adams's  map  is  an  English  version  by  him,  beginning 
thus :  — 

'*In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1494,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  his  son  Sebastian  (with  an  Eng- 
lish fleet  set  out  from  Bristol),  discovered  that  land  which  no  man  before  that  time  had  attempted, 
on  the  24th  of  June,  about  five  of  o'clock  early  in  the  morning.  This  land  he  called  Prima  vista,  that 
is  to  say.  First  seen,  because,  as  I  suppose,  it  was  that  part  whereof  they  had  the  first  sight  from  sea. 
That  island  which  lyeth  out  before  the  land  he  called  the  Island  of  S.  John,  upon  this  occasion, 
as  I  think,  because  it  was  discovered  upon  the  day  of  St.  John  the  Baptist." 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  passage  in  parenthesis  is  not  in  the  original, 
but  is  introduced  by  Hakluyt.  But  the  words  which  I  have  italicized  are  represented  in 
the  extract  by  "credo"  and  "opinor,"  and  are  not  authorized  by  the  language  of  the  Paris 
map,  nor  by  the  same  legend  in  Chytraeus.  In  the  concluding  part  of  this  extract,  not 
here  quoted,  Hakluyt  speaks  of  a  certain  kind  of  fish  seen  by  the  Cabots,  "  which  the 
Savages  call  Baccalaos."  The  Latin  of  Adams's  map  and  of  the  Paris  map  is  vulgus^ 
which  may  mean  the  common  people  of  Europe,  or  the  fishermen.  In  the  Spanish  of  the 
Paris  map,  it  is  said  that  the  fish  are  called  Baccalaos,  but  it  does  not  say  by  whom. 
The  "white  bears"  of  the  Spanish  crept  into  the  Latin  of  Adams,  and  of  course  into 
Hakluyt's  EngHsh,  as  "white  lions." 

An  interesting  discussion  as  to  the  authenticity  of  this  map  of  Cabot  in  the  Paris 
Library,  in  connection  with  the  genuineness  of  the  date  1494,  as  expressing  the  true  year 
of  the  discovery  of  North  America,  may  be  seen  in  the  letter  of  M.  D'Avezac  to  President 
Woods,  already  referred  to.  M.  D'Avezac  accepts  the  map  and  the  date  as  genuine  and 
authentic,  while  Dr.  Kohl  rejects  both.  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Major,  in  his  paper  on  "  The 
True  Date  of  the  Enghsh  Discovery,"  etc.,  ably  reviews  the  whole  question  discussed  by 
those  distinguished  savans,  and  adopts  a  somewhat  modified  view.  He  believes  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  originally  drew  a  map  with  legends  or  inscriptions  upon  it  in  Spanish 
only,  but  that  he  had  no  hand  in  publishing  it,  or  in  correcting  it  for  the  press,  and  that 
the  errors  in  the  engraved  map  arose  from  the  ignorance  or  inadvertence  of  transcribers ; 
that  the  date  of  the  discovery,  1497,  was  expressed  in  Roman  numerals  in  the  manuscript ; 
that  the  letter  V.  in  the  numerals  VII.  was  carelessly  drawn,  and  not  well  joined  at  the 
base,  so  that  a  reader  might  well  take  it  for  a  II. ;  and  that  such  an  error  might  more 
easily  occur  in  a  manuscript,  especially  on  parchment,  than  on  an  engraved  map  on  paper. 
As  evidence  that  the  Paris  map,  which  Dr.  Kohl  thinks  was  made  in  Germany  or  Belgium, 
was  copied  from  a  Spanish  manuscript,  Mr.  Major  cites  the  instance  of  the  name  Laguna 
de  Nicaragua  being  rendered  into  "  Laguna  de  Nicaxagoe."  The  Spanish  manuscript  r 
being  in  the  form  of  our  northern  x,  the  transcriber  showed  his  ignorance  by  substituting 
the  one  letter  for  the  other.  So  also  as  regards  the  copy  made  by  Clement  Adams  from 
the  Spanish  original.  He  made  an  independent  translation  of  the  inscriptions  into  Latin, 
which  accounts  for  the  two  Latin  versions,  and  also  made  the  same  error  for  the  same 
reason,  in  giving  the  date  1494,  instead  of  1497. 

Mr.  Major  believes  that  Hakluyt  had  good  reason  for  making  the  change  of  date  from 

1  Page  511.  2  Page  128. 


46  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

1494  to  1497  as  the  true  date  of  discovery,  as  in  the  same  volume  in  which  the  change 
was  made  he  introduced  the  remarkable  map  of  Molyneaux,  referred  to  above,  on  which 
that  date  was  inscribed  as  the  year  of  the  discovery  ;  and  furthermore  that  he  may  have 
consulted  the  papers  of  Cabot  in  the  possession  of  WilHam  Worthington.^ 

To  return  again  from  this  long  digression  to  the  volumes  of  Hakluyt  in  which  he  has 
brought  together  his  various  authorities  relating  to  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  one  is 
impressed  with  a  feeling  of  disappointment  that  he  makes  no  attempt  to  reconcile  their  ap- 
parent glaring  discrepancies,  —  that  is  to  say,  as  to  the  different  dates  given  in  them  to  the 
voyage  of  discovery,  and  the  variation  in  the  different  degrees  of  latitude  reached ;  while 
no  opinion  is  expressed  as  to  the  comparative  agency  of  John  or  Sebastian  Cabot,  or  the 
question  as  to  whether  there  was  more  than  one  voyage,  —  I  mean  a  second  immediately 
following  the  first  which  was  of  discovery.  In  the  general  catalogue  prefixed  in  1600  to 
the  third  volume  of  his  larger  work,  he  refers  to  these  several  "  testimonies  "  as  proving  a 
voyage  of  discovery  in  1497,  while  in  reality  no  one  of  them  proves  that  date,  bearing  in 
mind  that  the  date  in  the  extract  from  Adams's  map  was  in  this  later  reprint  inserted  by 
him  on  some  evidence  not  found  in  his  volumes,  —  the  truth  being  that  all  these  testi- 
monies, taken  as  a  whole,  refer  probably  to  two  if  not  three  voyages,  as  we  have  already 
seen.- 

I  do  not  forget  that  these  volumes  of  Hakluyt  contain  other  interesting  documents  re- 
lating to  Cabot,  — namely,  the  record  of  the  pension  granted  by  Edward  VI.,  dated  Jan.  6, 
1548-49,  of  ^165  I3J-.  6^.,  to  date  from  the  preceding  Michaelmas  Day  (September  29)  ; 
the  Ordinances  and  Instructions  compiled  by  Cabot  for  the  intended  voyage  for  Cathay, 
May  9,  1553;  his  appointment  in  the  charter  of  the  Muscovy  Company,  Feb.  6,  1555-56, 
as  its  governor ;  the  story  of  his  presence  on  board  the  "  Serchthrift "  at  Gravesend  on 
the  13th  of  April,  1556,  about  to  sail  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  northeast,  where 
the  venerable  man  "  entered  into  the  dance  himself."  * 

I  have  already  referred  to  a  volume  of  Chytraeus,  containing  the  Latin  legends  on 
Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  which  was  published  about  this  time,  —  the  first  edition  in  1594, 
a  second  in  1599,  and  a  third  edition  in  1606.  We  can  hardly  suppose  that  Hakluyt 
ever  saw  this  book,  at  least  in  the  earlier  editions,  as  he  could  hardly  have  failed  to  incor- 
porate the  inscriptions  into  his  larger  work.  The  date  1494  given  in  the  8th  Legend  as  the 
year  of  the  discovery  of  the  new  lands,  and  the  same  date  incorporated  in  Hakluyt's  folio  of 
1589  from  Adams's  map,  gave  currency  to  its  use  to  a  limited  extent.^  But  Hakluyt's 
larger  work  of  1 598-1600  quite  superseded  in  use  his  previous  books,  and  Chytraeus  was 
probably  rarely  seen  or  consulted ;  yet  Mr.  Biddle,  who  never  could  have  seen  Chytraeus 
or  Hakluyt's  folio  of  1589,  could  never  understand  why  later  writers,  like  Harris  and 
Pinkerton,  adopted  that  date. 

I  did  not  propose,  in  presenting  this  sketch  of  authorities  relating  to  the  Cabots,  in 
chronological  order,  to  pursue  the  inquiry  much  beyond  the  period  to  which  I  have  arrived. 

1  Mr.  Major  concludes  his  paper  by  produc-  and  a  man  reported  of  special!  judgment,  who 
ing  incontestable  evidence  from  the  recently  pub-  being  that  wayes  imployed  returned  without  suc- 
lished  Venetian  and  Spanish  Calendars,  to  be  cesse."  Davis's  Voyages  (Hakluyt  Soc),  p.  195. 
adduced  farther  on,  that  the  true  date  of  dis-  — Ed.] 

covery  was  1497.  *  The  Legend  no.  xvii.  of  the  map  is  copied 

2  See  a  more  full  analysis  of  this  subject  in  from  Chytraeus  into  the  text  of  the  Tabularum 
Proceedings  of  the  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  April,  Geog.  Contractatriim  of  Peter  Bertius,  published 
1867.  in  Latin  and  in  French.     In  the  Latin  edition  of 

8  See  vol.  i.  226,   274;  ii.  243,  267;  iii.  10;  1602  or  1603,  the  second  edition,  the  Legend  is 

of.  Biddle,  184-187,  311,  who  doubts  as  to  Cabot's  given  on  page  627,  and  in  the  French  of  1617  on 

appointment  as  "grand  pilot,"  as  asserted  by  page   777.     The    text    is    ascribed   to    Jodocus 

Hakluyt.     [Davis,  in  his  World's  Hydrographical  Hondius,  who  died  in  1612,  says  Lelewel,  in  his 

Descriptions,  does  not  give  him  any  official  title  Geographic  du  Moyen  Age.     {Letter  of  J.  Carson 

in  1595.     "Sebastian  Gabota,  an  expert  pilot,  Brevoort.) 


THE  VOYAGES,  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


47 


Neither  do  I  flatter  myself  that  1  have,  in  the  field  already  traversed,  embraced  everything 
in  printed  form  that  should  have  been  noticed,  and  something  of  value  may  have  escaped 
me.  In  proceeding,  therefore,  to  notice  two  or  three  important  works  relating  to  my  theme 
published  about  the  period  now  reached,  I  shall  conclude  this  chapter  by  introducing  some 
important  material  which  has  come  to  light  at  a  later  time,  from  the  slumbering  archives  of 
foreign  States,  and  much  of  it  within  a  few  years.' 

One  of  the  most  important  books  relating  to  the  history  of  America  was  published  at 
Madrid,  1601-15,  by  Herrera,  —  Historia  Getieral.  It  contains  nothing  relating  to  the 
first  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  except  the  passage  from  Gomara  already  cited  ;  but  it  gives 
other  interesting  facts  respecting  Sebastian  Cabot's  residence  in  Spain,  drawn  from  official 
documents.  In  citing  passages  from  this  work  below,  I  have  also  made  use  of  the  more 
recently  published  works  of  Navarrete,  and  even  of  other  writers,  where  they  relate  to  the 
same  subject.     In  the  "deceptive  conversation  "  given  in  the  first  volume  of  Ramusio,  Cabot 


^  Among  the  many  works  whose  publication 
was  inspired  by  Hakluyt,  was  the  issue  in  161 2 
of  an  English  version  of  the  eight  Decades  of 
Peter  Martyr,  translated  by  Michael  Locke,  thus 
laying  before  the  English  reader  whatever  that 
industrious  chronicler  had  written  concernjng 
Sebastian  Cabot.  The  first  three  Decades,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  had  been  translated  by 
Richard  Eden,  many  years  before,  and  those  were 
now  adopted  by  Locke  into  his  completed  ver- 
sion ;  the  work  was  entitled  De  Novo  Orbe,  or  the 
History  of  the  West /ndies,Qtc.,  London,  1612.  It 
contained  a  Latin  dedication  to  Sir  Julius  Caesar, 
and  an  address  in  English  to  the  reader.  The 
same  sheets  were  also  issued  with  another  title- 
page  without  date,  and  omitting  the  Latin  dedi- 
cation, and  also  again  in  1628  with  a  new  title, 
calling  the  book  a  second  edition.  [Copies  of 
either  issue  are  worth  from  ;i^5  to  ;i^io,  and  even 
more.  Fifty  years  ago  Rich  (1832,  no.  130) 
priced  one  at  £1  i6s.  The  text  was  reprinted 
in  the  supplement  to  the  1809  edition  of  Hak- 
luyt.—Ed.] 

Purchas  has  several  notices  of  the  Cabots 
taken  from  Hakluyt  principally,  hereafter  the 
great  authority  cited,  and  from  Ramusio.  His 
is  the  earliest  mention  made,  within  my  knowl- 
edge, of  Sebastian  Cabot's  picture  in  Whitehall 
gallery,  but  he  speaks  of  it  as  though  it  were 
displayed  on  Clement  Adams's  map  hanging 
there.  He  probably  never  took  the  trouble  to 
visit  the  gallery  himself,  but  wrote  from  wrong 
information. 

[Purchas's  Pilgritnage  gave  his  own  form  and 
language  to  the  accounts  of  the  voyages  which 
he  collected,  and  those  in  his  eighth  and  ninth 
book  concern  America.  It  was  published  in 
1 61 3,  when  he  was  thirty-six  years  old.  There 
was  a  second  edition  in  161 4,  and  a  third  with 
additions  in  1617,  the  year  after  Purchas  in- 
herited Hakluyt's  manuscripts.  He  now  set 
about  his  greater  work,  —  Hakluytus  Posthumus, 
or  Purchas,  his  Pilgrimes,  —  in  which  he  changed 
his  method,  and  preserved  the  language  of  the 
narratives,   which   he   brought    together.     This 


was  published  in  four  volumes  (part  of  the  third 
and  all  of  the  fourth  volume  pertaining  to  Amer- 
ica), in  1625;  and  the  next  year  a  new  edition  of 
his  first  work  was  brought  out,  which  has  ever 
since  constituted  the  fifth  volume  of  the  entire 
work.  The  set  has  nearly  or  quite  quadrupled  in 
value  during  the  last  fifty  and  sixty  years,  and 
superior  copies  are  now  worth  ;!^ioo;  such  a 
copy  however  must  contain  the  original  engraved 
frontispiece  with  its  little  map  of  the  world, 
which  is  seldom  found,  and  "  Hondius  his 
Map  of  the  World,"  which  is  rarer  still,  on 
page  95,  where  ordinary  copies  show  a  redupli- 
cation merely  of  the  map  properly  belonging  on 
page  115.  Mr.  Deane  owns  Thomas  Prince's 
copy  of  the  American  portions,  which  are  en- 
riched with  Prince's  notes.  Samuel  Sewall's 
copy  is  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Purchas 
survived  the  publication  but  two  years,  and  died 
in  1628.  His  service  to  the  cause  in  which  he 
and  Hakluyt  were  so  conspicuous  workers,  was 
great,  but  is  not  generally  accounted  as  equal  to 
that  of  the  elder  chronicler.  See  Clarke's  Mari- 
time Discovery,  i.  xiii.,  and  the  references  in  Alli- 
bone's  Dictionary.  Bohn's  Lowndes,  p.  2010, 
is  useful  in  determining  the  collation,  which  is 
confused.  —  Ed.] 

Bacon,  in  his  Life  of  Henry  VII.  published  in 
1622,  notices  the  voyage  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
which  North  America  was  discovered ;  but  men- 
tioning no  year  implies  that  it  took  place  in 
1498.  His  principal  authority  seems  to  have 
been  Stowe's  Chronicle. 

A  valuable  work  was  published  at  Madrid  in 
1629,  by  Pinello  D.  Ant.  de  Leon,  entitled  an 
Epitome  de  la  bibliotheca  oriental  i  occidental, 
jtautica  i  geographica,  etc.  of  which  a  second 
edition,  edited  by  De  Barcia,  was  published  in 
1737-38.  Particular  mention  is  made  in  it  of  the 
several  editions  of  the  writings  of  Peter  Martyr, 
though  the  information  is  not  always  correct. 
He  says  that  Juan  Pablo  Martyr  Rizo,  a  descend- 
ant of  Peter  Martyr,  had  a  manuscript  translation 
in  Spanish  of  the  Decades  for  printing,  which  we 
may  well  believe  never  appeared. 


48  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

is  made  to  say  that  the  troubles  in  England  induced  him,  that  is,  on  his  return  from 
his  voyage  of  discovery,  to  seek  employment  in  Spain.  But  Peter  Martyr  informs  us  that 
Cabot  did  not  leave  England  until  after  the  death  of  Henry  VII.,  which  took  place  in  1509.^ 
Herrera-  mentions  the  circumstances  under  which  the  invitation  from  Ferdinand  was  given 
and  accepted,  and  Cabot  arrived  in  Spain,  Sep.  13,  15 12. 

He  was  taken  into  service  as  "capitan,"  with  pay  of  fifty  thousand  maravedis  by  a  royal 
grant  made  at  Lagrono,  Oct.  20,  1512.^  Eden,*  in  a  translation  of  Peter  Martyr,  makes 
that  author  say  that  Cabot  had  been,  at  the  time  at  which  Martyr  was  writing,  1515,  ap- 
pointed a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  but  it  is  believed  that  the  original  language 
of  Martyr,  "concurialis  noster,"  will  not  bear  that  interpretation.^  In  15 15  he  was  appointed 
"  Cosmographo  de  la  Casa  de  la  Contratacion,"  an  office  which  involved  the  care  of  revising 
maps  and  charts. °  And  in  that  same  year,  Peter  Martyr  tells  us,  there  was  projected  a  voyage 
under  the  command  of  Cabot,  to  search  for  that  "  hid  secret  of  Nature  ''  in  the  northwest, 
to  sail  in  the  following  year,  15 16.  But  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand,  on  the  23d  of  January 
of  that  year,  put  an  end  to  the  expedition.  In  November,  1515,  Cabot  and  Juan  Vespucius 
gave  an  opinion  {parecer)  concerning  the  demarcation  line  in  Brazil.'  I  have  already 
spoken  of  the  alleged  voyage  of  Cabot  and  Sir  Thomas  Pert  from  England,  of  15 16-17, 
concerning  which  serious  doubts  have  been  expressed.  Herrera  makes  no  mention  of 
Cabot's  leaving  Spain  at  this  time  ;  and  De  Barcia,  not  perhaps  the  highest  authority,  in  the 
preface  to  his  Eftsayo  Chronologico,  etc.,  Madrid,  1723,  says  that  Cabot  was  residing  quietly 
in  Spain  from  1512  to  1526,  and  that  "he  never  intended  or  proposed  to  prosecute  the  pro- 
posed discovery."  On  Feb.  5,  1518,  he  was  appointed  "  Piloto  Mayor  y  Examinador  de 
Pilotos,"  succeeding  Juan  de  Sohs,  who  had  been  killed  on  the  La  Plata  River  in  1516,  with 
the  same  pay  in  addition  to  that  of  capitano.s  In  1520  this  appointment  is  again  con- 
firmed, with  orders  that  no  pilot  should  pass  to  the  Indies  without  being  first  examined 
and  approved  by  him.^  On  April  14,  1524,  the  celebrated  Congress  at  Badajos  was 
held,  which  was  attended  by  Cabot,  not  as  a  member  but  as  an  expert;  and  he  and 
several  others  delivered  an  opinion  on  the  questions  submitted,  April  15,  the  second  day 
of  the  session. 1^  Immediately  after  the  decision  of  the  Congress,  which  was  pronounced 
practically  in  favor  of  the  Spanish  interest,  a  company  was  formed  at  Seville  to  prosecute 
the  trade  to  the  Moluccas,  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  Cabot  was  invited  to 
take  the  command ;  and  in  September  of  this  year  he  received  the  sanction  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  to  engage  in  the  enterprise,  and  the  agreement  with  the  Emperor 
was  executed  at  Madrid  on  March  4,  1525,  and  the  title  of  Captain- General  was  con- 
ferred upon  him.  It  was  intended  that  the  expedition  should  depart  in  August,  but  it 
was  delayed  by  the  intrigues  of  the  Portuguese,  and  did  not  sail  till  April  3,  1526.^1 
Cabot's  expedition  to  the  La  Plata,  it  having  been  diverted  on  the  coast  from  its  original 
destination,  will  be  considered  in  another  volume.  On  Oct.  25,  1525,  his  wife,  Cata- 
lina  Medrano,  was  directed  by  a  royal  order  to  receive  fifty  thousand  maravedis  as  a 
"gratificacion."»2 

Cabot  returned  from  South  America  to  Seville  with  two  ships  at  the  end  of  July  or  the 
beginning  of  August,  1530,  and  laid  his  final  report  before  the  Emperor,   of  which  an 

^  In  the  Foreign  and  Domestic  Calendars  of  700;  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  p.  70;   Venetian  Calendar, 

Henry  VIII.,  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  1576,  Sebastian  Talbot  vol.  ii.  no.  607. 

(Cabot)  is  named  as  receiving  twenty  shillings,  ^  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  p.  226;  Cf.  Biddle,  p.  121. 

in  May,  151 2,  "  for  making  a  card  of  Gascoigne  i*^  Gomara,   cap.   xcix.      Navarrete,   Coll.   iv. 

and  Guyon."     He  left  soon  after  for  Spain.  339;  Bibl.  Maritima,  as  above.     Cf.  Biddle,  pp. 

2  Dec.  i.  p.  254,  Madrid,  1730;  Biddle,  p.  98.  122,  123. 

»  Navarrete,  Ilistorica  Nautica,  p.  138.  i^  Biddle's  Cabot,  pp.  123-128,  where  will  be 

*  Page  119.  found  a  good  summary  of  these  events,  with  the 

^  D'Avezac,  in  Revue  Critique,  v.  265.  original  authorities  cited ;  with  which  cf.  Peter 

8  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  p.  18.  Martyr,  Dec.  vii.  cap.  6;  Navarrete,  Bibl.  Mari- 

"  Navarrete,  Coll.  iii.  319,  tima,  as  above. 
**  Navarrete,  Bibl.  Maritima,  tome  ii.  pp.  697-  ^'-^  Bibl.  Maritima,  as  above. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  49 

abstract  may  be  found  in  Herrera.  Private  complaints  were  laid  against  him,  and  at  the 
suit  of  the  famihes  of  some  of  his  companions  who  had  perished  in  the  expedition  he  was 
arrested  and  imprisoned,  but  liberated  on  bail.  Public  charges  were  preferred  against  him 
for  misconduct  in  the  affairs  of  the  La  Plata,  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  by  an  order 
dated  from  Medina  del  Campo,  Feb.  i,  1532,  condemned  him  to  a  banishment  of  two  years 
to  Oran,  in  Africa.  But  the  sentence  was  not  carried  into  execution.  Under  the  date  of 
1531,  Herrera  speaks  of  his  wife  and  children. ^ 

During  Cabot's  absence,  that  is  to  say,  on  April  4,  1528,  Alonzo  de  Chaves  was 
appointed  "  Piloto  Mayor,"  with  Ribero  ;  *  but  the  office  was  resumed  by  him  not  long  after 
his  return.  Navarrete  quotes  from  the  Archivo  de  Indias  a  declaration  made  in  1574,  by 
Juan  Fernandez  de  Ladrillos,  of  Moguer,  a  great  pilot,  over  seventy  years  old,  who  had 
sailed  to  America  for  twenty-eight  years,  that  he  was  examined  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in 
1535.3     This  office  Cabot  retained  till  he  left  Spain  and  returned  to  England. 

I  may  as  well  introduce  here  as  elsewhere  a  few  passages  from  that  part  of  the  history 
of  Oviedo  recently  pubHshed  at  Madrid,  for  the  first  time,  by  the  Academy  of  History. 
Oviedo  is  very  severe  on  Cabot  for  his  want  of  knowledge  and  skill  in  his  operations  on 
the  La  Plata.  But  my  citations  are  for  another  purpose.  "  Another  great  pilot  (piloto  mayor), 
Sebastian  Cabot,  Venetian  by  origin,  educated  in  England,  who  at  present  is  Piloto  Mayor 
and  Cosmographer  of  their  Royal  Majesties,  etc.  ...  I  will  not  defend  from  passions 
.  .  .  and  negligence  Sebastian  Cabot  in  the  affairs  of  this  expedition,  since  he  is  a  good 
person  and  skilful  in  his  office  of  cosmography,  and  making  a  map  of  the  whole  world  in 
plane  or  in  a  spherical  form ;  but  it  is  not  the  same  thing  to  command  and  govern  people 
as  to  point  a  quadrant  or  an  astrolabe."  ** 

Several  interesting  episodes  in  the  life  of  Cabot  during  his  residence  in  Spain  have  been 
recently  made  public  from  the  Venetian  archives.     They  may  be  related  here. 

The  story  of  Cabot's  intrigue  with  the  authorities  of  Venice  is  told  in  a  remarkable 
and  interesting  letter  of  Gasparin  Contarini,  the  Venetian  ambassador  to  Charles  V.,  dated 
Valladolid,  Dec.  31,  1522.  Cabot  was  at  this  time  holding  a  high  office  under  the  Emperor, 
and  was  drawing  large  pay.  It  appears  that  he  had  made  secret  proposals  to  the  Council 
of  Ten  through  a  friend  of  his,  a  certain  friar,  named  Hieronimo  de  Marin,  a  native  of 
Ragusa,  to  enter  into  the  service  of  Venice,  and  disclose  the  strait  or  passage  which  he 
claimed  to  have  discovered,  whereby  she  would  derive  a  great  commercial  benefit.  He 
proposed  to  visit  Venice  and  lay  the  whole  plan  before  the  Council.  The  Council  of  Ten, 
though  they  had  but  little  confidence  in  the  scheme,  made  all  this  known  to  their  ambassa- 
dor by  letter,  in  which  they  enclosed  a  letter  also  for  Cabot,  which  they  had  instructed  the 
friar  to  write  to  him.  Contarini  sent  for  Cabot,  who  happened  then  to  be  residing  at  the 
court,  and  gave  him  his  letter,  which  he  there  read  with  manifest  embarrassment.  After 
his  fears  had  been  quieted  he  told  Contarini  that  he  had  previously,  in  England,  out  of  the 
love  he  bore  his  country,  spoken  to  the  ambassadors  of  Venice  on  the  subject  of  the  newly 
discovered  countries,  through  which  he  had  the  means  of  benefiting  Venice,  and  that  the 
letter  had  reference  to  that  subject  ;  but  he  besought  the  ambassador  to  keep  the  thing  a 
secret,  as  it  would  cost  him  his  life.  Contarini  told  him  that  he  was  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  whole  affair,  but  they  would  talk  further  on  the  subject  in  the  evening.  At  the 
hour  appointed,  when  they  were  closeted  alone  in  the  ambassador's  chamber,  Cabot 
said  :  — 

"My  Lord  Ambassador,  to  tell  you  the  whole  truth,  I  was  born  in  Venice,  but  was  brought  up 
in  England  (lo  naqui  a  Venetia,  ma  sum  nutrito  in  Engelterra),  and  then  entered  the  service  of  their 
Catholic  Majesties  of  Spain,  and  King  Ferdinand  made  me  a  captain,  with  a  salary  of  50,000  mara- 

1  Navarrete,  Bibl.  Maritima,  ii.  697-700;  Ibid.  ^    yiage  del  Sutil y  Mexicana,  in  1792  :  Madrid, 

C^//.  v.  333;  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  pp.  168,  169,  214;  1802,   Introduction  (by  Don   M.   F.   Navarrete, 

D'Avezac,  Bulletin  Soc.  Geog.  Quart.   Ser.  xiv.  then  a  young  man),    p.  xlii, 
268.  *  Oviedo,  Ilistoi'ia  general  y  natural  de  las 

•■2  Navarrete,  Nautica,  pp.  135,  136,  155.  Indias,  ii.  p.  169,  1852. 
VOL.   III.  —  7. 


50  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

vedis.  Subsequently  his  present  Majesty  gave  me  the  office  of  Pilot  Major,  with  an  additional 
salary  of  50,000  maravedis,  and  25,000  maravedis  besides,  as  a  gratuity;  forming  a  total  of  125,000 
maravedis,  equal  to  about  300  ducats." 

He  then  proceeded  to  say  that  being  in  England  some  three  years  before,  Cardinal 
Wolsey  offered  him  high  terms  if  he  would  sail  with  an  armada  of  his  on  a  voyage  of  dis- 
covery, for  which  preparations  were  making  ;  but  he  declined  unless  the  Emperor  would 
give  his  consent,  in  which  case  he  would  accept  the  offer.  But  meeting  with  a  Venetian 
who  reproached  him  for  not  serving  his  own  country  instead  of  being  engaged  altogetlier 
for  foreigners,  his  heart  smote  him,  and  he  wrote  the  Emperor  to  recall  him,  which  he  did. 
And  on  his  return  to  Seville,  and  contracting  an  intimate  friendship  with  this  Ragusan  friar, 
he  unbosomed  himself  to  him  ;  and,  as  the  friar  was  going  to  Venice,  charged  him  with  the 
aforesaid  message  to  the  Council  of  the  Ten,  and  to  no  one  else  ;  and  the  Ragusan  "swore 
to  me  a  sacred  oath  to  this  effect."  Cabot  then  said  he  would  go  to  Venice,  and  lay  the 
matter  before  the  Council,  after  getting  the  Emperor's  consent  to  go,  "  on  the  plea  of 
recovering  his  mother's  dowry."  The  ambassador  approved  of  this,  but  made  some  seri- 
ous objections  to  the  feasibility  of  the  scheme  which  Cabot  proposed  for  the  benefit  of 
\'enice.  Cabot  answered  his  objections.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  he  told  Con- 
tarini  that  he  had  a  method  for  ascertaining  by  the  needle  the  distance  between  two  places 
from  east  to  west,  which  had  never  been  previously  discovered  by  any  one.  The  inter- 
view was  concluded  by  his  promising  to  go  to  Venice  at  his  own  expense,  and  return  in 
like  manner  if  his  plan  was  disapproved  by  the  Council.  He  then  urged  Contarini  to 
keep  the  matter  secret. 

On  the  following  7th  of  March  the  ambassador  again  wrote  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Ten, 
saying  that  Cabot  had  been  several  times  to  see  him,  and  that  he  was  disposed  to  come  to 
Venice  to  carry  his  purpose  into  effect,  but  that  he  did  not  then  dare  ask  leave  for  fear  he 
might  be  suspected  of  going  to  England,  and  he  must  wait  three  months  longer ;  and  that 
Cabot  desired  the  Council  to  write  him  a  letter  urging  him  to  come  to  Venice  for  the  dis- 
patch of  his  affairs  (meaning  his  private  business).  On  the  28th  of  April  the  Council,  in 
the  name  of  the  Ragusan  friar,  wrote  to  Cabot  what  had  been  done  to  discover  where  his 
property  was  ;  that  there  was  good  hope  of  recovering  the  dower  of  his  mother  and  aunt, 
and  that  had  he  been  present  no  doubt  the  object  would  have  been  attained  before.  He 
is  therefore  urged  to  come  at  once,  "  for  your  aunt  is  very  old."  The  Council  say  they 
have  caused  this  letter  to  be  written  "  touching  his  private  affairs,  in  order  that  it  may 
appear  necessary  for  him  to  quit  Spain."  On  the  26th  of  July,  Contarini  again  writes  that 
Cabot,  who  had  been  residing  at  Seville,  had  come  to  Valladolid  on  his  way  to  Venice,  and 
was  endeavoring  to  get  leave  of  the  Imperial  Councillors  to  go,  and  that  the  Signory  would 
be  informed  of  the  result  of  the  application.  Probably  he  never  went.  The  next  mention 
of  him  in  the  Venetian  correspondence,  during  his  residence  in  Spain,  is  under  the  date 
of  September  21,  1525,  —  that  Sebastian  Cabot  is  captain  of  the  fleet  preparing  for  the 
Indies. 1 

Cabot  still  kept  up  his  intrigues  with  Venice,  even  after  his  return  to  England.  On  the 
I2th  of  September,  1551,  the  Council  of  Ten  write  to  their  ambassador  in  England,  telling 
him  to  assure  Cabot  that  they  are  gratified  by  his  offer,  and  that  they  will  do  all  they  can 
about  the  recovery  of  his  property  there,  but  that  it  is  necessary  that  he  should  come  per- 
sonally to  Venice,  as  no  one  there  knows  him  ;  that  the  matters  concerned  are  over  fifty 
years  old,  and  by  the  death  of  men,  decay  of  houses,  and  perishing  of  writings,  as  well  as 
by  his  own  absence,  no  assured  knowledge  can  be  arrived  at.  He  should  therefore  come 
at  once.     Ramusio,  the  Secretary  of  the  Council,  had  been  put  in  trust  by  Cabot  of  all 

1  In  a  notice  of  the  settlement  of  the  estate  Cornwall,    draper,    for    conducting     Sebastyan 

of  Sir  Thomas  Lovell,  \tho  died   May  25,  1524,  Cabot,  master  of  the  pilots  in   Spain,  to  Lon- 

among    the   debts    unpaid   and  now,    February  don,  at  testator's  request,  43J.  4^.  —  Letters  and 

18,  discharged,   was  one   to  John    Goderyk  of  /*^/^rj,  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  iv.  pt.  i.  p.  154. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  5 1 

sucli  evidences  as  should  come  to  hand  regarding  Cabot's  business,  and  he  would  use  all 
diligence  towards  establishing  his  rights.  In  the  mean  time  the  ambassador  is  to  learn 
from  him  all  he  can  about  this  navigation. 

Whether  this  talk  about  Cabot's  property  in  Venice,  the  dowry  from  his  mother  and 
his  aged  aunt,  was  all  fictitious,  perhaps  never  can  be  known.  That  these  alleged  facts 
were  used  as  a  pretext  or  "blind"  in  this  correspondence,  was  on  both  sides  avowed.^ 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  that,  after  Cabot's  return  to  England,  and  his  entry  into 
the  service  of  Edward  VI.,  —  a  warrant  for  his  transportation  hither  from  Spain  having 
passed  the  Privy  Council  on  the  9th  of  Oct.  1547,  —  the  King,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1548/9, 
granted  him  a  pension  for  life  of  ^166  13^".  4</,  "in  consideration  of  good  and  acceptable  ser- 
vice done  and  to  be  done  by  him."  But  in  the  following  year  a  little  contretemps  occurred 
between  Cabot  and  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  Through  the  Spanish  ambassador,  Jan.  19, 
1549/50,  Charles  had  demanded  the  return  of  Cabot  to  Spain,  saying  that  he  was  the  "  Grand 
Pilot  of  the  Emperor's  Indies,  ...  a  very  necessary  man  for  the  Emperor,  whose  ser- 
vant he  was,  and  had  a  pension  of  him."  The  Council  replied  that  Cabot  was  not  detained 
by  them,  but  that  he  had  refused  to  go,  saying  that  being  the  King's  subject  there  was  no 
reason  why  he  should  be  compelled  to  go.  The  ambassador  insisted  that  Cabot  should 
declare  his  mind  to  him  personally;  and  an  interview  was  held,  at  which  Cabot  made  a 
declaration  to  the  same  import,  but  said  he  was  willing  to  write  to  the  Emperor,  having 
good-will  towards  him,  concerning  some  matters  important  for  the  Emperor  to  know.  He 
was  then  asked  if  he  would  return  to  Spain  if  the  King  of  England  and  the  Council  should 
demand  of  him  to  go;  to  which  Cabot  made  an  equivocal  answer,  but  which  the  Council,  to 
whom  a  report  of  the  conversation  was  made  by  a  third  person  present,  interpreted  to 
mean  that  he  would  not  go,  as  he  had  divers  times  before  declared  to  them.^ 

In  March,  1551,  Sebastian  Cabot  received  from  the  King  a  special  reward  of  ;^200.  On 
the  9th  of  September,  1553,  soon  after  the  accession  of  Philip  and  Mary,  the  Emperor, 
Charles  V.,  again  made  an  earnest  request  that  Cabot  should  return  to  Spain.  But  he 
declined  to  go.  On  the  27th  of  November,  1555,  Cabot's  pension  was  renewed  to  him. 
Edward  VI.  having  died  two  years  previous,  the  former  grant  had  probably  expired  with 
him.  On  the  27th  of  May,  1557,  Cabot  resigned  his  pension,  and  on  the  29th  a  new  grant 
was  made  to  him  and  to  WilHam  Worthington,  jointly,  of  the  same  amount,  so  that  Cabot 
was  bereft  of  half  his  pay.^  Cabot  died  not  long  afterwards,  the  precise  date,  however, 
not  being  known. 

Mr.  Biddle  was  strongly  impressed  with  the  belief  that  Cabot  suffered  great  neglect  and 
injustice  in  his  last  days  from  Philip,  through  the  jealousy  of  Spain  of  the  growing  com- 
merce and  maritime  enterprise  of  England,  stimulated  by  one  who  had  left  his  father's 
service  and  refused  to  return,  and  "who  was  now  imparting  to  others  the  benefit  of  his 
vast  experience  and  accumulated  stores  of  knowledge."  And  he  believed  that  William 
Worthington,  who  was  associated  with  Cabot  in  the  last  grant  to  him  of  his  pension,  was 
a  creature  of  Spain,  who  finally  got  possession  of  Cabot's  papers,  and  confiscated  them 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  students  and  statesmen  of  England. 

I  will  now  call  attention  to  some  documents  recently  made  public,  principally  derived 
from  the  archives  of  Venice  and  of  Spain,  which  reveal  John  Cabot  again  to  our  view  and 
show  him  to  have  been  the  real  discoverer  of  North  America.* 

1  Venetian  Calendars,  vol.  iii.,  nos.  557,  558,  ^  Biddle,  pp.  187,  217,  219;  Rymer's  Foedera, 
589,  607,  634,  669,  670,  710,  1115;  v.  711 ;  For-     xv.  427,  466;  Bancroft,  as  above. 

eign,  under  date  Sept.  12,  1551 ;  Hardy's  Report  *  [It  is  well  known  that  in  commemoration  of 

upon  'Venetian  Calendars,  pp.  7,  8.  the  English  discovery,  Cabotia  has  been  urged 

2  Strype,  Eccl.  Mem.  Oxford,  1822,  vol.  ii.  as  a  name  for  North  America;  but  if  Sebastia, 
pt.  i.  p.  296;  Harleian  MSS.,  quoted  by  Biddle,  urged  by  William  Doyle  in  \\\sAcc.  of  the  British 
p.  175,  where  the  story  is  told  in  a  letter  dated  Dominion  beyond  the  Atlantic,  1770,  had  been 
April  21,  1550,  from  the  Council  to  Sir  Philip  adopted,  we  should  have  had  a  misapplication, 
Hoby,  resident  minister  in  Flanders.  Bancroft,  quite  mating  the  mishap  which  gave  the  name  of 
American  Cyclopaedia,  iii.  530.  America  to  the  western  hemisphere.  —  Ed.] 


i;2  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

John  Cabot,  or  in  the  Venetian  dialect,  Zuan  Caboto,  was  probably  born  in  Genoa  or  its 
neighborhood,  and  came  to  Venice  as  early  as  1461.  He  there  married  a  daughter  of  the 
country,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons.  On  the  28th  of  March,  1476,  by  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  Senate,  he  obtained  his  naturalization  as  a  citizen  of  Venice,i  "within  and 
without,"  having  resided  there  fifteen  years. ^  He  engaged  in  the  study  of  cosmography 
and  the  practice  of  navigation,  and  at  one  time  visited  Mecca,  where  the  caravans  brought  in 
the  spices  from  distant  lands.  He  subsequently  left  Venice  with  his  family  for  England  and 
took  up  his  residence  in  Bristol,  then  one  of  the  principal  maritime  cities  of  that  country. 
Sebastian  is  reported  as  saying  that  his  father  went  to  England  to  follow  the  trade  of  mer- 
chandise. When  this  removal  took  place  is  uncertain.  Peter  Martyr  says  that  Sebastian, 
the  second  son,  at  the  time  was  a  little  child  (^pene  infans),  while  Sebastian  himself  says, 
if  correctly  reported,  that  he  was  very  young  {che  egli  era  assai  giouare),  yet  that  he  had 
some  knowledge  of  the  humanities  and  of  the  sphere.  He  therefore  must  have  arrived  at 
some  maturity  of  years. ^  Eden*  says  that  Sebastian  told  him  that  he  was  born  in  Bristol, 
and  was  taken  to  Venice  when  he  was  four  years  old,  and  brought  back  again  after  cer- 
tain years.  He  told  Contarini,  at  a  most  solemn  interview,  that  he  was  born  in  Venice  and 
bred  {nuirito)  in  England,  which  is  probably  true.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
three  sons  were  of  age  when  the  letters  patent  were  granted  to  them  and  their  father  in 
March,  1496,  in  which  case  Sebastian,  being  the  second  son,  must  have  been  born  as  early 
as  1473,  or  three  years  before  his  father  took  out  his  papers  of  naturalization  in  Venice.^ 

In  a  letter  from  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  Doctor  de  Puebla,  in  London,  dated  March 
28,  1496,  they  say,  after  acknowledging  his  letter  of  the  21st  of  January :  •'  You  write  that  a 
person  like  Columbus  has  come  to  England  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  the  King  to  enter 
into  an  undertaking  similar  to  that  of  the  Indies,  without  prejudice  to  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal. He  is  quite  at  liberty."  But  Puebla  is  further  charged  to  see  that  the  King  of 
England,  who  they  think  has  Jiad  this  temptation  laid  before  him  by  the  King  of  France, 
is  not  deceived  in  this  matter,  for  that  these  undertakings  cannot  be  executed  without 
prejudice  to  Spain  and  Portugal.^ 

^    Venetian  Calendars,  vol.  i.  no.  453;  D'Av-  teen  years,   and    had    faithfully    performed  the 

ezac,  Doc.  Hist.  Maine,  i.  504,  505;  S.  Romanin,  other   duties   required,  and   he   was   thereupon 

Storia  Docnnientata,  iv.  453.  declared  to  be  a  Venetian  and  citizen,  within 

-Mr.  J.  F.  Nichols,  in  his  Life  of  Sebastian  and    without,    etc.     (See    Intorno    a    Giovanni 

Cabot,  pp.  20,  21,  appears  to  misapprehend  the  Caboto,    etc.,    by    Cornelio    Desimoni,    Genova, 

terms  of   this  privilege   of   naturalization,   sup-  1881,  pp.  43-45.) 
posing  it  was  a  grant  of  citizenship  for  fifteen  '^  Ramusio,  i.  374. 

years  to  come,  and  not  on  account  of   fifteen  *  Decades,  f.  255. 

years'   residence   already  passed.     The   memo-  ^  M.  D'Avezac  believed  that  Sebastian  Cabot 

randum  reads:     "Quod  fiat  privilegium   civili-  was  born  in  1472  or  1473,  and  that  John  Cabot 

tatis  de  intus  et  extra  Joani  Caboto  per  habita-  and  his  family  removed  to  England  not  far  from 

tionem  annorum  XV.  juxta  consuetum,"  —  "That  the  year  1477.     He  infers  this  last  date  from  a 

a  privilege  of  citizenship,  within  and  without,  be  conviction   that   John  Cabot   early   engaged   in 

made  for  John  Cabot,  as  usual,  on  account  of  a  maritime   voyages    from    Bristol,   and   that   the 

residence  of  fifteen  years."     That  such  is  the  mention  of  a  vessel  sailing  from  that  port   in 

proper  interpretation  of  the  grant  is  shown  by  1480,  belonging  to  John  Jay  the  younger,  con- 

the  full  document  itself,  issued  four  years  pre-  ducted    by   "the    most    skilful    mariner    in    all 

viously  to  another  person,  and  referred  to  in  the  England,"   pointed  to  John  Cabot  as  the  real 

Register,  where  the  privilege  to  John  Cabot  is  commander.     And  he  thought  he  derived  some 

recorded.  The  document  recites  that  "  Whereas,  support  for  this  opinion  from  some  passages  in 

whoever  shall  have  dwelt  continuously  in  Venice  the  letter  of  D'Ayala,  the  Spanish  ambassador, 

for  a  space  of  fifteen  years  or  more,  spending  that  mentioned  farther  on,  in  regard  to  voyages  made 

time  in  performing  the  duties  of  our  kingdom,  from  Bristol  to  the  west  for  several  years  before 

shall  be  our  citizen  and  Venetian,  and  shall  en-  the  date  of  his  letter.      See   Corry's  History  of 

joy  the  privilege  of  citizenship  and  other  bene-  Bristol,  i.  318,  a  work  not  accurate  in  relation  to 

fits,"  etc.     Then  follows  the  statement  that  the  the  Cabot  voyages ;  cf.  Botoner,  alias  William 

person  applying  had  offered  satisfactory  proofs  Wyrcestre,  in  Antiquities  of  Bristol,  ^^.  152,  153. 
that  he  had  dwelt  continuously  in  Venice  for  fif  ^  Spanish  Calendars,  vol.  i.  no.  128. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS,  53 

A  reasonable  inference  from  this  would  be,  that  John  Cabot  had  arrived  in  England  not 
long  before  the  date  of  Puebla's  letter  to  their  Majesties,  to  lay  his  proposals  before  Henry 
VII.,  as  Columbus  had  done  some  years  before  through  his  brother,  and  not  that  he  had 
been  a  long  resident  in  the  country.  The  letters  patent  had  already  been  issued,  that  is  to 
say,  on  the  5th  of  March. 1  This  letter  from  Spain  may  have  caused  some  delay  in  the  sail- 
ing of  the  expedition,  which  did  not  depart  till  the  following  year.  But  some  time  was 
necessary  to  beat  up  recruits  for  the  voyage,  and  to  enlist  the  aid  of  the  substantial  citizens 
of  Bristol  in  the  undertaking.  John  Cabot,  accompanied  perhaps  by  his  son  Sebastian, 
finally  sailed  in  the  early  part  of  May,  1497,  with  one  small  vessel  and  eighteen  persons, 
"  almost  all  Englishmen  and  from  Bristol,"  says  Raimondo  ;  who  adds,  "  The  chief  men  of 
the  enterprise  are  of  Bristol,  great  sailors."  A  few  foreigners  were  included  in  the  com- 
pany, as  we  learn  from  the  same  authority  that  a  Burgundian  and  a  Genoese  accompanied 
them.  The  name  of  the  vessel  is  said  to  have  been  the  "  Matthew."  Mr.  Barrett  ^  says  : 
'*  In  the  year  1497,  June  24th,  on  St.  John's  day,  as  it  is  in  a  manuscript  in  my  possession, 
*was  Newfoundland  found  by  Bristol  men  in  a  ship  called  the  Matthew.'  "  How  much  of 
this  paragraph  was  in  the  manuscript  is  not  clear.  The  first  part  of  it  was  evidently  taken 
from  Hakluyt.  And  we  are  not  told  whether  the  manuscript  was  ancient  or  modern.  It 
cannot  now  be  found.^ 

John  Cabot  returned  in  the  early  part  of  August.  The  following  well-known  memoran- 
dum, from  the  Privy  Purse  Expenses  of  Henry  VII.,  "August  10,  1497:  To  him  who 
founft  the  New  Isle,  10/.,"  is  supposed  to  refer  to  him.^ 

Additional  evidence  concerning  the  voyage  will  now  be  given.  The  following  is  a  letter 
from  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  a  merchant  residing  in  London,  to  his  brothers  in  Venice,  dated 
August  23d,  1497,  which  I  have  somewhat  abridged :  — 

"  The  Venetian,  our  countryman,  who  went  with  a  ship  from  Bristol,  is  returned,  and  says  that 
700  leagues  hence  he  discovered  land  in  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Cham.  He  coasted  300  leagues 
and  landed,  saw  no  human  beings,  but  brought  to  the  king  certain  snares  set  to  catch  game,  and  a 
needle  for  making  nets.  Was  three  months  on  the  voyage.  The  king  has  promised  that  in  the 
spring  our  countryman  shall  have  ten  ships.  The  king  has  also  given  him  money  wherewith  to 
amuse  himself  till  then,  and  he  is  now  in  Bristol  with  his  wife,  who  is  also  a  Venetian,  and  with  his 
sons.  His  name  is  Zuan  Cabot,  and  he  is  styled  the  great  Admiral.  Vast  honor  is  paid  him. 
The  discoverer  planted  on  his  new-found  land  a  large  cross,  with  one  flag  of  England  and  one  of 
St.  Mark,  by  reason  of  his  being  a  Venetian.  .  .  .  London,  23d  of  August,  1497."^ 

On  the  following  day,  August  24,  1497,  Raimondo  de  Soncino,  envoy  of  the  Duke  of 
Milan  to  Henry  VII.,  wrote  the  following  passage  in  a  long  dispatch  to  his  Government : 

"  Also,  some  months  ago,  his  Majesty  sent  out  a  Venetian  who  is  a  very  good  mariner,  and  has 
good  skill  in  discovering  new  islands,  and  he  has  returned  safe,  and  has  found  two  very  large  and 

1   Strachey,   in   his   Historie   of  Travaile    mto  said  ship  departed  from  the  port  of  Bristow  the  2d  of  May, 

Virginia  (written  between  the  years   1612  and  and  come  home  again  6th  August  following." 
1619),  p.  6,  says  that  John  Cabot,  to  whom  and  Some  of  the  dates  are  new.    This  statement 

to   his  three  sons  letters  patents  were  granted  is  credited  to  an  ancient  manuscript  *'in  posses- 

by   Henry   VII.    in     1496,   was    "  idenized    his  sion  of  the  Fust  Family  of  Hill  Court,  Glouces- 

subject,  and  dwelling   within   the    Elackfriers,"  tershire,  the 'collations  '  of  which  are  now,  1876, 

etc.  ill  the  keeping  of  Mr.   William  George,  book- 

^  History   and  Anti(]uities    of  Bristol,    1789,  seller,  Bristol." 
p.  172.  This  memorandum,  containing  the  name  of 

^  In  vol.  iv.  of  the  new  edition  of  the  E71-  "  America,"  must  have  been  written  many  years 

cydopcBdia   Britatinica,    now    publishing,    at   p.  after  the  event  described.     Bristol  manuscripts 

350,  under   the   article    Bristol,   is   the    follow-  have  been  subjected  to  much  suspicion.     See  an 

ing  :  —  article  in  the  English  Notes  and  Queries,  2d  series, 

"This  year  (1497).  on  St.  John's  the  Baptist's  Day,      ^°  'J^r\^^^'/^ 
the  land  of  America  was  found  by  the  merchants  of  Bris-  Bicldle  S  Cabot,  p.  80. 

towe,  in  a  ship  of  Bristol  called  the  '  Matthew,'  the  which  ^    Venetian  Calendars,  i.  262. 


54  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

fertile  new  islands,  having  likewise  discovered  The  Seven  Cities,  four  hundred  leagues  from  Eng- 
land in  the  western  passage.  This  next  spring  his  Majesty  means  to  send  him  with  fifteen  or 
twenty  ships."  ^ 

In  the  following  December,  Raimondo  de  Soncino  wrote  another  letter  from  London, 
making  more  particular  mention  of  John  Cabot's  discovery,  and  of  the  intention  of  the  King 
to  authorize  another  expedition.  This  letter,  from  the'State  Archives  of  Milan,  was  first 
publi.shed  in  the  Anmiario  Scie7itifico^  in  1865,^  and  is  now  published  in  English  for  the 
first  time.  There  is  some  obscurity  in  the  letter  in  a  few  places,  in  naming  the  direction 
in  which  the  vessel  sailed,  as  the  east  when  the  west  was  evidently  intended.  Whether 
this  was  a  clerical  error,  or  whether  by  the  term  "  the  east"  was  meant  "  the  land  of  the 
spices  "  to  which  the  expedition  was  bound,  and  which  in  the  language  of  the  day  lay  to 
the  east,  is  uncertain.  Neither  is  the  geographical  object  named  as  "Tanais"  recog- 
nized. This  letter  throws  no  light  on  the  Landfall.  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Bennet 
H.  Nash,  of  Harvard  College,  for  revising  the  translation  of  this  letter. 

Most  Illustrious  and  Excellent  My  Lord:  — 

Perhaps  among  your  Excellency's  many  occupations,  it  may  not  displease  you  to  learn  how 
his  Majesty  here  has  won  a  part  of  Asia  without  a  stroke  of  the  sword.  There  is  in  this  kingdom 
a  Venetian  fellow,  Master  John  Caboto  by  name,  of  a  fine  mind,  greatly  skilled  in  navigation,  who 
seeing  that  those  most  serene  kings,  first  he  of  Portugal,  and  then  the  one  of  Spain,  have  occupied 
unknown  islands,  determined  to  make  a  like  acquisition  for  his  Majesty  aforesaid.  And  having 
obtained  royal  grants  that  he  should  have  the  usufruct  of  all  that  he  should  discover,  provided  that 
the  ownership  of  the  same  is  reserved  to  the  crown,  with  a  small  ship  and  eighteen  persons  he 
committed  himself  to  fortune  ;  and  having  set  out  from  Bristol,  a  western  port  of  this  kingdom,  and 
passed  the  western  limits  of  Hibernia,  and  then  standing  to  the  northward  he  began  to  steer  east- 
ward, leaving  (after  a  few  days)  the  North  Star  on  his  right  hand;  and,  having  wandered  about 
considerably,  at  last  he  fell  in  with  terra  firma,  where,  having  planted  the  royal  banner  and  taken 
l^ossession  on  behalf  of  this  King,  and  taken  certain  tokens,  he  has  returned  thence.  The  said 
Master  John,  as  being  foreign-born  and  poor,  would  not  be  believed  if  his  comrades,  who  are 
almost  all  Englishmen  and  from  Bristol,  did  not  testify  that  what  he  says  is  true.  This  Master 
John  has  the  description  of  the  world  in  a  chart,  and  also  in  a  solid  globe  which  he  has  made,  and 
he  [or  the  chart  and  the  globe]  shows  where  he  landed,  and  that  going  toward  the  east  he  passed 
considerably  beyond  the  country  of  the  Tanais.  And  they  say  that  it  is  a  very  good  and  temperate 
country,  and  they  think  that  Brazil-wood  and  silks  grow  there  ;  and  they  affirm  that  that  sea  is 
covered  with  fishes,  which  are  caught  not  only  with  the  net  but  with  baskets,  a  stone  being  tied  to 
them  in  order  that  the  baskets  may  sink  in  the  water.  And  this  I  heard  the  said  Master  John 
relate,  and  the  aforesaid  Englishmen,  his  comrades,  say  that  they  will  bring  so  many  fishes  that 
this  kingdom  will  no  longer  have  need  of  Iceland,  from  which  country  there  comes  a  very  great 
store  of  fish  which  are  called  stock-fish.  But  Master  John  has  set  his  mind  on  something  greater  ; 
for  he  expects  to  go  farther  on  toward  the  East  (Levant,)  from  that  place  already  occupied,  con- 
stantly hugging  the  shore,  until  he  shall  be  over  against  [or  "on  the  other  side  of"]  an  island,  by 
him  called  Cipango,  situated  in  the  equinoctial  region,  where  he  thinks  all  the  spices  of  the  world, 
and  also  the  precious  stones,  originate ;  and  he  says  that  in  former  times  he  was  at  Mecca,  whither 
spices  are  brought  by  caravans  from  distant  countries,  and  that  those  who  brought  them,  on  being 
asked  where  the  said  spices  grow,  answered  that  they  do  not  know,  but  that  other  caravans  come 
to  their  homes  with  this  merchandise  from  distant  countries,  and  these  [caravans]  again  say  that 
they  are  brought  to  them  from  other  remote  regions.     And  he  argues  thus,  —  that  if  the  Orientals 

1   Venetian  Calendars,  i.  260.     These  papers  volume  of  the  Venetian  Calendars,  A.D.  1202  to 

were  for  the  first  time  printed  in  America  by  the  1509,  he  describes  the  archives  at  Venice,  which 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  in  their  Proceed-  yield  these  early  evidences.     The  late  Professor 

ings  for  October,  1866,  in  an  interesting  commu-  Eugenio  Alberi  edited  at  Florence  Le  Relazioni 

nication  from  the  Rev.  Edward  E.  Hale,  D.D.,  degli  Ambasciatori    Veneti  al  Senato  durante  il 

principally  relating  to  the  Cabot  voyages.     [Mr.  Seclo  xvi°,   in    fifteen  volumes,   which    contain 

Rawdon  Brown,  who  calendared  these  papers,  numerous   reports   of    English    transactions   at 

made  his  discoveries  the  subject  of  a  paper  on  that  time.  —  Ed.] 

the  Cabots  in  the  Philobiblion  Society's  Collec-  2  And  is  copied  by  Cornelio  Desimoni,  in  his 

tions,  ii.   1856;  and  in  the  preface  to  the  first  Giovanni  Caboto,  Genoa,  188 1. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  55 

affirmed  to  the  Southerners  that  these  things  come  from  a  distance  from  them,  and  so  from  hand 
to  hand,  presupposing  the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  it  must  be  that  the  last  ones  get  them  at  the 
North  toward  the  West ;  and  he  said  it  in  such  a  way,  that,  having  nothing  to  gain  or  lose  by  it,  I 
too  believe  it :  and  what  is  more,  the  King  here,  who  is  wise  and  not  lavish,  likewise  puts  some 
faith  in  him  ;  for  (ever)  since  his  return  he  has  made  good  provision  for  him,  as  the  same  Master 
John  tells  me.  And  it  is  said  that,  in  the  spring,  his  Majesty  afore-named  will  fit  out  some  ships, 
and  will  besides  give  him  all  the  convicts,  and  they  will  go  to  that  country  to  make  a  colony,  by 
means  of  which  they  hope  to  establish  in  London  a  greater  storehouse  of  spices  than  there  is  in 
Alexandria ;  and  the  chief  men  of  the  enterprise  are  of  Bristol,  great  sailors,  who,  now  that  they 
know  where  to  go,  say  that  it  is  not  a  voyage  of  more  than  fifteen  days,  nor  do  they  ever  have 
storms  after  they  get  away  from  Hibernia.  I  have  also  talked  with  a  Burgundian,  a  comrade 
of  Master  John's,  who  confirms  everything,  and  wishes  to  return  thither  because  the  Admiral  (for 
so  Master  John  already  entitles  himself)  has  given  him  an  island;  and  he  has  given  another  one  to 
a  barber  of  his  from  Castiglione-of-Genoa,  and  both  of  them  regard  themselves  as  Counts,  nor  does 
m.y  Lord  the  Admiral  esteem  himself  anything  less  than  a  Prince.  I  think  that  with  this  expedition 
there  will  go  several  poor  Italian  monks,  who  have  all  been  promised  bishoprics.  And,  as  I  have 
become  a  friend  of  the  Admiral's,  if  I  wished  to  go  thither  I  should  get  an  archbishopric.  But 
I  have  thought  that  the  benefices  which  your  Excellency  has  in  store  for  me  are  a  surer  thing ;  and 
therefore  I  beg  that  if  these  should  fall  vacant  in  my  absence,  you  will  cause  possession  to  be 
given  to  me,  taking  measures  to  do  this  rather  [especially]  where  it  is  needed,  in  order  that  they  be 
not  taken  from  me  by  others,  who  because  they  are  present  can  be  more  diligent  than  I,  who 
in  this  country  have  been  brought  to  the  pass  of  eating  ten  or  twelve  dishes  at  every  meal,  and 
sitting  at  table  three  hours  at  a  time  twice  a  day,  for  the  sake  of  your  Excellency,  to  whom  I  humbly 
commend  myself.  Your  Excellency's 

Very  humble  servant, 
London,  Dec.  18,  1497.  Raimundus. 

These  letters  are  sufficient  to  show  that  North  America  was  discovered  by  John  Cabot, 
the  name  of  Sebastian  being  nowhere  mentioned  in  them,  and  that  the  discovery  was 
made  in  1497.  The  place  which  he  first  sighted  is  given  on  the  map  of  1544  as  the  north 
part  of  Cape  Breton  Island,  on  which  is  inscribed  "  prima  tierra  vista,"  which  was  reached, 
according  to  the  Legend,  on  the  24th  of  June,  Pasqualigo,  the  only  one  who  mentions  it, 
says  he  coasted  three  hundred  leagues.  Mr.  Brevoort,  who  accepts  the  statement,  thinks 
he  made  \.\\e.  peripius  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  passing  out  at  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle, 
and  thence  home.^  He  saw  no  human  beings,  so  that  the  story  of  men  dressed  in  bear- 
skins and  otherwise  described  in  the  Legend  must  have  been  seen  by  Sebastian  Cabot  on 
a  later  voyage.  The  extensive  sailing  up  and  down  the  coast  described  by  chroniclers 
from  conversations  with  Sebastian  Cabot  many  years  afterwards,  though  apparently  told 
as  occurring  on  the  voyage  of  discovery,  —  as  only  one  voyage  is  ever  mentioned,  — must 
have  taken  place  on  a  later  voyage.     There  was  no  time  between  the  24th  of  June  and 

1  "John  Cabot's  Voyage  of  1497,"  in  Hist.  United  States,  and  it  is  thus  laid  down  on  the 
Mag.  xiii.  131  (March,  186S),  with  a  section  of  map  in  Zurla's  Di  Marco  Polo  e  degli  viaggiatori 
the  Cabot  (Paris)  map.  See  also  "  The  Discov-  Venezlani,  Venezia,  1818.  Stevens,  Hist,  and 
ery  of  North  America  by  John  Cabot  in  1497,"  Geog.  Notes,  does  not  allow  that  on  either  voy- 
by  Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  in  the  Al  E.  Hist,  and  age  the  coast  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was 
Geneal.  Reg.  (Oct.  1878),  xxxii.  381  [who  repro-  seen;  and  urges  that  for  some  years  the  coast- 
duces  also  a  part  of  the  same  map,  and  gives  a  line  farther  south  was  drawn  from  Marco 
sketch-map  marking  Cabot's  track  around  the  Polo's  Asiatic  coasts;  and  he  contends  for 
Gulf.  He  bases  his  argument  partly  on  Pasqual-  the  '*  honesty  "  of  the  Portuguese  Portolano  of 
igo's statement  that  Cabot  found  the  tides  "slack,"  1 514,  which  leaves  the  coast  from  Nova  Scotia 
and  shows  that  the  difference  in  their  rise  and  to  Charleston  a  blank,  holding  that  this  con- 
fall  in  that  region  is  small  compared  with  what  firms  his  view.  It  may  be  a  question  whether 
Cabot  had  been  used  to,  at  Bristol.  In  the  con-  it  was  honesty  or  ignorance.  Dr.  Hale,  Amcr. 
fusion  of  the  two  Cabot  voyages,  which  for  a  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.  Oct.  21,  187 1,  gives  a  sketch- 
long  while  prevailed  (see  an  instance  in  Mass.  map  to  show  the  curious  correspondence  of 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  x.  383,  under  date,  1663),  the  the  Asian  and  American  coast  lines.  Ob- 
track  of  his  first  voyage  is  often  made  to  ex-  serve  it  also  in  the  Finaeus  map,  already 
tend  down  the  eastern  seaboard  of  the  present  given.  —  Ed.] 


56 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


the  1st  of  August  for  any  very  extensive  explorations.  Indeed,  John  Cabot  intimated  to 
Raimondo  that  he  intended  on  the  next  voyage  to  start  from  the  place  he  had  already 
found,  and  run  down  the  coast  towards  the  equinoctial  regions,  where  he  expected  to  find 
the  island  of  Cipango  and  the  country  of  jewels  and  spices.     No  doubt  he  was  anxious  to 


return  and  report  his  discovery  thus  far,  and  provide 
shortness    of    provis- 


for  greater  things."     The  plea  of  a 


ions    may   have    cov- 
ered another  motive. 
The  great  abundance 
of  fish  reported  might 
have  supplied  any  immediate  want. 
John   Cabot  was  now  in  high 
favor  with  the  King,  who  supplied 
him  with  money,  by  which  he  was 
able   to   make   a  fine  ap- 
pearance.      Indeed,     the 
King  granted  him  under 


— .--r''>v4Kjs^ 


PORTUGUESE    PORTOLANO.       1514-1520.^ 


the  great  seal,  during  the  royal 
pleasure,  a  pension  of  twenty 
pounds  sterling  per  annum,  hav- 
ing the  purchasing  value  of  two 
hundred  pounds  at  the  present 
time  ;  to  date  from  the  preceding 
25th  of  March.  The  grant  was  a 
charge  upon  the  customs  of  the 
port  of  Bristol.  The  document 
authorizing  this  grant  we  are  able 
to  present  here  for  the  first  time 
in  print.  The  order  from  the 
King  is  dated  the  13th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1497,  and  it  passed  the  seals 
the  28th  of  January,  1498  :  ^  — 


"  Memorandum  quod  xxviii.  die  Januarii  anno  subscripto  istas  litterae  liberatae  fuerunt  domino 
Cancellario  Angliae  apud  Westmonasterium  exequendae  :  — 

"  Henry,  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  England  and  of  France  and  Lord  of  Ireland,  to  the  most 
reverend  father  in  God,  John  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  primate  of  all  England  and  of 
the  apostolic  see  legate,  our  Chancellor,  greeting :  — 

"  We  let  you  wit  that  we  for  certain  considerations,  us  specially  moving,  have  given  and  granted 
unto  our  well-beloved  John  Calbot,  of  the  parts  of  Venice,  an  annuity  or  annual  rent  of  twenty 
pounds  sterling  to  be  had  and  yearly  paid  from  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  of  Our  Lady  last  past, 
during  our  pleasure,  of  our  customs  and  subsidies  coming  and  growing  in  our  port  of  Bristowe  by 
the  hands  of  our  customs  there  for  the  time  being  at  Michaelmas  and  Easter,  by  even  portions. 
Wherefore  we  will  and  charge  you  that  under  our  great  seal  ye  do  make  hereupon  our  letters 
patents  in  good  and  effectual  form.  Given  under  our  privy  seal,  at  our  palace  of  Westminster,  the 
xiiith  day  of  December,  the  xiiith  year  of  our  reign." 


1  [This  map,  at  no.  5,  places  the  Breton 
discovery  at  the  Cabot  landfall.  The  original 
is  dated  by  Kohl  {Discovery  of  Maine ^  179)  in 
1520;  and  by  Kunstmann  in  1514.  Stevens, 
Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  pi.  v.,  copies  Kunstmann. 
The  points  and  inscriptions  on  it  are  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

1.  Do  Lavrador  (Labrador).  Terram  istam 
portugalenses  viderunt  atamen  non  intraverunt. 
(The  Portuguese  saw  this  country,  but  did  not 
enter  it.) 

2.  Bacaluaos  (east  coast  of  Newfoundland). 

3.  (Strahs  of  Belle  Isle.) 

4.  (South  entrance  to  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.) 

5.  Tera  que  foij  descuberta  por  bertomas. 
(Land  discovered  by  the  Bretons.) 

6.  Teram  istam  gaspar  Corte  Regalis  portu- 


galemsis  primo  invenit,  etc.  (Nova  Scotia. 
Gaspar  Cortereal  first  discovered  this  country, 
and  he  took  away  wild  men  and  white  bears  ; 
and  many  animals,  birds  and  fish  are  in  it.  The 
next  year  he  was  shipwrecked  and  did  not  return, 
and  so  was  his  brother  Michael  the  following 
year.)  The  voyages  of  the  Cortereals  will  be 
described  in  Vol.  IV. —  Ed.] 

2  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Franklin  B. 
Dexter,  of  Yale  College,  for  the  privilege  of 
using  this  paper,  copied  by  him  from  the  collec- 
tion of  Privy  Seals,  no.  40,  in  her  Majesty's  Pub- 
lic Record  Office  in  London.  Other  valuable 
memoranda,  including  a  copy  of  the  renewal  to 
Sebastian  Cabot,  in  1550,  of  the  patent  of  1495/6, 
were  also  generously  placed  in  my  hands  by  Prc^• 
fessor  Dexter. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  57 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  a  second  voyage,  and  a  license  to  John  Cabot  alone, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  was  issued  by  the  King,  for  leave  to  take  up  six  ships  and  to 
enlist  as  many  of  the  King's  subjects  as  were  willing  to  go.  This  was  evidently  a  scheme 
of  colonization.  Peter  Martyr  says,  if  this  is  the  voyage  which  he  is  describing,  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  —  for  he  never  speaks  of  John  —  furnished  two  ships  at  his  own  charge, 
and  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  Ramusio,  says  that  the  King  furnished  them,  and  the  Bristol 
merchants  are  supposed  to  have  furnished  three  others  ;  and  they  took  out  three  hundred 
men.i  The  Fabian  manuscript  quoted  by  Hakluyt  says  they  sailed  in  the  beginning  of 
May;  and  De  Ayala  says  they  were  expected  back  by  September.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Sebastian  Cabot  accompanied  his  father  on  this  voyage.  From  the  ^.documents 
already  cited  from  Peter  Martyr  and  Ramusio  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  the 
expedition  coasted  some  distance  to  the  north,  and  then  returning  ran  down  the  coast 
as  far  as  to  the  36°  N.  without  accomplishing  the  purpose  for  which  they  went.  That 
this  latter  course  was  pursued  receives  some  confirmation  from  the  declarations  of  John 
Cabot  on  his  return  from  the  first  voyage,  that  he  believed  it  practicable  to  reach  in  that 
direction  the  Island  of  Cipango  and  the  land  of  the  spices.  But  the  prospects  were  dis- 
couraging and  their  provisions  failed.  Gomara,  in  noticing  this  voyage,  says  that  on  their 
return  from  the  north  they  stopped  at  Baccalaos  for  refreshment.  But  all  the  accounts 
relied  on  for  this  voyage  are  vague  and,  as  we  have  already  seen,  unsatisfying. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Prothonotary,  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala,  residing  in  London, 
to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  dated  July  25,  1498,  relates  to  the  sailing  of  this  expedition  : 

"  I  think  your  Majesties  have  already  heard  that  the  King  of  England  has  equipped  a  fleet  in 
order  to  discover  certain  islands  and  continents  which  he  was  informed  some  people  from  Bristol, 
who  manned  a  few  ships  for  the  same  purpose  last  year,  had  found.  I  have  seen  the  map  which 
the  discoverer  has  made,  who  is  another  Genoese  like  Columbus,  and  who  has  been  in  Seville  and 
in  Lisbon  asking  assistance  for  his  discoveries.  The  people  of  Bristol  have,  for  the  last  seven  years, 
sent  out  every  year  two,  three,  or  four  light  ships  in  search  of  the  Island  of  Brazil  and  the  Seven 
Cities,  according  to  the  fancy  of  this  Genoese.  The  King  determined  to  send  out  ships,  because  the 
year  before  they  brought  certain  news  that  they  had  found  land.  His  fleet  consisted  of  five  vessels, 
which  carried  provisions  for  one  year.  It  is  said  that  one  of  them,  in  which  Friar  Buel  went,  has 
returned  to  Ireland  in  great  distress,  the  ship  being  much  damaged.  The  Genoese  has  continued 
his  voyage.  I  have  seen  on  a  chart  the  direction  which  they  took  and  the  distance  they  sailed  ; 
arid  I  think  that  what  they  have  found,  or  what  they  are  in  seaixh  of,  is  what  your  Highnesses 
already  possess.  It  is  expected  that  they  will  be  back  in  the  month  of  September.  ...  I  think 
it  is  not  further  distant  than  400  leagues.  ...  I  do  not  now  send  the  chart,  or  mapa  immdi,  which 
that  man  has  made,  and  which,  according  to  my  opinion,  is  false,  since  it  makes  it  appear  as  if  the 
land  in  question  was  not  the  said  islands."  '^ 

We  see  by  this  letter  that  this  "  Genoese,"  who  had  discovered  land  the  year  before,  had 
again  sailed  on  the  expedition  here  described.  If  so  important  a  person  as  John  Cabot 
BOW  was  to  the  King  had  died  before  its  departure,  the  fact  would  have  been  known  at 
court,  and  De  Ayala  would  surely  have  mentioned  it,  as  the  Spaniards  were  very  jealous 
of  all  these  proceedings.  The  statement  that  the  King  had  equipped  the  fleet  may  only 
mean  that  the  expedition  was  fitted  and  sent  out  under  his  countenance  and  protection. 
De  Ayala  says  it  was  expected  back  in  September,  but  it  had  not  returned  by  the  last  of 
October.     No  one  knows  when  the  expedition  returned,  and  no  one  knows  what  became 

1  Of  course,  neither  John  Cabot  nor  Sebas-  persons  in  the  way  of   loan,  or  of   reward,  for 

tian  could  furnish  ships  at  his  own  charge,  any  their  "  going  towards  the  new  isle."     Three  of 

more   than   Columbus   could.     Raimondo   says  these   payments   were   to    Lanslot   Thirkill,    of 

that  John  was  "poor,"  and  the  acceptance  by  London,  who  appears  to  have  been  an  owner 

him  of  small  gifts  from  the  King  proves  it.     He  or  master  of  a  ship.     (Biddle,  p.  86.) 
was  probably  aided  by  the  wealthy  men  of  Bristol,  ^  Cale7tdar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  i.  176-77. 

with  whom  he  may  have  taken  up  a  credit.  [This  letter  was   discovered  by  Bergenroth   in 

Among  the  Privy  Purse  expenses  under  date  i860,  the  document  being  preserved  at  Siman- 

of  22d  March  and  ist  April,  1498,  are  sums  of  cas.     See  also  Bergenroth's  Memoirs,  p.  ']'],  and 

monev,    £'2.0,    ;^20,    ;^30,    £2,   paid   to  several  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.Proc.Oz\..2\,x%^%\).2.'^.—^^^ 
VOL.  III.  —  8. 


58 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


of  John  Cabot.     When  the  domestic  calendars  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  are  pubh'shed, 
some  clew  to  him  may  turn  up.     In  the  mean  time  we  must  wait  patiently. 

The  enterprise  was  regarded  as  a  failure,  and  no  doubt  the  Bristol  and  London 
adventurers  suffered  a  pecuniary  loss.  All  schemes  of  Western  discovery  and  coloniza- 
tion were  for  years  substantially  abandoned  by  England.  Some  feeble  attempts  in  this 
direction  appear  to  have  been  made  in  1501  and  1502,  when  patents  for  discovery  were 
granted  by  Henry  in  favor  of  some  merchants  of  Bristol,  with  whom  were  associated  sev- 
eral Portuguese,  but  it  is  not  certain  that  anything  was  done  under  their  authority.' 


1  Biddle,  pp.  227-234,  312. 

In  a  work  entitled  Armorial  de  la  Noblesse  de 
Langiiedock,  by  M.  Louis  de  la  Roque,  Paris,  i860, 
vol.  ii.  p.  163,  there  is  an  account  of  the  family 
of  Cabot  in  that  Province.  The  writer  says  that 
this  family  derived  its  name  and  origin  from 
Jean  Cabot,  a  Venetian  nobleman  who  settled  in 
Bristol  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII. ;  was  a  distin- 
guished navigator,  the  discoverer  of  Terre  Neuve, 
thence  passing  into  the  service  of  Spain ;  that 
he  had  three  sons, — Jean  (who  died  in  Venice), 
Louis,  and  Sebastian  (who  continued  in  the  ser- 
vice of  England  and  died  in  France  without  pos- 
terity) ;  that  Louis,  here  called  the  second  son, 
settled  at  Saint-Paul-le-Coste,  in  the  Cevennes, 
had  a  son  Pierre,  who  died  Dec.  27,  1 552,  leav- 
ing a  will,  by  which  is  shown  his  descent  from 
Jean  the  navigator,  through  his  father  Louis. 
Through  Pierre  the  family  is  traced  down  to  the 
present  time.  The  arms  of  the  family  are  given : 
Device,  "  D'azur  i  trois  chabots  d'or ; "  motto, 
"Semper cor  cabot  Cabot,"  —  the  same  as  those 
of  the  ancient  family  of  Cabot  in  the  island  of  Jer- 
sey, whence  the  New  England  family  of  Cabot 
sprung.  Mr.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  in  the  intro- 
duction to  his  Life  of  George  Cabot,  has  given 
reasons  for  believing  that  the  French  family 
was  derived  from  that  of  Jersey.  The  three 
sons  of  John  Cabot  named  in  the  letters  patent 
of  March  5,  1496,  are  Louis,  Sebastian,  and  San- 
cius,  the  last  of  whom  is  not  named  in  the  list 
here  cited. 

It  may  well  be  doubted  if  Jean  Cabot  is  prop- 
erly styled  above  "a  Venetian  nobleman."  See 
the  grant  of  denization  to  him  in  Venice,  the 
several  letters  patent  to  him  of  Henry  VII.,  and 
the  letter  of  Raimondo  on  page  54.  In  the  state- 
ment that  he  entered  into  the  service  of  Spain,  he 


is  evidently  confounded  with  his  son  Sebastian, 
who,  it  may  be  added,  did  not  die  in  France,  but 
in  England.  Whether  Sebastian  left  posterity  is 
not  known,  but  he  had  a  wife  and  children  while 
he  was  living  in  Spain.  Referring  to  the  motto 
of  the  family  here  given,  I  may  add  that  the 
motto  on  Sebastian's  picture  is  "  Spes  mea  in 
Deo  est." 

Mention  is  made  on  page  31  of  a  portrait 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  till  recently  attributed  to 
Holbein,  painted  in  England  when  Cabot  was 
a  very  old  man,  of  which  a  copy  taken  in  1763 
now  hangs  in  the  Ducal  Palace  in  Venice.  At 
a  meeting  of  the  French  Geographical  Society, 
April  16,  1869,  M.  D'Avezac  stated  that  M.  Val- 
entinelli,  of  Venice,  had  recently  sent  to  him  a 
photograph  copy  of  a  portrait  of  John  Cabot, 
and  one  of  his  son  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  the  age 
of  twenty  years,  after  the  picture  of  Grizellini, 
belonging  to  the  gallery  of  the  Ducal  Palace, 
He  proceeded  to  say  that  some  guarantee  for 
the  authenticity  of  the  picture  of  Sebastian  was 
afforded  by  some  traces  of  resemblance  between 
it  and  the  well-known  portrait  of  him  by  Hol- 
bein at  the  age  of  eighty-five  years  {Bulletin  de  la 
Soc.  de  Geographie,  5  ser.  to.  17,  p.  406).  The 
existence  of  a  portrait  of  vSebastian  Cabot  taken 
at  so  early  an  age,  before  he  left  Venice  to  live 
in  England,  would  be  an  interesting  fact  if  au- 
thentic. An  authentic  picture  of  John  Cabot,  the 
real  discoverer  of  North  America,  would  have 
even  higher  claims  to  our  regard.  Prefixed  to  a 
Memoir  of  "  Giovanni  Cabotto,"  by  Carlo  Bar- 
rera  Pezzi,  published  at  Venice  in  1881,  which 
has  just  come  under  my  notice,  is  a  medallion 
portrait,  inscribed  "  Giovanni  Cabotto  Venezi- 
ano."  It  is  not  referred  to  by  the  author  in 
the  book  in  which  it  is  inserted. 


NOTE.  —  Henri  Harrisse's  Jean  et  Scbastien  Cabot,  leur  origine  et  leurs  voyages,  has  been  published 
since  this  chapter  was  completed. 


CHAPTER    II. 

HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 

BY   THE    REV.   EDWARD   EVERETT   HALE,   D.D., 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

THE  English  voyagers  had  no  mind  to  content  themselves  with  ad- 
venture in  those  more  rugged  regions  to  which  the  Cabots  had 
introduced  them.  Whether  in  peace  or  war,  their  relations  with  Spain 
were  growing  closer  and  closer  all  through  the  sixteenth  century.  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  in  fact,  soon  passed  into  the  service  of  the  Spanish  Crown. 
Indeed,  if  we  had  no  other  memorial  of  the  intimacy  between  English 
and  Spanish  navigators,  we  could  still  trace  it  in  our  language,  which  has 
derived  many  of  its  maritime  words  from  Spanish  originals.  The  seamen 
of  England  found  their  way  everywhere,  and  soon  acquainted  themselves 
with  the  coasts  of  the  West  India  Islands  and  the  Spanish  main.  There 
exists,  indeed,  in  the  English  archives  a  letter  written  as  early  as  15 18 
by  the  Treasurer-General  of  the  West  Indies  to  Queen  Katherine,  the  un- 
happy wife  of  Henry  VIII.,  in  which  he  describes  to  her  the  peculiarities 
of  his  island  home.  He  sends  to  her  a  cloak  of  feathers  such  as  were  worn 
by  native  princesses.  From  that  time  forward,  allusions  to  the  new  dis- 
coveries appear  in  English  literature  and  in  the  history  of  English  trade. ^ 
Still,  it  would  be  fair  to  say,  that,  for  thirty  years  after  the  discovery  of 
America,  that  continent  attracted  as  little  attention  in  England  as  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Antarctic  continent,  forty  years  ago,  has  attracted  in  America 
up  to  this  time. 

It  belongs  to  another  chapter  to  trace  the  gradual  steps  by  which  the 
English  fisheries  developed  England's  knowledge  of  America.  The  in- 
stincts of  trade  led  men  farther  south,  in  a  series  of  voyages  which  will 
be  briefly  traced  in  this  chapter.  One  of  the  earltes^of  them,  which  may 
be  taken  as  typical,  is  that  of  William  Hawkins,  of  Plymouth.  Not  content 
with  the  short  voyages  commonly  made  to  the  known  coasts  of  Europe, 
Hawkins  *'  armed  out  a  tall  and  goodly  ship  of  his  own,"  in  which  he 
made  three  voyages  to  Brazil,  and  skirted,  after  the  fashion  of  the  time, 
the  African  coast.     He  carried  thither  negroes  whom  he  had  taken  on  the 

[1  See  Editorial  Note,  A,  at  end  of  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 


6o  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

coast  of  Guinea.  He  deserves  the  credit,  therefore,  such  as  it  is,  of  begin- 
ning that  African  slave-trade  in  which  England  was  engaged  for  nearly 
three  centuries. 

The  second  of  these  voyages  seems  to  have  been  made  as  early  as 
1530.  He  brought  to  England,  from  the  coast  of  Brazil,  a  savage 
king,  whose  ornaments,  apparel,  behavior,  and  gestures  were  very  strange 
to  the  English  king  and  his  nobility.  These  three  voyages  were  so  suc- 
cessful, that  a  number  of  Southampton  merchants  followed  them  up,  at 
least  as  late  as   1540. 

It  was,  however,  William  jia]^4diisls»..sonJo^n  who  was  knighted  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  for  his  success  in  the  slave-trade,  and  in  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  wealth  which  his  voyages  brought  into  England.  Engaging 
several  of  his  friends,  some  of  whom  were  noblemen,  in  the  adventure, 
John  Hawkins  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  three  ships  and  one  hundred  men  for 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  in  October,  1562.  He  took  —  partly  by  the  sword, 
and  partly  by  other  means  —  three  hundred  or  more  negroes,  whom  he 
carried  to  San  Domingo,  then  called  Hispaniola,  and  sold  profitably.  In 
his  own  ships  he  brought  home  hides,  ginger,  sugar,  and  some  pearls. 
He  sent  two  other  ships  with  hides  and  other  commodities  to  Spain. 
These  were  seized  by  the  Spanish  Government,  and  it  is  curious  that 
Hawkins  should  not  have  known  that  they  would  be.  His  ignorance 
seems  to  show  that  his  adventure  was  substantially  a  novelty  in  that  time. 
He  himself  arrived  in  England  again  in  September,  1563.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  loss  of  half  his  profits  in  Spain,  the  voyage  brought  much  gain 
to  himself  and  the  other  adventurers. 

Thus  encouraged,  Hawkins  sailed  again,  the  next  year,  with  four  ships, 
of  which  the  largest  was  the  ''Jesus,"  of  Lubec,  of  seven  hundred  tons; 
the  smallest  was  the  "  Swallow,"  of  only  thirty  tons.  He  had  a  hundred 
and  seventy  men;  and,  as  in  all  such  voyages,  the  ships  were  armed. 
Passing  down  the  coast  of  Guinea,  they  spent  December  and  January  in 
picking  up  their  wretched  freight,  and  lost  by  sickness  and  in  fights  with 
the  negroes  many  of  their  men.  On  the  29th  of  January,  1^5,  they  had 
taken  in  their  living  cargo,  and  then  they  crossed  to  the  West  Indies.  On 
the  voyage  they  were  becalmed  for  twenty-one  days.  But  they  arrived  at 
the  Island  of  Dominica,  then  in  possession  of  savages,  on  the  9th  of 
March.  From  that  period  till  the  31st  of  May,  they  were  trading  on  the 
Spanish  coasts,  and  then  returned  to  England,  touching  at  various  points 
in  the  West  Indies.  They  passed  along  the  whole  coast  of  Florida,  and 
they  are  the  first  Englishmen  who  give  us  in  detail  any  account  of 
Florida.^ 

1  In  this  narrative  is  an  account  of  tobacco  with  a  cane  and  an  earthen  cup  in  the  end,  with 

twenty  years  before  that  luxury  was  introduced  fire,  and  the  dried  herbs  put  together,  do  sucke 

into  England  by  Ralph  Lane.     The  account  is  thoro  the  cane  the  smoke  thereof,  which  smoke 

in  these  words   (the  grammar  is  defective,  but  satisfieth  their  hunger,  and  therewith  they  live 

the  copy  is  accurate):   "The  Floridians,  when  foure  or  five  days  without  meat  or  drinke,  and 

they  travel,  have  a  kinde  of  herbe  dryed,  which  this  all  the  Frenchmen  vsed  for  this  purpose : 


HAWKINS    AND    DRAKE. 


6l 


It  was  Hawkins's  great  good  fortune  to  come  to  the  relief  of  the  strug- 
gling colony  of  Laudonniere,  then  in  the  second  year  of  its  wretched 
history.  From  his  narrative  we  learn  that  the  settlers  had  made  twenty 
hogsheads  of  wine  in  a  single  summer  from  the  native  grapes,  which  is 
perhaps  more  than  has  been  done  there  since  in  the  same  period  of 
time.^  The  wretched 
colonists  owed  every- 
thing to  the  kindness 
of  Hawkins.  He  left 
them  a  vessel  in 
which  to  return  to 
France  ;  and  they  had 
made  all  their  prep- 
arations so  to  do, 
when  they  were  re- 
Heved  —  for  their  ul- 
timate destruction,  as 
it  proved  —  by  the 
arrival  of  a  squadron 
under  Ribault.2  Haw- 
kins returned  to  Eng- 
land after  a  voyage 
sufficiently  prosper- 
ous, which  had  lasted 
eleven  months.  He 
had  lost  twenty  per- 
sons in  all;  but  he 
had  brought  home 
gold,  silver,  pearls, 
and  other  jewels  in 
great  store. 

His  account  of 
Florida  is  much  more 
careful  than  what  he 
gives  of  any  of  the 
West  India  Islands. 
From  his  own  words 
it    is    clear    that    he 


yet  do  they  holde  opinion  withall  that  it  causeth 
water  and  fleame  to  void  from  their  stomacks." 
It  is  a  little  curious  that  he  should  thus  connect 
tobacco  with  Florida,  as  if  he  had  not  observed 
its  use  in  the  West  Indies.  It  had,  indeed,  been 
used  in  Southern  Europe  before  this  time. 

1  A  recently  discovered  letter  of  Winthrop 
shows  that  the  Massachusetts  colonists  made 
wine  of  their  grapes  in  the  first  summer.     The 


appetite  for  such  wine  does  not  seem  peri- 
lous. 

'^  [The  story  of  this  French  colony  is  told  in 
Vol.  II.  — Ed.] 

3  [This  cut  follows  a  photograph  of  the  bas- 
relief  which  is  given  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's 
edition  of  the  Hawkins  Voyages.  Another  en- 
graving of  it  is  given  in  Harper's  Magazine,  Jan- 
uary, 1883,  p.  221.  —  Ed.] 


62  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

thought  it  might  be  of  use  to  England,  and  that  he  wanted  to  draw  atten- 
tion to  it  as  a  place  open  to  colonization.  Like  so  many  other  explorers, 
from  Ponce  de  Leon  down  to  our  own  times,  he  was  surprised  that  a  country, 
which  is  so  attractive  to  the  eye,  should  be  left  so  nearly  without  inhabitants. 
It  seems  to  have  been  more  densely  peopled  when  Ponce  de  Leon  landed 
there  in  15 13  than  it  was  at  the  beginning  of  this  century.  To  such  interest 
or  enthusiasm  of  Hawkins  do  we  owe  an  account  of  Florida,  in  its  native 
condition,  more  full  than  we  have  of  any  other  of  our  States,  excepting 
New  Mexico,  at  a  period  so  early  in  our  history. 

Besides  tobacco,  he  specifies  the  abundance  of  sorrel, — which  grew  as 
abundantly  as  grass,  —  of  maize,  of  mill,  and  of  grapes,  which  ''  taste  much 
like  our  English  grapes."  He  describes  the  community  building  of  the 
southern  tribes,  as  made  ''  like  a  great  barne,  in  strength  not  inferiour  to 
ours,"  with  stanchions  and  rafters  of  whole  trees,  and  covered  with  palmetto 
leaves.  There  was  one  small  room  for  the  king  and  queen,  but  no  other 
subdivisions.  In  the  midst  of  the  great  hall  a  fire  was  kept  all  night.  The 
houses,  indeed,  were  only  used  at  night. 

In  a  country  of  such  a  climate  and  soil,  with  **  marvellous  store  of  deer 
and  divers  other  beasts,  and  fowl  and  fish  sufficient,"  Hawkins  naturally 
thought  that  *'  a  man  might  live,"  as  he  says  quaintly.  Maize,  he  says, 
"maketh  good  savory  bread,  and  cakes  as  fine  as  flower."  The  first  account 
to  be  found  in  English  literature  of  the  *'  hasty  pudding"  of  the  American 
larder,  the  "  mush"  of  the  Pennsylvanians,^  is  in  Hawkins's  narrative.  '*  It 
maketh  good  meal,  beaten,  and  sodden  with  water,  and  eateth  like  pap 
wherewith  we  feed  children."  The  Frenchmen,  fond  by  nature  of  soup, 
had  made  another  use  of  it,  not  wholly  forgotten  at  this  day.  "  It  maketh 
also  good  beverage,  sodden  in  water  and  nourishable ;  which  the  French- 
men did  use  to  drink  of  in  the  morning,  and  it  assuaged  their  thirst  so  that 
they  had  no  need  to  drink  all  the  day  after."  It  was,  he  says,  because  the 
French  had  been  too  lazy  to  plant  maize  for  themselves  that  their  colony 
came  to  such  wretched  destitution.  To  obtain  maize,  they  had  made  war 
against  the  so-called  savages  who  had  raised  it,  and  this  aggression  had 
naturally  reacted  against  them. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  in  all  these  early  narratives  of  the  slave- 
trade  there  is  no  intimation  that  it  involved  cruelty  or  any  form  of  wrong. 
Hawkins  sailed  in  the  ship  *'  Jesus,"  with  faith  as  sincere  as  if  he  had  sailed 
on  a  crusade.  His  sailing  orders  to  his  four  ships  close  with  words  which 
remind  one  of  Cromwell:  ''Serve  God  daily;  love  one  another;  preserve 
your  victuals ;  beware  of  fire ;  and  keep  good  company."  By  "  serve 
God,"  it  is  meant  that  the  ship's  company  shall  join  in  religious  services 
morning  and  evening ;  and  this  these  slave-traders  regularly  did.  In  one 
of  their  incursions  on  the  Guinea  coast  they  were  almost  destroyed  by  the 

1  "  Thy  name  is  hasty  pudding :  how  I  blush 
To  hear  the  Pennsylvanians  call  thee  mush! " 

—  Barlow  :  J/as^jy  Pudding. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE.  63 

native  negroes,  as  they  well  deserved  to  be.  Hawkins  narrates  the  adven- 
ture with  this  comment:  '*  God,  who  worketh  all  things  for  the  best,  would 
not  have  it  so,  and  by  him  we  escaped  without  danger.  His  name  be 
praised  for  it !  "  And  again,  when  they  were  nearly  starved,  becalmed  in 
mid-ocean:  "Almighty  God,  who  never  suffereth  his  elect  to  perish,  sent 
us  the  ordinary  breeze."  ^ 

The  success  of  the  second  voyage  was  such  that  a  coat-of-arms  was 
granted  to  Hawkins.  Translated  from  the  jargon  of  heraldry,  the  grant 
means  that  he  might  bear  on  his  black  shield  a  golden  lion  walking  over 
the  waves.  Above  the  lion  were  three  golden  coins.  For  a  crest  he  was 
to  have  a  figure  of  half  a  Moor,  ''  bound,  and  a  captive,"  with  golden 
amulets  on  his  arms  and  ears.  No  disgrace  attached  to  the  capturing 
of  Africans  and  selling  them  for  money.  That  the  Heralds'  Office  might 
give  to  the  transaction  the  sanctions  of  Christianity,  it  directed  Hawkins, 
five  years  after,  to  add  in  one  corner  of  the  shield  the  pilgrim's  scallop- 
shell  in  gold,  between  two  palmer's  staves,  as  if  to  intimate  that  the  African 
slave-trade  was  the  true  crusade  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 

So  successful  was  this  expedition,  that  Hawkins  started  on  a  third,  with 
five  ships,  in  October,  1567.  He  commanded  his  old  ship,  the  "Jesus,"  and 
£tajl£isJ^rake,  afterward  so  celebrated,  commanded  the  "  Judith,"  a  little 
vessel  of  fifty  tons.  They  took  four  or  five  hundred  negroes,  and  crossed 
to  Dominica  again,  but  were  more  than  seven  weeks  on  the  passage.  As 
before,  they  passed  along  the  Spanish  main,  where  they  found  the  Spaniards 
had  been  cautioned  against  them.  They  absolutely  stormed  the  town  of 
Rio  de  la  Hacha  before  they  could  obtain  permission  to  trade.  In  all  cases, 
although  the  Spanish  officers  had  been  instructed  to  oppose  their  trade, 
they  found  that  negroes  were  so  much  in  demand  that  the  planters  dealt 
with  them  eagerly.  After  a  repulse  at  Cartagena,  they  crossed  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  towards  Florida,  but  were  finally  compelled,  by  two  severe  tem- 
pests, to  run  to  San  Juan  d'  Ulua,  the  port  of  Mexico,  for  repairs  and  sup- 
plies. Here  they  claimed  the  privileges  of  allies  of  King  Philip,  and  were 
at  first  well  enough  received.  Hawkins  takes  to  himself  credit  that  he  did 
not  seize  twelve  ships  which  he  found  there,  with  i^200,ooo  of  silver  on 
board.  The  local  officers  sent  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  about  two  hundred 
miles  inland,  for  instructions.  The  next  day  a  fleet  from  Spain,  of  twelve 
ships,  arrived  in  the  offing.  Hawkins,  fearing  the  anger  of  his  Queen,  he 
says,  let  them  come  into  harbor,  having  made  a  compact  with  the  Govern- 

1  One  hundred  and  forty  years  later,  Daniel  periences  he  enumerates  and  repents  his  "  mani- 

De  Foe,  a  devoted   Christian   man,  wrote  his  fold  sins  and  wickedness."     But  among  these, 

celebrated  biography  of  Robinson  Crusoe,  who,  although  he  regrets  his  own  folly  in  risking  so 

when  he  had  been  long  living  in  Brazil  as  a  much  in  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  it  is  never  inti- 

planter,  met  his  critical  shipwreck  in  a  voyage  mated  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in  dragging 

to  the  African  coast  for  slaves.     The  romance  these   wretched   negroes   unwilling   from    their 

is  intended  by  its  author  to  be  what  we  call  a  homes  :    so    slow   had    been    the   development 

religious  novel.      The  religious  experiences  of  of  the  spirit  of  humanity  in  the  sixteenth  and 

the  hero  are  those  to  which  De  Foe  attached  even  the  seventeenth  century,  and  so  ill  defined 

most  importance.     In  the  relation  of  these  ex-  were  the  rights  of  man  ! 


64  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

ment  that  neither  side  should  make  war  against  the  other.  The  fleet  entered, 
and  for  three  days  all  was  amity  and  courtesy.  But  on  the  fourth  day,  from 
the  shore  and  from  the  ships,  the  five  English  vessels  were  attacked  furi- 
ously, and  in  that  little  harbor  a  naval  action  ensued,  of  which  the  result 
was  the  flight  of  the  **  Minion"  and  the  "Judith"  alone,  and  the  capture 
or  destruction  of  the  other  English  vessels.  So  crowded  was  the  "  Minion," 
that  a  hundred  of  the  fugitives  preferred  to  land,  rather  than  to  tempt  the 
perils  of  the  sea  in  her.  They  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition,  and 
their  sufferings  were  horrible.  The  others,  after  a  long  and  stormy  passage, 
arrived  in  England  on  the  25th  of  January,  1568/69. 

*  It  is  a  real  misfortune  for  our  early  history  that  no  reliance  can  be 
placed  on  the  fragmentary  stories  of  the  few  survivors  who  were  left  by 
Hawkins  on  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  One  or  two  there  were  who, 
after  years  of  captivity,  told  their  wretched  story  at  home.  But  it  is  so 
disfigured  by  every  form  of  lie,  that  the  most  ingenious  reconstructer  of 
history  fails  to  distil  from  it  even  a  drop  of  the  truth.  The  routes  which 
they  pursued  cannot  be  traced,  the  etymology  of  geography  gains  nothing 
from  their  nomenclature,  and,  in  a  word,  the  whole  story  has  to  be  con- 
signed to  the  realm  of  fable.^  Such  a  narrative  as  these  men  might  have 
told  would  be  our  best  guide  for  what  has  been  well  called  by  Mr.  Haven 
"  the  mythical  century"  of  American  history. 

In  this  voyage  of  Hawkins  the  Earls  of  Pembroke  and  of  Leicester 
were  among  the  adventurers. 

If  Hawkins's  account  of  the  perfidy  of  the  Spaniards  at  San  Juan  d'  Ulua 
be  true,  —  and  it  has  never  been  contradicted,  —  the  Spanish  Crown  that  day 
brought  down  a  storm  of  misery  and  rapine  from  which  it  never  fairly  re- 
covered. The  accursed  doctrine  of  the  Inquisition,  that  no  faith  was  to  be 
kept  with  heretics,  proved  a  dangerous  doctrine  for  Spain  when  the  heretics 
were  such  men  as  Hawkins,  Cavendish,  and  Drake.  On  that  day  Francis 
Drake  learned  his  lesson  of  Spanish  treachery;  and  he  learned  it  so  well 
that  he  determined  on  his  revenge.  That  revenge  he  took  so  thoroughly, 
that  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  he  is  spoken  of  in  all  Spanish  annals 
as  **  The  Dragon."  ^ 

Hawkins  gives  no  account  of  Drake's  special  service  in  the  '*  Judith," — 
the  smallest  vessel  in  the  unfortunate  squadron,  and  one  of  the  two  which 
returned  to  England ;  nor  has  Drake  himself  left  any  which  has  been  dis- 
covered ;  nor  have  his  biographers.  Clearly  his  ill-fortune  did  not  check  his 
eagerness  for  attack ;  and  from  that  time  forward  Spain  had  at  least  one 
determined  enemy  in  England. 

He  had  made  two  voyages  to  the  West  Indies  in  15 70  and  in  1 571,  of 
which  little  is  known.     For  a  fifth  voyage,  which  he  calls  the  third  of  im- 

1  [See  the  note  on   Ingram's  and  Hortop's  in  the  Bodleian,  in  the  Magazine  of  American 

narratives  in  the  critical  part  of  chap.  vi.     Since  History,  March,  1883.  —  Ed.] 

that  chapter  was  in  type,  Dr.  De  Costa  has  exam-  2  gy   ^  play   upon    his   name,  —  "  Dracus," 

ined  anew  the  story  of    Ingram's  journey,  and  or  "  Draco."      See  the  curious  coincidence  of 

has  printed  Ingram's  relation,  from  a  manuscript  "  Caput  Draconis,"  mentioned  in  a  later  note. 


HAWKINS    AND    DRAKE.  65 

portance,  he  fitted  out  a  little  squadron  of  only  two  vessels,  the  *'  Pasha  "  and 
the  "  Swan,"  and  sailed  in  1572,  with  no  pretence  of  trade,  simply  to  attack 
and  ravage  the 
Spanish  main. 

He      specially      -^^^^^^^  ^y^7^2^~/yf^     lJ^^2^^A 
assigns   as   his  ^ ^  '^        ^  ^"^^ 

motive  for  this 
enterprise  his 
desire  to  inflict 

vengeance  for  injuries  done  him  at  Rio  de  Hacha  in  1565  and  in  1566,  and,  in 
particular,  that  he  might  retaliate  on  Henriques,  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  for  his 
treachery  at  San  Juan  d'  Ulua.  It  seems  that  he  had  vainly  sought  amends 
at  the  Court  of  Spain,  and  that  the  Queen's  diplomacy  had  been  equally 
ineffective.  The  little  squadron,  enlarged  by  a  third  vessel  which  joined 
them  after  sailing,  attacked  Nombre  de  Dios,  then  the  granary  of  the  West 
Indies,  but  with  small  success.  They  then  insulted  the  port  of  Cartagena, 
and  afterward,  having  made  an  alliance  with  the  Cimaronnes,  since  and 
now  known  as  Maroons,  —  a  tribe  of  savages  and  self-freed  Africans,  —  they 
marched  across  the  isthmus,  and  Drake  obtained  his  first  sight  of  that 
Pacific  Ocean  which  he  was  afterward  to  explore.  *' Vehemently  trans- 
ported with  desire  to  navigate  that  sea,  he  fell  upon  his  knees  and  implored 
the  divine  assistance  that  he  might  at  some  time  sail  thither  and  make  a 
perfect  discovery  of  the  same."  The  place  from  which  Drake  saw  it  was 
probably  near  the  spot  where  Balboa  ''  thanked  God  for  that  great  dis- 
covery," and  that  he  had  been  first  of  Christian  men  to  behold  that  sea. 
His  discovery  was  made  in  15 13,  sixty  years  before  Drake  renewed  it.^ 

The  narrative  which  we  cite  is  in  the  words  of  the  historian  Camden. 
Camden  tells  us  also  that  Drake  had  ''  gotten  together  a  pretty  sum  of 
money"  in  this  expedition,  and,  satisfied  for  the  moment,  he  remained  in 
England.  He  engaged  himself  in  assisting,  at  sea,  in  the  reduction  of 
Ireland.  But  he  had  by  no  means  done  with  the  Spaniards,  and  at  the 
end  of  1577,  sailing  on  the  15th  of  November,  he  left  Plymouth  on  the 
celebrated  voyage  in  which  he  was  to  sail  round  the  world.  The  squadron 
consisted  of  the  "Pelican,"  of  one  hundred  tons,  the  ''Elizabeth,"  of  eighty, 
the  ''  Swan,"  of  fifty,  and  the  ''  Marigold  "  and  "  Christopher,"  of  thirty  and 
of  fifteen  tons.  Of  these  vessels  the  ''  Pelican  "  was  the  only  one  which  com- 
pleted the  great  adventure.  Her  armament  was  twenty  guns  of  brass  and 
iron.  She  had  others  in  her  hold.  So  well  had  Drake  profited  by  earlier 
expeditions,  that  his  equipment  was  complete,  and  even  luxurious.  He 
carried  pinnaces  in  parts,  to  be  put  together  when  needed.  He  had 
"  expert  musicians,  rich  furniture,  all  the  vessels  for  the  table,  yea,  many 
even  of  the  cook-room,  being  of  pure  silver."  In  every  detail  he  was  pre- 
pared to  show  the  magnificence  and  the  civilization  of  his  own  country. 

The  crew  were  shipped  and  the  expedition  sailed,  with  the  pretence  of  a 

1  Cortes  was  never  "  silent  upon  a  peak  in  Darien,"  except  in  Keats's  poem. 
VOL.  m.  —  9. 


66  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF  AMERICA. 

voyage  to  Egypt.  This  was  to  blind  the  Spanish  envoys,  in  concealment  of 
th'e  real  object  of  the  expedition,  as  similar  expeditions  since  have  been 
veiled.  But  it  is  clear  enough  that  the  partners  in  the  enterprise  and  the 
men  they  shipped  knew  very  well  whither  they  were  faring. 

After  one  rebuff,  the  fleet  finally  left  England  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1577,  and,  with  occasional  pauses  to  refit  at  the  Cape  de  Verde  and  at  dif- 
ferent points  not  frequented  by  the  Portuguese  or  Spaniards  on  the  Bra- 
zilian coast  and  the  coast  south  of  Brazil,  they  arrived  at  Port  St.  Julian  on 
the  19th  of  June,  in  the  beginning  of  the  southern  winter.  Here  they  spent 
two  months,  not  sailing  again  until  the  17th  of  August,  when  they  essayed 
the  passage  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  While  at  Port  St.  Julian  Drake 
found,  or  professed  to  find,  evidences  of  the  treachery  of  Doughty,  one 
of  the  gentlemen  in  whom  at  first  he  had  most  confided.  Doughty  was 
tried  before  a  jury  of  twelve,  found  guilty,  and  beheaded.  They  all  re- 
membered that  Magellan  had  had  a  similar  experience  in  the  same  harbor 
fifty-seven  years  before.  Indeed  they  found  the  gibbet  on  which,  as  they 
supposed,  John  of  Cartagena  had  been  hanged  by  Magellan,  with  his 
mouldering  bones  below.  The  Spaniards  safd  that  Drake  himself  acted 
as  Doughty's  executioner.  Fletcher  says,  "  he  who  acted  in  the  room  of 
provost  marshal."     It  is  hard  to  see  how  the  Spaniards  should  know. 

After  a  series  of  stormy  adventures,  they  found  themselves  safe  in  the 
Pacific  on  the  28th  of  October.  After  really  passing  the  straits,  they  had 
been  driven  far  south  by  tempests,  and  on  the  extreme  point  of  Tierra  del 
Fuego  Drake  had  landed.  On  a  grassy  point  he  fell  upon  the  ground  at 
length,  and  extended  his  arms  as  widely  as  possible,  as  if  to  grasp  the 
southern  end  of  the  hemisphere,  —  in  memory,  perhaps,  of  Caesar's  taking 
possession  of  England.  The  "  Pelican  "  was  the  only  vessel  now  under  his 
command.  The  others  had  either  been  lost  or  had  deserted  him ;  and 
though  he  sought  for  his  consorts  all  the  way  on  his  voyage  northward,  he 
sought  in  vain. 

From  Drake's  own  pen  we  have  no  narrative  of  this  remarkable  voyage. 
His  chaplain,  Fletcher,^  gives  a  good  account  of  Patagonia  and  of  the 
natives,  from  the  observations  made  in  Port  St.  Julian  and  in  their  after 
experiences  as  they  passed  the  straits.  The  Englishmen  corrected  at  once 
the  Spanish  fable  regarding  the  marvellous  height  of  these  men.  They 
corrected  errors  which  they  supposed  the  Spaniards  had  intentionally  pub- 
lished in  the  charts.  It  is  supposed  that  Drake  sighted  the  Falkland 
Islands,  which  had  been  discovered  by  Davis  a  few  years  before.  Drake 
gave  the  name  of  Elizabeth  Islands,  or  the  Elizabethides,  to  the  whole 
group  of  Tierra  del  Fuego  and  its  neighbors. 

In  their  voyage  north  they  touched  for  supplies  at  a  great  island,  which 
the  Spaniards  called  Mucho;  and  afterward  at  Valparaiso,  where  they 
plundered  a  great  ship  called  the  **  Captain  of  the  South,"  which  they  found 
at  anchor  there.     Fletcher  describes  all  such  plunder  with  a  clumsy  raillery, 

^  The  World  Encompased. 


HAWKINS    AND    DRAKE. 


67 


as  if  a  Spaniard's  plunder  were  always  fair  game.  To  Drake  it  was  indeed 
repayment  for  San  Juan  d'  Ulua.  Farther  north,  they  entered  the  bay 
of  "  Cyppo ;  "  and  in  another  bay,  still  farther  north,  they  set  up  the  pin- 
nace which  they  had  in  parts  on  board  their  vessel.  In  this  pinnace 
Drake  sailed  south  a  day  to  look  for  his  consorts;  but  he  was  driven 
back  by  adverse  winds.  After 
a  stay  of  a  month  here,  which 
added  nothing  to  our  knowl- 
edge of  the  geography  of  the 
country,  they  sailed  again. 
"  Cyppo "  is  probably  the 
Copiapo  of  to-day. 

Pausing  for  plunder,  or  for 
water,  or  fresh  provisions,  from 
time  to  time,  they  ran  in,  on 
the  7th  of  February,  to  the 
port  of  Arica,  where  they 
spoiled  the  vessels  they  found, 
generally  confining  their  plun- 
der to  silver,  gold,  and  jewels, 
and  such  stores  as  they  needed 
for  immediate  use.  At  Callao 
they  found  no  news  of  their 
comrades ;  but  they  did  find 
news  from  Europe, —  the 
death  of  the  kings  of  Portugal,  of  France,  of  Morocco,  and  of  Fez,  and  of 
the  Pope  of  Rome.  From  one  vessel  they  took  fifteen  hundred  bars  of 
silver,  and  learning  that  a  treasure-ship  had  sailed  a  fortnight  before,  went 
rapidly  in  pursuit  of  her. 

They  overtook  her  on  the  ist  of  March,  and  captured  her.  As  part 
of  her  cargo,  she  had  on  board  "  a  certain  quantity  of  jewels  and  precious 
stones,"  thirteen  chests  of  silver  reals,  eighty  pounds  weight  of  gold, 
twenty-six  tons  of  uncoined  silver,  two  very  fair  gilt  silver  drinking-bowls, 
"and  the  like  trifles,  —  valued  in  all  about  three  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand pezoes,"  —  as  Fletcher  says  in  his  clumsy  pleasantry.  The  ships  lay 
together  six  days,  then  Drake  ''  gave  the  master  a  little  linen  and  the  like 
for  his  commodities,"  and  let  him  and  his  ship  go.  Her  name,  long 
remembered,  was  the  "  Cacafuego."  The  Spanish  Government  estimated 
the  loss  at  a  million  and  a  half  of  ducats.     A  ducat  was  about  two  dollars. 

Drake  now  determined  to  give  up  the  risk  of  returning  by  the  way  he 
came,  and  to  go  home  by  the  north  or  by  crossing  the  Pacific.     He  aban- 

1  This  sketch  follows  a  drawing  by  Kohl  in  5.  Tigna  fl.  9.  Giapan. 

his  manuscript  in  the  American  Antiquarian  So-  6.  R.  Tontonteac.  10.  Mare  di  Mangi. 

ciety's  Library-.     This  is  the  key  :  —  7.  Y.  delle  Perle.  11.  Chinan  Golfo. 

1.  Mare  Se])tentrionale.        3.  Quivira  prov.  8.  Y.  di  Cedri.  12.  Parte  di  Asia. 

2.  Terra  incognita.  4.  C.  Nevada. 


ZALTIERl'S   MAP,    1566.I 


68 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


doned  the  hope  of  joining  his  consorts,  who  had,  though  he  did  not  know- 
it,  no  thought  of  joining  him.  On  the  i6th  of  March  he  touched  at  the 
Island  of  Caines,  where  he  experienced  a  terrible  earthquake;  on  the  15th 
of  March  at  Guatulco,  in  Mexico,  where  he  took  some  fresh  provisions ; 

and  sailing  the 
next  day,  struck 
northward  on 
the  voyage  in 
which  he  dis- 
covered the 
coast  of  Oregon 
and  of  that  part 
of  California 
which  now  be- 
longs to  the 
United  States. 

A  certain 
doubt  hangs 
over  the  orig- 
inal discovery 
of  the  eastern 
coast  of  this 
nation.  There 
is  no  doubt  that 

the  coast  of  Oregon  was  discovered  to  Europe  by  the  greatest  seaman  of 
Queen  Elizabeth's  reign.^ 

Taking  as  plunder  a  potful  of  silver  reals,  —  the  pot,  says  Fletcher,  "  as 
big  as  a  bushel,"  —  and  some  other  booty,  Drake  sailed  west,  then  north- 
west and  north,  "  fourteen  hundred  leagues  in  all."  This,  according  to  the 
account  of  Fletcher,  his  chaplain,  brought  them  to  the  3d  of  June,^  when 
they  were  in  north  latitude  42°.  On  the  night  of  that  day,  the  weather 
(which  had  been  very  hot)  became  bitterly  cold ;  the  ropes  of  the  ship 
were  stiff  with  ice,  and  sleet  fell  instead  of  rain.  This  cold  weather  con- 
tinued for  days.     On  the  fifth  they  ran  in  to  a  shore  which  they  then  first 


MAP    OF   PAULO   DE   FURLANO,    1574.^ 


1  Furlano  is  said  to  have  received  this  map 
from  a  Spaniard,  Don  Diego  Hermano  de  Toledo, 
in  1 574.  The  sketch  is  made  from  the  drawing  in 
Kohl's  manuscript  in  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society's  Library.     The  key  is  as  follows  :  — 

1.  Mare  incognito.  6.  Quisau. 

2.  Stretto  di  Anian.         7.  Mangi  Prov. 


3.  Quivir. 

4-  Golfo  di  Anian. 

5.  Anian  regnum. 


8.  Mare  de  Mangi. 

9.  Isola  di  Giapan. 
10.  Y.  di  Cedri. 


2  [It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  the 
Portuguese,  who  had  made  their  way  to  the 
Moluccas  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  151 2, — 
a  year  before  Balboa  disclosed  the  great  sea  to 


the  Spaniards, —  claim  that  in  the  very  year 
(1520)  when  Magellan  was  finding  a  passage  by 
the  straits,  and  Cortes  was  exi>loring  the  (iulf 
of  Mexico  in  the  vain  endeavor  to  find  another, 
their  ships  from  the  Moluccas  cro.ssed  the  ocean 
eastward  and  struck  the  coast  of  California.  It 
is  also  represented  that  the  expedition  con- 
ducted by  Cabrillo,  a  Portuguese  in  the  King  of 
Spain's  service,  went  up  to  44°  in  1542-43.  This 
phase  of  the  subject  is  more  particularly  exam- 
ined in  Vol.  II.  — Ed.] 

3  It  should  be  remembered  that  all  these 
dates  are  of  old  style,  and  correspond  to  dates 
ten  days  later  now. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE.  69 

descried,  and  anchored  in  a  bad  bay,  which  was  the  best  roadstead  they 
could  find.  But  the  moment  the  gale  lulled,  ''  thick  stinking  fogs  "  settled 
down  on  them;  they  could  not  abide  there;  and  from  this  place ^  they 
turned  south,  and  ran  along  the  coast.  They  found  it  "  low  and  reasonable 
plain."     Every  hill  was  covered  with  snow,  though  it  was  in  June. 

In  the  latitude  of  38^  30',  they  came  to  a  "  convenient  and  fit  harbour." 
Another  narrator  says,  *' It  pleased  God  to  send  us  into  a  fair  and  good 
bay,  with  a  good  wind  to  enter  the  same."  They  entered,  and  remained 
in  it  till  the  23d  of  July.  During  all  this  time  they  were  visited  with  the 
"  like  nipping  colds."  They  would  have  been  glad  to  keep  their  beds,  and 
if  they  were  not  at  work,  would  have  worn  their  winter  clothes.  For  a 
fortnight  together  they  could  take  no  observations  of  sun  or  star.  When 
they  met  t-he  natives,  they  found  them  shivering  even  under  their  furs; 
and  the  "  ground  %vas  without  greenness "  and  the  trees  without  leaves 
in  June  and  July. 

The  day  after  they  entered  this  harbor  an  Indian  came  out  to  them  in 
a  canoe.  He  made  tokens  of  respect  and  submission.  He  threw  into  the 
ship  a  little  basket  made  of  rushes  containing  an  herb  called  tobah? 
Drake  wished  to  recompense  him,  but  he  would  take  nothing  but  a  hat, 
which  was  thrown  into  the  water.  The  company  of  the  "  Pelican  "  sup- 
posed then  and  always  that  the  natives  considered  and  reverenced  them 
as  gods.  In  preparation  for  repairing  the  ship,  Drake  landed  his  stores. 
A  large  company  of  Indians  approached  as  he  landed,  and  friendly  rela- 
tions were  maintained  between  them  and  the  Englishmen  during  the  whole 

1  [It  is  a  question  how  far  north  Drake  went,  to  views  which  more  distinctly  prefigured  the 
Up  to  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  the  writers,  Straits  of  Behring,  not  yet  to  be  determined 
except  Davis  in  his  WorWs  Hydrographical  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years.  The  earlier  con- 
Z>/jr^w^rj/,  and  perhaps  Sir  William  Monson,  had  jectural  propinquity  of  America  and  Asia  at 
fixed  his  northing  at  43°,  —  these  two  excep-  the  north  —  as  shown  in  the  maps  of  Miinster, 
tions  placing  it  at  48°,  and  this  last  opinion  has  Mercator,  and  others — was  giving  place  to  a 
been  followed  by  Burney,  Barrow,  and  the  writer  more  minute  configuration,  as  shown  in  the 
of  the  Life  of  Drake  in  the  1750  edition  of  the  maps  of  Zaltieri  and  Furlano,  of  which  out- 
Biographia  Britannica.  Greenhow,  Oregon  and  lines  are  given  in  the  text,  indicating  the  kind 
California,  2d  edition,  p.  74,  doubts  the  later  of  view  which  was  prevailing  regarding  this 
view.  Drake's  aim  was  to  find  the  westerly  end  northern  part  of  the  Pacific,  which  Drake  was 
of  what  was  for  a  long  time  the  conjectural  bafiled  in  his  attempt  to  explore.  It  is  curi- 
Straits  of  Anian,  or  the  northern  passage  to  the  ous  to  observe,  moreover,  that  Mercator  in  his 
Atlantic,  which,  ever  since  Cortereal,  in  1500,  map  in  zones,  dated  1541,  marks  the  region 
had  found  what  he  supposed  the  easterly  end  later  to  be  called  New  Albion  as  having  the 
of  such  a  passage  in  Hudson's  Straits,  had  been  star  Caput  Draconis  in  the  zenith,  —  almost  in 
a  dream  of  navigators  and  geographers.  An  strange  anticipation  of  its  being  the  spot  where 
examination  of  the  unstable  views  which  were  the  English  "  dragon  "  was  first  to  contest  Span- 
held  regarding  the  shape  and  inlets  of  the  west-  ish  supremacy  on  the  North  American  conti- 
ern  coast  of  North  America,  from  the  time  of  nent.  Spain  had  as  yet  had  no  sharer  of  this 
Cortes'  first  expedition  north,  belongs  to  an-  northern  new  world. — Ed,] 
other  volume  of  this  work.  A  notion  of  the  2  \^  the  narrative  in  Hakluyt  tobah  is  al- 
continuity  of  Asia  and  America,  which  was  tem-  ways  called  tobacco.  But  Fletcher  and  Drake's 
porarily  dispelled  by  Balboa's  discovery  of  the  nephew  in  The  World  Encompassed  call  it  tobah 
Pacific  in  151 3,  was  revived  twenty  years  later  ox  tabhh ;  and  they  knew  tobacco  and  its  name 
by  a  certain  school  of  geographers,  and  con-  perfectly  well.  They  speak  of  it  as  an  herb  new 
tinued  to  be  held  by  some  for  thirty  or  forty  to  them.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  natives 
years.     Before  Drake's  time  it  had  given  place  smoked  tobhh. 


70 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


of  their  stay.  Drake  received  them  cautiously  but  kindly.  He  set  up 
tents,  and  built  a  fort  for  his  defence.  The  natives,  watching  the  English 
with  amazement,  still  regarded  them  as  gods.  One  is  tempted  to  connect 
this  superstition  with  the  direct  claim  which  Alarcon  had  made  of  a  divine 
origin,  in  presence  of  these  tribes,  a  generation  before,  though  at  a  point 
five  hundred  miles  away.  Fletcher's  description  of  their  houses  is  pre- 
cisely like  the  Spaniard's  account  of  the  winter  houses  of  the  tribes  he 
met.  "  Those  houses  are  digged  round  within  the  earth,  and  have  from  the 
uppermost  brimmes  of  the  circle  clefts  of  wood  set  up,  and  joined  close 
together  at  the  top  like  our  spires  on  the  steeple  of  a  church ;  which,  being 
covered  with  earth,  suffer  no  water  to  enter,  and  are  very  warm ;  the  door 
in  the  most  part  of  them  performs  the  office  also  of  a  chimney  to  let  out 
the  smoke ;  it 's  made  in  bigness  and  fashion  like  to  an  ordinary  scuttle  in 
a  ship,  and  standing  slopewise."  ^ 

At  the  end  of  two  days  an  immense  assembly,  called  together  from  all 
parts  of  the  country,  gathered  to  see  the  strangers.  They  brought  with 
them  feathers  and  bags  of  tobaJi  for  presents  or  for  sacrifices.  Arrived  at 
the  top  of  the  hill,  their  chief  made  a  long  address,  wearying  his  English 
hearers  and  himself  When  he  had  concluded,  the  rest,  bowing  their  bodies 
in  a  dreamy  manner  "  and  long  producing  of  the  same,"  cried  "  Oh  !"  giving 
their  consent  to  all  that  had  been  spoken.  This  reminds  one  of  the  "  hu  " 
of  the  Indians  of  the  Tizon.  The  women,  meanwhile,  tore  their  cheeks 
with  their  nails,  and  flung  themselves  on  the  ground,  as  if  for  a  personal 
bloody  sacrifice.  Drake  met  this  worship,  not  as  Alarcon  had  done,  but 
by  calling  his  company  to  prayer.  The  men  lifted  their  eyes  and  hands  to 
heaven  to  signify  that  God  was  above,  and  besought  God  "  to  open  their 
blinded  eyes  to  the  knowledge  of  him  and  of  Jesus  Christ  the  salvation  of 
the  Gentiles."  Through  these  prayers,  the  singing  of  psalms,  and  reading 
certain  chapters  of  the  Bible,  Fletcher,  who  was  the  chaplain,  says  they  sat 
very  attentively.  They  observed  every  pause,  and  cried  "  Oh !  "  with  one 
voice,  greatly  enjoying  our  exercises.  They  thus  showed  a  more  catholic 
spirit  than  the  whites  had  shown,  who  were  wearied  by  the  length  of  the 
address  of  the  savages.  Drake  made  them  presents,  which  at  the  depart- 
ure of  the  English  they  returned,  saying  that  they  were  sufficiently  rewarded 
by  their  visit. 

The  fame  of  this  visit  extended  so  far,  that  at  the  end  of  three  days 
more,  on  the  26th  of  June,  a  larger  company  assembled.  This  time  the 
king  himself,  with  a  body-guard  of  one  hundred  warriors,  was  with  them. 
They  called  him  their  Hioh.  He  approached  the  English,  preceded  by  a 
mace-bearer,  who  carried  two  feather  crowns,  with  three  chains  of  bone 
of  marvellous  length,  often  doubled.     Such  chains  were  of  the  highest  esti- 

1  Alarcon's  account  is  in  these  words.     He  they  were   in   form  of   a  round   room."     The 

speaks  of  the  winter  houses  of  which  Nargar-  reader  should  remember  that   Fletcher  alludes 

chato  informed  him.     "He  told  me  that  these  to  the  architectural  device,  still  to  be  seen  in 

houses  were  of  wood  covered  with  earth  on  the  old  New-England  churches,  where  the  roof  rises 

outside,  and  plastered  with  clay  within ;   that  on  all  sides  to  a  spire  in  the  middle. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE.  7I 

mation,  and  only  a  few  persons  were  permitted  to  wear  them.  The  number 
of  chains,  indeed,  marked  the  rank  of  the  highest  nobiUty,  some  of  whom 
wore  as  many  as  twenty.  Next  to  the  mace-bearer  came  the  king  himself. 
On  his  head  was  a  knit  crown  somewhat  Hke  those  which  were  borne  before 
him.  He  wore  a  coat  of  the  skins  of  conies  coming  to  his  waist.  His  guards 
wore  similar  coats,  and  some  of  them  wore  cauls  upon  their  heads,  covered 
with  a  certain  vegetable  down,  almost  sacred,  and  used  only  by  the  highest 
ranks.  The  common  people  followed,  naked,  but  with  feathers,^  every  one 
pleasing  himself  with  his  own  device.  The  last  part  of  the  company  were 
women  and  children.  Each  woman  brought  a  well-made  basket  of  rushes. 
Some  of  these  were  so  tight  that  they  would  hold  water.  They  were 
adorned  with  pearl  shells  and  with  bits  of  the  bone  chains.  In  the  baskets 
they  had  bags  of  tobdJi  and  roots  called  petdk,  which  they  ate  cooked  or 
raw.     Drake  meanwhile  held  his  men  in  military  array. 

The  mace-bearer  then  pronounced  aloud  a  long  speech,  which  was  dic- 
tated to  him  in  a  low  voice  by  another.  All  parties,  except  the  children, 
approached  the  fort,  and  the  mace-bearer  began  a  song,  with  a  dance  tof 
the  time,  in  which  all  the  men  joined.  The  women  danced  without  singing/. 
Drake  saw  that  they  were  peaceable,  and  permitted  them  to  enter  Ms 
palisade.  The  women  showed  signs  of  the  wounds  which  they  had  made 
before  coming,  by  way  of  preparing  for  the  solemnity. 

At  the  request  of  the  chief,  Drake  then  sat  down.  The  king  and  others 
made  to  him  several  orations,  or,  "  indeed,  supplications,  that  he  would 
take  province  and  kingdom  into  his  hand,  and  become  their  king  and 
patron."  With  one  consent  they  sang  a  song,  placed  one  of  the  crowns 
upon  his  head,  hung  their  chains  upon  his  neck,  and  honored  him  as 
their  Hioh. 

Drake  did  not  think  he  should  refuse  this  gift.  ''  In  the  name  and  to 
the  use  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  took  the  sceptre,  crown,  and  dignity  of  the 
country  into  his  hand."  He  only  wished,  says  the  historian,  that  he  could 
as  easily  transport  the  riches  and  treasures  wherewith  in  the  upland  it 
abounds,  to  the  enriching  of  her  kingdom  at  home.  Had  Drake  had  any 
real  knowledge  of  the  golden  gravel  over  which  the  streams  of  the  upland 
flowed,  it*  may  well  be  that  the  history  of  California  would  have  been 
changed. 

From  this  time,  through  several  weeks  while  Drake  remained  there,  the 
multitude  also  remained.  At  first  they  brought  offerings  every  three  days 
as  sacrifices,  until  they  learned  that  this  displeased  their  English  king. 
Like  other  sovereigns  who  have  had  much  to  do  with  this  race,  he  found 
that  he  had  to  feed  his  red  retainers.  But  he  had  mussels,  seals,  '*  and  such 
Hke,"  in  quantity  sufficient  for  their  rations. 

Drake  made  a  journey  into  the  country.  He  saw  "  infinite  company"  of 
fat  deer,  in  a  herd  of  thousands.     He  found  a  multitude  of  strange  **  conies  " 

1  The  fondness  for  feathers  is  observed  by  later  voyagers;  cf.  La  Perouse. 


72  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 

in  large  numbers,  with  long  tails,  and  with  a  bag  under  the  chin  in  which 
to  carry  food  either  for  future  supply  or  for  their  children. 

Drake  erected  on  the  shore  a  post,  on  which  he  placed  a  plate  of  brass. 
Here  he  engraved  the  Queen's  name,  the  date  of  his  landing,  the  gift  of  the 
country  by  the  people,  and  left  her  Majesty's  portrait  and  arms.  The  last 
were  not  designed  by  his  artists,  as  some  historians  have  carelessly  sup- 
posed, but  were  on  a  silver  piece,  of  sixpence,  "  showing  through  a  hole 
made  of  purpose  in  the  plate." 

When  the  people  saw  that  Drake  could  not  remain,  they  could  not  con- 
ceal their  grief.  At  last  they  stole  on  the  English  unawares  with  a  sacrifice 
which  ''  they  set  on  fire,"  thus  burning  a  chain  and  bunch  of  feathers.  The 
English  could  not  dissuade  them  till  they  fell  to  prayers  and  singing  of 
psalms,  when  the  sad  natives  let  their  fire  go  out,  and  left  the  sacrifice 
unconsumed.  On  the  23d  of  July  the  friends  parted,  the  English  for  the 
shores  of  Asia,  the  savages  to  the  hills,  where  they  built  fires  as  long  as  the 
"  Pelican  "  was  in  sight.  Thus  did  England  take  possession  of  the  region 
which,  after  near  three  hundred  years,  proved  to  be  the  richest  gold-bearing 
country  in  the  world.  Drake  gave  to  .the  country  the  name  of  New  Albion, 
and  it  bore  that  name  on  the  maps  for  centuries.  He  called  it  so  *'  for  two 
causes :  in  respect  of  the  white  banks  and  cliffs  which  lie  towards  the  sea ; 
and  the  other  because  it  might  have  some  affinity  with  our  country  in 
name."  Curiously  enough,  the  original  narrative  says,  ''There  is  no  part 
of  earth  here  to  be  taken  up  wherein  there  is  not  some  speciall  likelihood 
of  gold  or  silver."  ^ 

From  the  time  when  the  Government's  ships  crept  along  the  coast  to 
Cape  Mendocino,  and  then  turned,  unwilling,  to  their  long  voyage  to  Asia, 
observations  on  that  coast  were  doubtless  repeated  by  navigators.  The 
line  of  coast  took  different  courses  and  different  names  accordingly.  But 
it  is  well-nigh  certain  that  from  the  time  of  Drake  until  1770  the  California 
now  a  part  of  the  United  States  had  no  European  inhabitants.  The  part 
of  California  which  is  in  Mexico  was  first  settled  by  Jesuit  missions,  whose 
first  successes  date  from  the  year  1697.  ) 

Drake  returned  to  England  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and 
arrived  at  Plymouth  in  triumph  on  the  26th  of  September,  1580.  He 
had  given  the  name  NovA  Albion  to  the  western  coast  of  North  America 
thus  discovered ;  he  had  taken  possession  for  his  sovereign,  Elizabeth, 
with  better  color  of  right  than  most  discoverers  could  urge.  But  under  this 
title  the  Queen  never  claimed,  nor  her  successors  indeed,  until,  after  three 
centuries,  Drake's  voyage  may  have  been  sometimes  cited  as  a  vague  or 
shadowy  introduction  to  any  rights  by  which  England  claimed  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  River  and  the  region  northward.^ 

1  vSo  in  Shelvocke's  journal  of  his  voyage  to  the  sun,  appears  as  if  intermixed  with  gold 

in  1719.     "The  soil  about  Puerto  Seguro,  and  dust." 

very   likely   in   most  of   the  valleys,  is   a   rich  2  [xhe   Spanish  minister,  indeed,  protested 

black  mould,  which,  as  you  turn  it  up  fresh  against  Drake's  piracies  and  his  sailing  in  those 


HAWKINS    AND    DRAKE.  73 

The  name  NovA  Albion  was  generally  applied  on  the  maps  to  the  more 
northerly  region,  the  Oregon  of  our  geography.  But  the  name  Califor- 
nia held  its  place  for  the  whole  region  known  to  us  as  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia, as  well  as  for  the  peninsula  and  the  gulf  The  distinction  between 
Upper  and  Lower  California  is  still  observed. 

Drake's  reception  at  home  was  an  enthusiastic  one,  by  a  populace  always 
anxious  for  a  hero.  It  was  tempered  somewhat  by  the  cautious  feelings  of 
some,  who  regarded  with  no  favorable  eye  the  policy  of  private  reprisals 
upon  another  nation  in  time  of  peace.  The  Queen  had  no  such  compunc- 
tions. She  received  him  with  undisguised  favor,  dined  with  him  on  board 
his  ship,  and  made  him  a  knight.  She  directed  that  the  vessel  which  had 
borne  her  authority  about  the  world  should  be  carefully  preserved ;  and 
when  the  ship  was  finally  broken  up,  John  Davis,  the  Arctic  navigator, 
caused  a  chair  to  be  made  of  the  timbers,  which  is  now  one  of  the  relics 
of  interest  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  and  within  whose  seat  Abraham  Cowley 
wrote  one  of  his  well-known  poems. 

At  length,  in  1585,  Queen  Elizabeth  determined  on  open  hostility,  and 
giving  Drake  his  first  royal  commission,  and  an  ample  fleet  and  land  force, 
he  started  on  his  successful  expedition  to  the  Spanish  main,  when  town 
after  town  fell  into  his  hands,  and  the  Spanish  settlements  experienced 
most  poignantly  ravages  similar  to  those  which  they  had  so  abundantly  for 
nearly  a  century  inflicted  upon  the  natives  of  those  regions.  Of  his  subse- 
quent exploits  in  European  waters  this  is  no  place  for  the  recital;  but 
in  1595  he  prevailed  upon  Elizabeth  to  put  him,  in  connection  with  his 
old  patron  and  companion,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  once  more  in  command 
of  another  expedition  to  Spanish  America.  They  sailed  from  Plymouth 
in  August,  with  the  purpose  of  seizing  Nombre  de  Dios,  and  then  of 
marching  his  twenty-five  hundred  troops  to  Panama  to  capture  the  trea- 
sure which  took  that  route  from.  Peru  on  its  way  to  Spain.  The  expedi- 
tion was  a  melancholy  failure.  The  Spaniards  were  forewarned.  Porto 
Rico  successfully  resisted  the  English  in  the  first  place,  and  the  attack 
on  Panama  was  abortive. 

Hawkins  died,  overcome  by  the  reverses ;  and  Drake,  struck  with  a 
fever  of  mortification,  sank  beneath  the  fatal  influences  of  the  climate,  and 
died  on  board  his  ship  early  in  the  following  year.  His  remains  were  placed 
in  a  leaden  casket  and  sunk  off  Puerto  Cabello,  and  there  was  no  failure  of 
suspicions  that  he  had  been  the  victim  of  foul  play.  There  are  those  in 
the  English  nation  who  indulge  the  hope  that  the  casket  may  yet  be 
recovered,  and  that  the  remains  of  the  great  English  "  Dragon  "  may  yet 
rest  beneath  the  pavement  of  Westminster  Abbey. 

waters ;  but  the  English  Government  made  a  session.  Cf.  Camden's  History  of  Elizabeth, 
declaration  denying  such  prescriptive  right  to  1688,  p.  225;  Purchas,  iv.  1180;  Deane's  edi- 
the   Spaniards,  unless  it  was  enforced  by  pos-     tion  of  Hakluyt's  Discourse,  236.  —  Ed.] 

VOL.  m.  — 10. 


74 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


CRITICAL    ESSAY    ON    DRAKE'S    BAY. 


MO' 


'T^HE  question  where  was  the  "  convenient  and  fit  harbor,"  the  "  fair  and  good  bay," 
-■•  which  Drake  entered  on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  where  he  careened  and  repaired  the 
*' Pelican,"  is  still  undecided,  after  much  discussion  by  the  Californian  geographers,  who 
have  now  their  capital  in  the  city  of  San  Francisco,  —  on  that  matchless  land-locked 
harbor  which  is  entered  by  the  narrow  passage  known  as  the  "  Golden  Gate."  The 
autliorities  are  not  many,  and  are  not  quite  in  accord. 

The  narrative  of  Fletcher,  which  has  been  followed  in  the  text,  gives  the  latitude  of 
this  bay  as  38°  30'  north.  But  the  briefer  narrative  in  Hakluyt  ^  says :  "  We  came  within 
thirty-eight  degrees  towardes  the  Hne  ;  in  which  height  it  pleased  God  to  send  us  into 
a  faire  and  good  bay,  with  a  good  wind  to  enter  the  same."  Here  is  a  difference  of  half  a 
degree.  But  the  text  in  Hakluyt  is  supported  by  a  manuscript  marginal  note  on  what 
seems  to  be  the  original  drawing  of  Dudley's  map,  and  which  is  preserved  in  Munich, 
where  the  language  (Itahan)  is  :  "  This  map  begins  with  the  port  of  New  Albion,  in 
longitude  237°  and  latitude  38°,  discovered  by  the  Englishman  Drake  in  1579  or  there- 
about, as  above,  —  a  convenient  place  to  water  and  to  collect  other 
refreshment."  The  manuscript  has  a  note,  which  the  engraving  has 
not,  "Porto  bonissimo."  But  on  the  coast  farther  north,  where  the 
same  author  speaks  of  the  cold,  he  says  :  "  Drake  returned  to  38^ 
degrees,  and  the  weather  was  temperate,  and  he  called  it  New  Al- 
bion." The  Arcano  del  Mare,  in  which  these  maps  are  printed,  was 
not  published  till  1646.  But  Dudley,  the  author,  was  active  in  mari- 
time affairs  in  England  in  all  the  last  ten  3 ears  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  He  was  the  son  of  Elizabeth's  Earl  of  Leicester; 
he  was  brother-in-law  of  Cavendish,  administered  on  his  estate, 
and  must  have  seen  his  chart. ^  Hakluyt  had  wished  to  publish 
his  narrative  of  Drake  in  his  edition  of  1589  ;  but 
this  account  by  Pretty  was  not  regularly  embodied 
by  Hakluyt  in  his  great  work  till  1600.2  f]-,^  H^orld 
Enco7iipasscd  was  not  printed  until  1628,  but  is 
from  Fletcher's  contemporary  notes.  Dudley  him- 
self prepared  an  expedition  to  the  South  Seas. 
He  may  be  spoken  of  as  a  valuable  contemporary 
authority.  The  English  Government  did  not  pub- 
lish such  discoveries.  But  Cavendish  would  have 
had  Drake's  charts. 

Now  the  opening  of  the  Golden  Gate  is  in 
latitude  37°  46' :  it  exactly  corresponds  with  "  with- 
in 38°  N."  of  one  account,  but  it  lacks  44'  of  the 
Z^'^  30'  of  the  other  two.  The  discrepancy  is  not  so  important  when  we  find  that  in  38°  30' 
there  is  no  harbor  and  no  bay,  good  or  bad.  The  voyager  must  come  down  the  coast  as 
far  as  38°  15'  to  find  Bodega  Bay,  which  has,  accordingly,  been  assigned  by  some  conjec- 
tures as  Sir  Francis'  resting-place.  Just  south  of  this,  near  the  line  of  38°,  is  an  open 
roadstead  which  has  some  advocates  in  this  discussion.     Between  this  bay  and  the  Golden 


MODERN   MAP. 


1  "The  course  which  Sir  Francis  Drake  held 
to  California,"  etc. 

2  [Mr.  Hale  has  written  of  Dudley  and  his 
atlas  in  the  American  Antiquarian  Society's  Pro- 
ceedings, October  21,  1873.     Cf.  also  the  chap- 


ter on  "  New  England  "  in  the  present  volume. 
—  Ed.] 

8  See  Editorial  Notes  following  this  chapter. 

*  This  sketch  will  indicate  the  relative  posir 
tions  of  the  several  bays. 


HAWKINS    AND    DRAKE. 


75 


Jo. 


£l^C£Ll^    sCe. 


J.tg. 


3^ 


Gate,  the  point  of  Los  Reyes  runs  out  southwest.  East  of  this,  and  northwest  of  the 
Golden  Gate,  is  another  open  roadstead,  facing  the  south,  which  for  many  years,  long 
before  the  discovery  of  Californian  gold,  had  been  known  as  Jack's  Bay,  or  Sir  Francis 
Drake's  Bay.  One  of  these  four  bays 
is  chosen  by  one  or  another  geographer 
as  the  fair  and  good  harbor  into  which 
a  special  providence  drove  Drake  by  a 
favorable  wind. 

In  this  discussion,  the  map  of  Dudley, 
whose  information  was  nearly  at  first-hand, 
plays  an  important  part.    His  representation 
of  Drake's   bay  —  a   sort  of  bottle-shaped 
harbor  —  so  far  resembles  the  double  bay  of 
San  Francisco,  that  it  would  probably  decide 
the  question,  but  that,  unfortunately,  he  gives 
two  such  bays.     His  two  maps,  also,  do  not  very 
closely  resemble  each  other.     It  becomes  neces- 
sary to  suppose  that  one  of  his  bays  was  that  which 
we  know  as  Bodega  Bay,  or  that  both  are  drawn 
from  the  imagination.     The  map  of  Hondius  gives  a 
chart   of    Drake's   bay,^   which    has,   unfortunately,    no 
representation   to   any  bay  on   the  coast,  and  is  purely 
imaginary. 

The  discussion  is  complicated  from  the  fact,  that,  if 
Drake  entered  San  Francisco  Bay,  the  English  Govern- 
ment kept  its  secret  so  well  that  they  forgot  it  themselves. 
What  is  curious  is,  that  for  two  centuries  the  Spaniards 
were  seeking  at  intervals  for  "  Port  St.  Francisco,"  and  did 
not  find  it.  In  1603,  Viscaino  put  into  a  bay  which  he 
called  Port  St.  Francisco  ;  but  it  is  urged  ^  that  Viscaino 
really  entered  the  Bay  of  Monterey.  The  Spaniards  by  this 
time  were  eagerly  seeking  a  bay  of  refuge  for  their  Asiatic 
squadrons. 3  They  knew  that  Drake  had  repaired  a  vessel 
somewhere.  Viscaino  passed  "  Port  St.  Francisco  "  in  a 
gale,  and  returned  into  it,  according  to  the  narrative.  It 
was  not  until  1769  that  a  land  party  of  Franciscan  monks 
finally  discovered    to    Spain    the  magrificent   Bay  of    San 

Francisco.  One  theory  is  that  no  one  ever  discovered  it  before  ;  but  a  contemporary 
manuscript  account  of  the  discovery,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  says  distinctly 
that  this  famous  port,  according  to  the  signs  given  by  history,  is  called  San  Francisco. 
It  is  distant  from  St.  Diego  two  hundred  leagues,  and  is  to  be  found  in  38|°.  "  They  say 
it  is  the  best  bay  they  have  discovered  ;    and  while  it  might  shelter  all  the  navies  in 


JPCo.  cLe.  JKonCc  ^ey. 
P^4.  .tie  ft./tif^y 


VISCAINO'S   MAP.* 


1  [See  a  later  page.  —  Ed  ] 

2  Colonel  John  D.  Washburn,  in  a  very  care- 
ful paper  in  the  Aj?ier.  Antiq.  Soc  Proc,  no. 
58,  1872,  suspects  from  Torquemada's  account 
(161 5,  published  at  Seville),  as  cited  in  the  Eng- 
lish version  of  Father  Venegas's  History  of  Cali- 
fornia (Field,  Indian  Bibliography^  i>599i  1,600), 
that  the  port  visited  by  Viscaino  was  Jack's  Bay, 
as  indeed  the  original  Spanish  of  Venegas  (iii. 
Ill)  distinctly  says.  Cf.  also  John  T.  Doyle's 
paper,  with  an  introduction  by  Colonel  Wash- 
burn in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  1873. 


3  [They  had  learned  by  this  time  to  avoid  the 
head-winds  that  swept  westerly  from  Acapnlco 
to  Manila,  by  stretching  northeastwardly  on  the 
return  voyage,  making  the  coast  above  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  so  to  follow  the  shore  south.  Cf.  the 
Key  to  a  section  of  Molineaux's  map  in  the  Edi- 
torial Notes  following  this  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

*  Sketch  from  Carta  de  los  reronocimentos 
hechos  en  1602  por  el  Capitan  Sebastian  Vizcaino 
formada  por  los  Pianos  que  hizo  el  niisno  durante 
su  com'sion,  in  an  atlas  in  the  State  Department 
at  Washington. 


76 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA, 


COAST   OF   NOVA   ALBION,  FROM    DUDLEY'S   ARCANO    DEL   MARE. 


HAWKINS    AND    DRAKE. 


77 


Europe,  it  is  entered  by  a  straight  of  three  leagues,  and  surrounded  with  mountains  which 
make  the  waters  tranquil." 

The  reader  must  understand  that  all  the  maps  had  a  port  of  Sir  Francis,  or  a  Puerto 
San  Francisco,  or  some  similar  name.     One  English  map  bravely  says,^  "  Port  Sr.  Francis 
Drake,  not  St.  Francisco,"  for  the  bay  discovered  in  1770. 

So  soon  as  this  discovery  was  known  in  England,  Captain 
Burney  claimed  it  as  Drake's  bay  ;  in  America,  Davidson,  in 
the  Coast  Pilot  *2ind.  Mr.  Greenhow  give  the  same  decision. 

Probably  the  early  maps  must  be  taken  as  the  best  and 
decisive  authorities. 

The  reader  has  before  him  Dudley's  two  maps.  Of  these, 
Dudley  says  that  California  was  drawn  by  an  English  pilot.  In 
his  text  describing  the  shore,  he  goes  no  further  than  Cape  St. 
Lucas,  and  then  crosses  to  California,  which  suggests  that  he  is 
following  Cavendish,  who  took  this  course,  and  who  was  Dud- 
ley's near  kinsman.    On  the  margin  in  the  manuscript  of  Dudley's 


JEFFERYS'    SKETCH. 


^o- 


map  at  Munich,  he  calls  Drake's  bay 
"  Porto  bonissimo,"  "the  best  of  har- 
bors,"—  an  expression  which  certainly 
does  not  belong  to  Jack's  Bay.  In 
both  maps,  also,  it  is  represented  as 
the  southern  of  the  two  deep  bays,  of 
which  the  northern  appears  to  corre- 
spond to  Bodega  Bay,  and  the  southern 
to  San  Francisco  Bay.  On  the  larger 
of  the  two  maps  Drake's  bay  is  placed 
in  the  same  relation  to  Monterey  as 
is  held  by  San  Francisco. 

In  the  curious  "  new  map  "  men- 
tioned by  Shakespeare  in  "Twelfth 
Night,"  2  the  spot  where  Drake  landed 
is  indicated.  The  names,  as  one  reads 
southward  from  the  parallel  of  400,  are 
C.  Roxo,  Sierra  de  los  Pescadores, — 
Tierra  de  Paxaros  R.  Grande,  which 
seems    to   be    Drake's    harbor,  —  Rio 

Hermoso,  C.  Frio,  Sierra  Nevada,  C.  Blanco,  Cicuic,  Playa,  Tiguer.  Cicuic  and  Tiguer 
are  evidently  borrowed  from  Ciceye  and  Tiguex  of  Coronado's  narrative.  The  same 
position  is  given  to  Tiguex  in  Hondius's  map.     Of  this  the  scale  is  so  small  that  Drake's 


DUDLEY  S    CARTA    PRIMA. 


1  Sayer  and  Bennett,  1774.  [I  find  this 
twenty  years  earlier,  as  shown  in  the  annexed 
sketch  from  Jefferys'  Chart  of  California,  New 
Albion,  etc.,  1753.     Key:  — 

1.  C.  das  Navadas,  or  Snowy  Cape. 

2.  Punta  de  los  Reys. 

3.  Les  Farollones. 

4.  Isles  of  St.  James. 

5.  Port  S":  Francis  Drake,  1578,  not  St.  Fran- 

cisco. 

6.  Pto.  de  Anno  Novo.  —  Ed.] 

2  "  He  does  smile  his  face  into  more  lines 
than  are  in  the  new  map,  with  the  augmentation 
of  the  Indies."  —  Act  Hi.  sc.  2.  [The  map  re- 
ferred to  is  Molineaux'  map  of  1600,  and  it  has 
been  disputed  that  it  was  the  map  alluded  to  by 


Shakespeare.  See  chap,  vi.,  Editorial  Note,  F. 
A  section  showing  the  point  referred  to  in  the 
text  is  given  further  on.  — Ed.] 

3  [This  is  a  section  from  a  marginal  map  on 
the  "Carta  Prima"  of  Dudley's  Arcano  del 
Mare,  vol.  i.  lib.  2,  p.  19.     Key:  — 

1.  C.  Arboledo. 

2.  Ensa  Larga. 

3.  P?  di  Don  Gasper. 

4.  R.  Salado. 

5.  P?  dell  Nuovo  Albion  scoperto  dal  Drago 

C?'^  Inglese. 

6.  Enseada.  9.  C.  S.  Barbera. 

7.  P?  di  Anonaebo.         10.  C.  S.  Agostino. 

8.  P?  di  Moneerei.  11.  Quivira  R? 

12.  Nuova  Albione. — Ed.] 


78 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Bay  could  not  be  determined  from  it,  were  it  not  for  the  issuing  of  the  dotted  line  showino- 
his  homeward  track. 

The  Spanish  geographers  are  at  work  on  this  subject,  with  full  understanding  of  the 
points  involved  in  the  problem.  It  w.ll  not  be  long,  probably,  before  the  question  is 
decided.  This  writer  does  not  hesitate  to  say  that  he  beheves  it  will  prove  that  Drake 
repaired  his  ship  in  San  Francisco  Bay,  and  that  this  bay  took  its  name  not  indirectly 
from  Francis  of  Assisi,  but  from  the  bold  English  explorer  who  had  struck  terror  to  all 
the  western  coast  of  New  Spain. ^ 


Cl^^^i^</zt-<,^      C3 


EDITORIAL    NOTES 


ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


T7OR  the  authoritative  accounts  of  William 
-*-  Hawkins's  Brazilian  voyages,  we  must  go 
to  Hakluyt's  third  volume,  as  published  in  1600. 
In  it  likewise  we  shall  find  the  account  of  the 
West  Indian  voyages  of  Sir  John  Hawkins  in 
1562,  1564,  and  1567-68.  We  may  also  read 
them  in  the  usual  compilations  drawn  from  Hak- 
luyt,  among  the  latest  of  which  is  The  Eliza- 
bethan Seamen  of  Payne,  who  remarks  that 
'•nothing  which  Englishmen  had  done  in  con- 
nection with  America  previous  to  those  voyages 
had  any  result  worth  recording."  Lowndes,  in 
his  Bibliographer'' s  Manual,  gives  an  edition,  in 
1569  ( London),  of  John  Hawkins's  True  Declara- 
tion of  the   Troublesome   Voyages  to  the  Partes  of 


Guynea  and  the  West  Indies ;  but  Sabin  {Dic' 
tionary,  viii.  157)  thinks  it  was  only  printed  in 
Hakluyt. 

Fox  Browne,  in  his  English  Merchants,  chap. 
viii.,  shows  the  relations  which  Hawkins  in  his 
day  established  with  British  commerce. 

The  Observations  of  Sir  Richard  Hawkins^ 
Knight,  in  his  Vojage  jnto  the  South  Sea,  Anno 
Domini  1593,  was  printed  in  London  in  1622,2 
and  was  reprinted  in  1847  by  the  Hakluyt  So- 
ciety, under  the  editing  of  Captain  C.  R.  D. 
Bethune.  The  book  gives  us  some  useful  notes 
upon  the  aborigines  of  Florida  and  the  regions 
farther  south. 

The  most  convenient  embodiment,  however, 


1  [The  coast-survey  authorities  have  usually  favored  San  Francisco.  This  was  the  opinion  of  Alexander 
Forbes  in  his  California,  1839,  where  he  gives  (p.  127)  an  interesting  view  of  the  bay  before  commerce  had 
marked  it.  Dr.  Stillman,  in  the  Overland  Monthly  (October,  1868,  March,  1869),  and  later  in  his  Seeking  the 
Golden  Fleece  (p.  295),  has  advocated  San  Francisco.  S.  G.  Drake,  in  the  American  Historical  Record, 
August,  1874,  took  the  same  view. 

Greenhow,  in  the  second  edition  (1845)  of  his  Oregon  and  California,  p.  74,  does  not  think  the  question  can 
be  definitely  settled  b3tween  San  Francisco  and  Bodega. 

There  have  been  many  disputes  over  Jack's  Bay,  —  the  Sir  Francis  Drake  Bay  of  the  maps.  Soul6  and 
the  writers  of  the  Annals  of  San  Francisco  accept  it  as  the  spot;  so  does  Kohl.  Professor  J.  D.  Whitney 
{Encyclopcedia  Britannica,  art.  "  California  ")  says  the  evidence  points  strongly  to  Jack's  Bay. 

Vancouver  seems  to  have  reported  the  story  of  the  Spaniards  calling  it  Sir  Francis  Drake's  Bay.  Captain 
Beechey  thought  it  too  exposed  to  have  deserved  Drake's  description  ;  and  it  has  been  held  he  could  not  have 
graved  his  ship  in  it.  It  is  claimed,  however,  that  I.imantour's  Bay,  which  opens  through  an  inlet  westwardly 
from  Jack's  Bay,  answers  the  required  conditions  of  water  and  shelter.  —  Ed.] 

2  There  are  copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  and  in  the  New  York  State,  Harvard,  Lenox,  and  Carter- 
Brown  (ii.  263)  libraries.  Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  vol.  viii.  no.  30,957;  Field's  Indian  Bibliography,  no.  667. 
Hawkins's  voyage  is  also  included  in  Purchas's  Pilgrimes;  and  Charles  Kingsley  in  his  Westward  Hoi 
pictures  vividly  the  spirit  of  Hawkins's  day.    Cf.  also  Burney's  History  of  Voyages  in  the  South  Seas. 


HAWKINS    AND   DRAKE. 


79 


of  the  ancient  records  and  of  modern  criticisms 
upon  all  the  exploits  of  the  Hawkinses  is  in  the 
volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society  for  1878,  —  The 
Hawkins'  Voyages  during  the  Reigns  of  Henry 
VIII ,  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  James 
I.,  edited,  with  an  Introduction,  by 
the  careful  hand  of  Clements  R. 
Markham.  Here  we  have  not  only 
what  Hakluyt  has  preserved  for  us, 
but  the  Observations  of  1622,  and 
other  journals  and  narratives. 

For  Drake  the  material  is  more 
abundant.      Regarding  his  famous 
voyage  round  the  world  in  1577-80, 
the  earliest  statement  in  print  is  one 
said  to  be  by  Francis  Pretty,  and 
called    The  famous    Voyage  of  Sir 
Francis  Drake   into  the  South  Sea 
.  .  .  begun  in  the  year e  of  our  Lord  1577.^    Hak- 
luyt  had   this,   and   says   in   effect,  in   the    In- 
troduction of  his  1589  edition,  that  the  friends 
of  Drake  who  did  not  wish  their  publications 
forestalled,  had  wished  him  to  omit  it.     Hak- 
luyt, however,  seems  to  have  privately  printed 
it,  in  six  pages,  and  these,  without  pagination, 
are   found   in  some,   if  not   all,   copies   of  the 
1589    volume,    inserted    after    page    643.2      It 


finally  publicly  appeared  in  his  third  volume 
of  the  1 598-1 600  edition.  A  more  authoritative 
publication,  however,  was  The  World  Encom- 
passed by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  carefully  Collected  out 


A   SKETCH    OF    HONDIUS  S   MAP. 


D//- 


of  the  notes  of  Master  Francis  Fletcher,  Preacher 
in  this  imployment,  and  divers  others  his  followers, 
London,  1628.*  It  was  reprinted  in  1635,^  and 
made  part  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  revived  in  1653.^ 
It  was  again  reprinted  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in 
1855,  with  an  Introduction  by  W.  S.  W.  Vaux. 
This  and  other  accounts  of  the  voyage  have  also 
found  a  place  in  the  general  collections  of  Hak- 
luyt, Harris,  and  the  Oxford  Voyages."^ 


1  It  is  reprinted  by  Vaux,  later  mentioned. 

^  They  are  in  the  Harvard  College,  Carter-Brown,  and  Charles  Deane  copies,  not  to  name  others. 
^  A  sketch  of  a  part  of  Hondius's  map  of  the  world,  on  which  Drake's  route  is  marked  ;   it  is  taken  from  a 
fac-simile  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of   The  World  Encompassed. 

Key:  —  i.    Nova  Albion,  sic  a  Francisco  Draco,  1579,  dicta  qui  bis  ab  incolis  eodem  die  diademate  redimitus, 
eandem  Reginae  Angliae  consecravit. 

2.  Hie  prae  ingenti  frigore  in  Austrum  reverti  coactus  est  lat.  42  die  5  Junii. 

3.  Cozones.  6.    I.  de  passao.  9.    Damantes. 

4.  [Drake's  Bay].  7.   California.  10.    Mare  Vermeo. 

5.  Tigues.  8.    San  Miguel.  11.   S.  Thomas. 

*  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  21  ;  Stevens's  Nuggets,  no.  921  ;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  20,853.  S.  G.  Drake 
bought  a  copy  in  Boston  in  1844  for  $4.  It  was  priced  by  Vaux  in  i8t;3  at  as  many  pounds,  and  is  worth  much 
more  now.  The  later  editions  are  worth  somewhat  less.  S.  G.  Drake  {Genealogical  Register,  \.  126)  gives  a 
partial  list  of  those  who  accompanied  Drake,  being  about  one-third  of  his  one  hundred  and  si.Kty-four  men. 
Among  the  fullest  of  the  modern  narratives  are  those  in  Barrow's  Life  of  Drake,  and  in  Froude's  England, 
vol.  xi.  chap.  29.  [But  Mr.  Froude  has  used  his  valuable  authorities  carelessly.  He  depends  in  part  upon 
some  reports  of  Spanish  officers,  which  exist  in  manuscript  in  Spain,  and  upon  some  which  are  in  England, 
brought  home  by  English  cruisers.  One  of  the  most  interesting,  which  should  still  be  in  the  national  library 
in  Madrid,  I  found  in  1882  had  been  cut  from  the  volume  and  carried  away,  —  E.  E.  H.] 

5  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  423. 

6  Ibid.,  ii.  731. 

7  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.,  or  quarto  edition,  vol.  iv, ;  Harris,  vol.  i. ;  Oxford,  vol.  ii.  Hakluyt  also  gives  the  rela- 
tion of  Nuna  da  Silva,  a  Portuguese  pilot  whom  Drake  had  captured,  and  who  made  his  report  to  the  Viceroy 
of  Spain,  and  John  Winter's  account  of  his  companionship  with  Drake.  Vaux  collates  his  text  with  a  manu- 
script preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  which  may  have  been  the  collection  of  Fletcher's  notes  which  the  com- 
piler of  The  World  Enco7npassed  used.  Several  narratives  are  also  in  the  Callender  collection  of  Voyages, 
Edinburgh,  1766.  There  are  German  versions  in  Gottfried  and  Vander  Aa  (1727,  vol.  xviii.),  Cornelius  Claesz 
(1598,  1603),  etc.  Appended  to  the  Begin  en  Voortgangh  (1645  and  1646)  of  Isaac  Commelin.  of  Amsterdam, 
is  sometimes  a  Dutch  narrative  of  the  voyages  of  Candish,  Drake,  and  Hawkins,  "  described  by  one  of  the 
fleet,"  and  with  an  imprint  of  1644,  which  is  very  rare.  Frederic  Muller  says,  in  his  Books  on  America,  1872 
(no.  1,871),  that  he  had  never  seen  but  the  one  then  described,  and  another,  sold  to  Stevens  in  1S67. 

A  French  edition,  Le  Voyage  de  Francois  Drack  alentour  du  Monde,  was  originally  issued  in  Paris  in  1613, 
and  is  now  scarce,  and  sometimes  priced  at  300  francs.  There  were  other  editions,  with  additions,  in  1627  (Sabin, 
vol.  v.  no.  20,845),  ^631, 1641,  1690.  Bohn's  Lowndes,  p.  668.  The  Dedicatory  Epistle  is  signed  F.  de  Lorren- 
court.  Leclerc,  Bibliotheca  Americana,  no.  2,743.  The  title  of  the  later  edition  runs  :  Le  Voyage  curieux  faict 
autour  du  Monde,  etc.     Muller's  Books  on  America  (1877),  rio-  973-     [This  curious  book  affects  in  the  dedica- 


8o 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  report  of  Da  Silva  mentions  that  Drake 
captured   some    sea-charts  from  the   Spaniards 
during  this  voyage ;  and  Kohl  {Catalogue  of      j 
Maps  in  Hakluyt,  p.   82)    supposes   that 
Drake  had  with  him  the  maps  of  Merca- 
tor  and  Ortelius.     After  Drake's  return, 
Hondius  made  a  map  of  the  world,  in  which  he 
tracked  both  the  routes  of   Drake  and   Caven- 
dish ;  and  of  that  portion  showing  New  Albion, 


PORTUS   NOV^   ALBIONIS.^ 

as  well  as  of   his  little  plan  of   Drake's   Bay, 
sketches  are  given  herewith.    Kohl  thinks  (page 


84)  that  Hondius  may  have  used  Drake's  own 
charts  in  this  little  marginal  sketch,  while  the 
main  map  has  "little  to  do  with  Drake's  own 
charts."  Hondius,  however,  is  thought  to  have 
been  living  in  England  at  this 
time.  Molineaux  is  known  to 
have  used  Drake's  reports  and 
perhaps  his  map,  in  making 
his  mappemonde  of  1600,  of 

which 
an  out- 
line sketch 
of  a  part  of 
the  Paicific  coast 
is      annexed. 
This  is  the  map 
mentioned   by 
Mr.  Hale  as  sup- 
posed to  be  re- 
ferred   to   by 
Shakespeare. 

For  Drake's 
expedition  of 
1 585-86,  we  have 

the  original  account  in  Latin,  printed  at  Leyden 
in  1 588,  —  Expeditio  Fraficisci  Draki,  —  which 
should  be  accompanied  by  four  large  folding 
maps;    namely,    of    Cartagena,    St.    Augustine, 


FROM 
MOLINEAUX'S 
MAP,   1600.2 


tion  to  be  an  original  narrative:  "  I  dedicate  it  to  you,  Monsieur,  because  you  gave  it  to  me,  telling  me  that  you 
received  it  from  one  of  your  subjects  of  Courtomer,  who  had  made  the  voyage  with  this  gentleman."  On 
examination,  however,  it  proves  that  the  narrative  is  a  rough  translation,  not  very  accurate,  and  generally 
abridged  from  that  in  Hakluyt :  generally,  but  not  always ;  for  in  a  few  instances  details  of  local  color  are 
added,  which  I  think  important,  and  which  appear,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  no  other  narrative.  With  no  appa- 
rent purpose  but  to  make  the  book  bigger,  a  second  part  is  added,  entitled  Secunde  Partie  des  Singvlaritez 
remarqiiees  aux  isles  et  terres  fermes  dti  Midy  et  des  Indes  Orientales :  par  V Illiistre  Seigneur  et  Chevalier 
Frajicois  Drach,  Admiral  d'' Angleterre.  It  is  a  botch  of  travels  in  Africa,  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  America, 
in  places  mostly  which  Drake  never  saw.  —  E.  E.  H.] 

1  This  is  an  outline  sketch  of  the  map  of  Drake's  Bay  given  in  the  margin  of  Hondius's  map,  but  which  is 
omitted  in  the  reproduction  of  that  map  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  The  World  Encompassed.  The 
map  is  rare,  and  our  sketch  follows  another  belonging  to  Mr.  Charles  Deane. 

Key:  —  i.  A  group  of  Indian  houses.  3.  Portus  Novae  Albionis. 

2.  Place  of  the  ship.  4.  A  group  of  the  English  conferring  with  the  natives. 

A  fac-simile  of  the  original  engraving  is  given  in  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  577. 
It  has  a  Latin  legend  beneath  it,  which  reads:  "The  inhabitants  of  Nova  Albion  lament  the  departure  of 
Drake,  now  twice  crowned,  and  by  frequent  sacrifices  lacerate  themselves."  A  curious  picture  representing 
the  crowning  of  Drake  is  in  the  1671  edition  of  Montanus,  p.  213. 

A  writer  in  the  Sa}i  Francisco  Evening  Bidletin,  Oct.  5,  1878,  says  that  the  island  in  the  sketch  is  mis- 
placed, if  Bodega  Bay  is  intended,  being  below  the  peninsula ;  but  that,  viewed  from  the  position  assigned  to 
Drake's  ship,  it  seems  to  be  outside,  as  drawn.     He  maintains  that  this  bay  answers  all  the  other  conditions  of 
Fletcher's  description,  and  that  Hondius's  sketch  is  confirmed  by  Dudley's  map. 
2  The  Key  :  — 

1.  Nova  Albion. 

2.  Cabo  Mendocino.    "  It  appeareth  by  the  discoverie  of  Francis  Gaulle,  a  Spaniard,  in  the  year  1584,  that 

the  sea  betv^^eene  the  west  part  of  America  and  the  east  of  Asia  (which  hatli  bene  ordinarily  set  out 
as  a  straight,  and  named  in  most  maps  the  Streight  of  Anian)  is  above  1,200  leagues  wide  at  the  lati- 
tude of  38°,  and  that  the  distance  betweene  Cape  Mendocino  and  Cape  California,  which  many  maps 
and  sea-charts  make  to  be  1,200  or  1,300  leagues,  is  scarce  so  much  as  600."  [This  legend  is  in 
the  right-hand  upper  comer  of  the  map.  Gali  (or  Gaulle),  in  returning  from  China  in  15S3,  had 
struck  the  California  coast  at  37°  30'.  His  account  appeared  in  Linschoten,  and  so  was  rendered 
in  the  English  translation  of  Linschoten,  1598,  and  is  given  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  (1600)  p.  442.] 

3.  R.  Grande.  6.  C.  Blanco.  9.  B.  San  Lorenzo.  12.  S.  Francisco. 

4.  C.  San  Francisco.  7.  C.  Blanco,  10.  California.  13.  New  Mexico. 

5.  Rio  Grande.  8.  B.  Hermosa.  11.  R.Grande.  14.  Cibola. 


HAWKINS   AxND    DRAKE. 


8i 


SIR    FRANCIS    DRAKE/ 


^  A  fac-simile  of  a  copperplate  engraving  in  H.  Holland's  Heroologia,  Amheim,  1620,  p.  105, —  a  book 
now  rare.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Cf.  also  Alagazme  of  American  History^  March,  1883. 
There  is  another  head  by  Houbraken  in  his  series  of  heads,  London,  1813,  p.  47. 

A  library,  which  is  said  to  have  been  begun  by  Drake  and  kept  up  by  his  descendants  at  Nutwell 
Court,  Lympstone,  Devon,  was  recently  sold  in  London.  Cf.  London  Tiiiies,  March  16,  1883.  There  were 
books  in  the  sale  pertaining  to  America,  which  were  published  early  enough  to  have  been  collected  by  Drake 
himself  ;  but  the  rarest  of  the  Americana,  of  interest  to  the  students  of  this  period,  must  rather  have  been  the 
accumulation  of  the  younger  Francis  Drake,  the  chronicler  .of  his  uncle's  exploits.  Some  of  the  rare  books 
mentioned  in  other  chapters  of  this  history  are  noted  as  bringing  the  following  prices :  Rich's  Netves  from 
Virginia,  .£93  ;  Whitaker's  Good  Newes  from  Virginia,  .£90,  later  priced  by  Quaritch  at  ,£105  ;  Harlot's 
New  found  land  of  Virginia,  ^3^o<  later  advertised  by  Quaritch  for  .£335;  Hosier's  True  Relation,  .£301, 
later  marked  by  Quaritch  at  ^335  ;  Declaraiio?t  of  the  State  of  the  Colonie  and  Affairs  in  Virginia,  .£46  ;  De 
la  Warre's  Relation,  ^26  \\s.;  Good  Speed  to  Virginia,  .£30;  Hamor's  True  Discourse,  £69;  New  Life 
of  Virginia,  £18  i^s,  later  priced  by  Quaritch  at  £25  ;  True  Declaration  of  the  Estat  of  the  Colonie  of  Vir- 
ginia, £80,  later  priced  by  Quaritch  at  £96. 
VOL.   III.  —  II. 


82  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

San  Domingo,  and  S.  Jacques   (Guinea).i     An  a  Spanish   account,   "  Francis    Draque  y   Juan 

English  translation  by  Thomas  Gates  appeared  Acquines,"  ^  was  printed  by  the  Hakluyt  Society 

in  London  the  next  year  (1589)  as  A  Snmmarie  in  1849,  under  the  editing  of  W.  D.  Cooley. 
and  true  Discourse  of  Sir  Francis  Drake's  West  Henry  Savile's  Libell  of  Spanish  Lies,  giving 

Indiaii  Voyage,  wherein  were  taken  the  tonvjis  of  the  earliest  English  account  in  print,  was  issued 

St. /ago,  Sancto  Domingo,    Cartage?ia,  ajtd  Saint  in  London  in  1596  {Carter-Brown  Catalogue, \o\. 

Augicstine:^      This  first  edition  seems   to  have  i.  no.  508),  and  was  also  included  in  Hakluyt's 

been  without  maps;  but  a  second  edition  of  the  third  volume  in  1600.8 

same  year  is  sometimes  found  with  copies  of  the  Tiele  —  Memoire    bibliogi-aphique   {1867),  p. 

Leyden  maps,  besides  a  fifth,  a  mappemonde,  300  —  says  that  Hakluyt  lent  his  account,  two 

showing  "The  famous  West  Indian  Voyadge,"  years  before  he  published  it,  to  the  Dutch  his- 

which  did    not  appear  in   the  Leyden  edition.^  torian  Van  Meteren,  who  printed  a  Dutch  ver- 

The  Huth  Catalogue,  ii.  442,  notes  a  third  edition  si  on  of  it  at  Amsterdam  in  1598.^ 
for  the  same  year.''  A  kinsman  of  Drake  published  at   London, 

In    1855,    Louis    Lacour   edited   at  Paris   a  m.  1^26,  Sir  Francis  Drake  revived :  calling  upon 

French  manuscript  upon  this    1585-86   expedi-  this  dull  or  effeminate  age  to  follow  his  noble  steps 

tion,  which  is  preserved  in  the  National  Library  for  gold  and  silver,  by  this  memorable  relatioti  of 

at  Paris.^  the   rare   occurrences    {never  yet  declared  to  the 

The  expedition  in  1587,  by  Drake  and  N orris,  world)  in  a  third   Voyage  made  by  him  to  the 

against  the  Spaniards  in  Europe,  does  not  fall  West  Indies  in  the  yeares  '72  and  '73,  faithfully 

within  our  present  scheme.^  taken  out  of  the  reporte  of  Christofer  Ceely,  El- 

Of  Drake's  last  voyage  in  1 595-96  we  have  lis  Hixon,   and   others ;    reviewed   by   Sir    Fr. 

his    log-book,    printed    for    the    first    time    in  Drake  himself,  and  set  forth  by  Sir  Fr.  Drake, 

Kunstmann's  Entdeckung  Amerikas  in  1859.     A  his  nephew.^^     This  edition  was  reissued  in  1628, 

manuscript   account,  by  Thomas  Maynarde,  is  with  the  errata  corrected.^^    It  was  again  reissued 

preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  which,  with  in  1653,  in  the  first  collected  edition  of  Drake's 

1  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  374  ;  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  20 ;  Leclerc,  Bibliotheca  Americana  (205  francs) ; 
Huth  Catalogue,  ii.  442.  Leclerc,  no.  2,744,  prices  the  maps  alone  at  400  francs;  and  Quaritch,  in  1877, 
advertised  them  for  £50.  The  Lenox  Library  has  a  copy  with  the  four  maps,  and  a  second  copy  with  different 
vignettes  on  the  title. 

2  Quaritch  prices  a  copy  at  £10  \qs.  ;  Stevens,  Ntiggets,  puts  one  at  £5  155.  dd.  Hakluyt's  third  volume 
(1600)  gives  the  narrative.  In  some  copies  of  Hakluyt's  volume  of  1589  there  is  found,  before  page  644,  a 
broadside,  giving  a  journal  from  Drake's  log-book,  Sept.  14, 1585,  to  July  22, 1586.  (Sabin,  vi.  543.)  It  was  on 
this  voyage  that  Drake  on  his  return  visited  the  new  settlement  in  Virginia,  as  mentioned  in  chap.  iv.  of  the 
present  volume. 

3  Quaritch,  in  1877,  claimed  that  only  three  copies  of  this  map  were  known,  and  only  four  or  five  complete 
sets  of  the  other  four  are  known.  The  mappemonde  is  in  the  Grenville  copy,  and  was  in  a  copy  possessed  by 
Rodd,  the  London  dealer,  fifty  years  ago.  Baptista  B.  (or  Boazio)  seems  to  have  been  the  designer  or  engraver. 
There  is  also  a  copy  of  this  fifth  map  in  the  Lenox  Library. 

■i  The  Huth  Catalogue  also  gives  all  five  maps  to  the  first  edition  (52  pages) ;  says  the  errata  are  corrected 
in  the  second  edition,  and  the  words  "with  geographical  mappes,"  etc.,  are  left  out  of  the  title ;  while  for  the 
third  edition  (copy  in  the  King's  Library,  in  the  British  Museum)  a  smaller  type  is  used,  contracting  it  to  37 
pages.  An  edition  of  1596  is  sometimes  cited,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  such  exists.  Lowndes  mentions  a  somewhat 
doubtful  French  edition  of  the  same  year. 

5  Bohn's  Lowndes,  p.  669. 

6  Bare  mention  may,  however,  be  made  of  the  English  accounts,  A  true  coppie  of  a  Discourse,  London, 
1589,  which  has  been  reprinted  by  Collier,  and  Robert  Leng's  Sir  Francis  Drake's  valuable  Service  done 
against  the  Spatiiards,  in  the  Camden  Society's  Miscellanies,  vol.  v.,  and  the  Latin  account^  printed  at  Frank- 
fort, 1590,  and  a  German  one  at  Munich,  the  same  year.  Stevens's  Bibliotheca  Historica  (1870),  no.  597; 
Bohn's  Lowndes,  p.  668. 

7  This  name  is  the  Spanish  rendering  of  John  Hawkins ;  and  Draque  and  Aquines  figure  also  in  Torres' 
Relacton  de  los  servicios  de  Sotomayor,  Madrid,  1620.     Rich  (1832),  no.  156. 

8  Mr.  J.  P.  Collier  printed  a  small  (one  hundred  copies)  fac-simile  edition  of  the  1596  book;  but  most  of  the 
copies  were  destroyed  by  fire.  A  ftdl  Relation  of  this  voyage,  dated  1652,  was  included  in  the  1653  edition  of 
Sir  Francis  Drake  Revived,  and  is  sometimes  found  separately  ;  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  753. 

9  There  were  other  Dutch  editions  in  1643  (called  by  Muller  the  best ;  cf.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  521, 
for  Journalen  van  drie  Voyagien)  and  1644.  A  German  account  was  added  in  1598  to  the  narrative  of  Can- 
dish's  voyages,  printed  at  Amsterdam.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  no.  520,  The  rendering  in  De  Br>-,  part 
viii.,  is  incorrect  and  incomplete. 

10  Rich  (1832),  no.  294,  £1  8j.  ;  Sunderland,  ii.  4,052;  Huth,  ii.  p.  444;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  312. 
There  is  a  copy  in  Charles  Deane's  collection.     It  is  worth  £6  or  £7. 

11  The  Grenville  Catalogue  errs  in  making  this  the  first  edition.  Huth,  ii.  444 ;  Brinley,  i.  49  J  Carter- 
Brown,  ii.  332. 


i^lFORH\hi 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


33 


CAVENDISH.l 


voyages,  under  the  title,  Sir  Francis  Drake  re- 
vived: four  several  voyages  .  .  .  collected  out  of 
the  notes  of  the  said  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Master 
Philip  Nichols,  Master  Francis  Fletcher,  .  .  . 
carefully  compared  together?- 

In  1595  a  Life  of  Drake  by  C.  FitzGeffrey 
was  published  in  London.3  Fuller,  in  his  Holy 
and  Prophane  State  (1642),  gives  a  characteristic 


seventeenth-century  estimate  of  Drake,  and  he 
knew  some  of  Drake's  kin. 

Samuel  Clarke's  Life  and  Death  of  Drake 
was  published  in  London  in  167 1.*  Robert 
Burton's  English  Hero,  long  a  popular  book, 
and  passing  through  many  editions,  was  first 
published  in  1687  and  1695,  '^^^  ^^^  trans- 
lated into  German  and  other  foreign  tongues. 


1  Follows  a  copperplate  engraving  in  H.  Holland's  Heroologia,  Arnheim,  1620,  p.  89. 

2  Sunderland,  vol.  ii.  no.  4,053  ;  Huth,  ii.  444  ;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  753.     There  is  also  a  copy  in 
Harvard  College  Library. 

3  Reprinted  in  1819,  at  the  Lee  Priory  press,  by  Sir  Egerton  Brydges. 

4  Sabin  {Dictionary^  iv.  13,445)  says  the  title  differs  in  some  copies.     Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  1,056. 


84 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Dr.  Johnson's  Life  of  Drake  has  his  peculiar 
flavor.  Of  the  later  biographies,  Barrow's  seems 
to  unite  best  the  various  details  of  Drake's 
career.i 

The  voyages  of  Candish,  or  Cavendish,  can 
be  followed  in  the  Latin  and  German  of  De  Bry's 
eighth  part  of  his  Great  J^ojyag-es  (i^gg),  and  in 
an  abridged  form  in  Hulsius'  part  vi.  There 
is  no  separate  English  edition  of  the  account  of 


the  1586-88  voyage,  written  by  Francis  Pretty, 
who  took  part  in  it ;  but  besides  the  text  in  Hak- 
luyt's  third  volume  (it  had  been  briefly  given  in 
the  1589  edition),  it  can  be  found  in  the  later 
collections  of  Callender  (1766),  Harris  (vol.  i.), 
and  Kerr  (vol.  x.) ;  cf.  S.  Colliber's  Columna 
Rostrata,  or  a  Critical  History  of  English  Sea 
Affairs,  London,  1727.  It  was  later  reprinted 
in  Dutch,  Amsterdam,  1598,  and  in  1617.2 


SIR    FRANCIS   DRAKE.*^ 


1  For  a  Drake  bibliography  we  must  go  to  Sabin's  Dictionary,  v,  20,827,  etc.,  and  Bohn's  Lowndes. 
Stevens  {^Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no.  202)  notes  a  collection  of  copies  from  manuscripts  in  public  deposi- 
taries in  England  which  had  been  brought  together  as  materials  for  writing  a  memoir  of  Drake.  As  a  Devonshire 
hero,  Drake  figures  m  the  local  literature  of  Plymouth  and  its  neighborhood. 

2  Cf.  Joiirnalen  van  drie  Voyag-ien,  which,  covers  both  Drake  and  Cavendish's  expeditions,  and  Commelin's 
Begin  ende  Voortgang,  and  the  collection  of  Gottfried  and  Vander  Aa  (1727).  Thomas  Lodge,  the  Eliza- 
bethan dramatist,  accompanied  Candish  in  his  voyage  of  circumnavigation,  and  translated  upon  it,  from  the 
Spanish,  his  Margarite  of  America,  published  in  London  in  1596.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  x.  41,765  ;  Bohn's 
Lowndes,  p.  1,383.  » 

3  This  portrait,  said  to  follow  the  three-quarters  likeness  in  Vaughan's  print  (of  which  there  is  a  copy  in 
the  Lenox  Librai-y),  is  a  fac-simile  of  a  cut  in  the  title  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  revived,  issued  in  London  in  1626, 
by  his  nephew,  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Baronet;  cf.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  133.  Another  likeness  of  a  little 
later  date  will  be  observed  in  the  fac-simile  of  the  Virginia  Farrar  map,  given  in  connection  with  Professor 
Keen's  paper  on  "  Plowden's  Grant,"  in  the  present  volume.  There  are  other  portraits  on  the  title  of  De  Bry, 
parts  viii.  (1599)  and  xi.  (1619),  and  in  Hulsius,  part  vi,  (1603),  and  on  the  folding  map  in  part  xvi.  (1619); 
cf.  also  Le  Voyage  Curietix,  Paris,  1641. 

Some  new  light  has  been  thrown  upon  Drake  by  a  namesake.  Dr.  Drake,  in  the  Archceological  Journal, 
1873  ;  and  Mr.  Walter  Herries  Pollock  says  the  latest  word  in  the  National  Review,  May,  1883.  Two  other  testi- 
monies to  the  alleged  change  of  the  name  of  San  Francisco  Bay  (see  p.  ']'})  may  be  found  among  the  contribu- 
tions of  the  middle  of  the  last  century  to  the  history  of  the  Pacific  coast  geography.  The  map  published  by  the 
Imperial  Academy  of  St.  Petersburg  in  1754  and  1773  says,  "  Port  de  Francois  Drake,  fausement  appell6  de  St. 
Francois."  J.  Green,  in  his  Remarks  in  support  of  the  new  Chart  of  North  and  South  America,  London, 
1753,  says,  "The  French  geographers  within  this  century  have  converted  Port  Sir  Francois  Drake  into  Port 
San  Francisco." 


CHAPTER    III. 

EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE   NORTH-WEST. 

BY   CHARLES   C.   SMITH, 

Treasurer  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

THE  fresh  spirit  of  maritime  adventure  which  marked  the  last  decade 
of  the  fifteenth  century  and  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
owed  its  origin  to  mistaken  theories  as  to  the  distance  between  the  west  of 
Europe  and  the  east  of  Asia.  Columbus  believed  that  the  land  which  he 
first  discovered  was  an  island  on  the  coast  of  Japan ;  and  he  seems  never  to 
have  relinquished  this  idea.  The  contemporary  geographers  all  cherished 
the  same  mistake ;  and  the  early  maps  give  a  much  better  representation  of 
the  coast-line  of  Asia  than  they  do  of  the  shores  of  North  America.^  It  is 
a  curious  fact  that  the  true  position  and  form  of  South  America  were  fa- 
miHar  to  cartographers  long  before  there  was  any  exact  knowledge  of  the 
northern  half  of  the  continent.  North  America  was  regarded  as  an  island 
or  a  collection  of  islands,  through  which  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  find 
a  short  passage  to  Zipangu  and  Cathay,  —  the  modern  Japan  and  China.^ 
Gradually  these  mistakes  yielded  to  more  correct  views ;  but  it  was  still  be- 
lieved that  a  feasible  passage  existed  around  the  northern  shore  of  the  new 
continent.  This  belief  was  the  inspiring  motive  of  all  the  early  north- 
western explorations,  and  it  lingered  almost  to  our  own  time,  long  after 
every  one  knew  that  such  a  passage  would  be  of  no  practical  use.  At 
length  the  problem  has  been  solved ;  but  the  introduction  of  new  methods 
of  ocean  and  land  trade  and  travel  has  deprived  it  of  all  but  a  purely  scien- 
tific and  geographical  interest.  Meanwhile  the  search  for  a  northwest  pas- 
sage has  developed  an  heroic  endurance  and  a  perseverance  in  surmounting 
obstacles  scarcely  paralleled  anywhere  else,  and  has  added  largely  to  the 
stores  of  human  knowledge. 

At  the  head  of  the  long  list  of  explorers  for  a  northwest  passage  stand 
the  names  of  the  Cabots ;  but  the  intricate  questions  as  to  the  measure  of 
just  fame  to  be  assigned  to  father  and  son  have  been  fully  treated  in  another 
chapter  of  this  work,^  and  neither  John  nor  Sebastian  penetrated  the  more 

1  [Cf.  map  given  on  page  ii.  —  Ed.] 

2  [Cf .  the  Lenox  Globe  and  other  delineations,  in  chap.  vi.  —  Ed.] 

3  [Chap,  i.,  by  Charles  Deane.  —  Ed.] 


86  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

northern  waters  with  which  our  inquiry  is  mainly  concerned.  It  is 
enough  now  to  recall  their  names  as  the  leaders  in  an  enterprise  in  which 
for  nearly  three  centuries  England  took  a  foremost  part,  and  that  so  early 
as  1497  John  Cabot  set  sail  in  the  hope  of  this  great  discovery.  Within 
the  next  half  century  he  was  followed  by  his  son  Sebastian,  the  Cortereals, 
Cartier,  and  Hore,  not  one  of  whom  sought  to  reach  a  high  northern  lati- 
tude. It  was  not  until  Frobisher  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  that  the  real 
northwest  explorations  can  be  said  fairly  to  have  begun.  Since  that  time 
more  than  one  hundred  voyages  and  land  journeys  have  been  undertaken 
in  this  vain  quest,     v 

In  two  of  the  northwestern  voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher  the  discovery 
of  a  short  way  to  the  South  Sea  was  only  a  secondary  object.  The  adven- 
turers at  whose  cost  they  were  undertaken  looked  mainly  to  the  profit  from  a 
successful  search  for  gold,  though  they  w^ere  not  unmindful  of  the  advantages 
to  be  gained  by  shortening  the  distance  to  the  Spice  Islands  of  the  East. 
In  the  bitter  quarrel  between  Frobisher  and  Michael  Lok,  after  the  third 
voyage,  it  was  charged  that  Frobisher  had  neglected  this  part  of  the 
undertaking.  But  it  was  natural  that  Lok,  who  had  no  doubt  lost  heavily 
by  the  voyages,  should  be  angry  with  Frobisher,  and  endeavor  to  make  the 
most  of  any  failure  on  his  part  to  carry  out  the  whole  plan ;  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  believe  that  Frobisher  wilfully  neglected  the  interests  or  the  wishes 
of  his  employers,  however  much  they  may  have  been  disappointed.  The 
whole  amount  subscribed  for  the  three  voyages  was  upward  of  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds,  and  of  this  sum  Lok  subscribed,  for  himself  and  his  children, 
nearly  one  fourth.  Among  the  subscribers  were  Queen  Elizabeth,  who 
invested  four  thousand  pounds.  Lord  Burleigh,  the  Earl  and  Countess  of 
Warwick,  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Pembroke,  Sir 
Philip  Sidney,  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  and  others 
scarcely  less  conspicuous  in  that  generation. 

Frobisher's  first  expedition  consisted  of  two  small  vessels,  the  ''  Gabriel  " 
and  the  "  Michael,"  one  of  twenty-five  tons  and  the  other  of  twenty  tons, 
and  a  pinnace  of  ten  tons.  They  set  sail  from  Blackwall  on  the  15th  of 
June,  1576,  but  it  was  not  until  the  ist  of  July  that  they  were  clear  of  the 
coast  of  England.  Not  long  after  coming  in  sight  of  Friesland,  Frobisher 
parted  company  with  the  pinnace,  in  which  were  four  men,  who  were  never 
seen  again;  and  about  the  same  time  the  ''  Michael"  slipped  away  without 
any  warning,  and  returned  to  England.  Nevertheless,  Frobisher  pressed 
on,  and  on  the  21st  he  entered  the  opening  now  known  as  Frobisher's 
Strait  or  Bay,  "  having  upon  eyther  hande  a  great  mayne  or  continent ; 
and  that  land  uppon  hys  right  hande  as  hee  sayled  westward,  he  judged 
to  be  the  continente  of  Asia,  and  there  to  bee  devided  from  the  firme  of 
America,  which  lyeth  uppon  the  lefte  hande  over  against  the  same."  ^  Into 
this  bay,  as  it  is  now  known  to  be,  he  sailed  about  sixty  leagues,  capturing 
one  of  the  natives,  whom  he  carried  to  England.    The  land,  Meta  Incognita, 

1  Collinson's  Three  Voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher,  p.  72;  Hakluyt's  Voyages  (ed.  1600),  iii.  58. 


EXPLORATIONS    TO    THE    NORTH-WEST. 


87 


he  took  possession  of  in  the  name  of  the  Queen  of  England,  commanding 
his  company,  **  if  by  anye  possible  meanes  they  could  get  ashore,  to  bring 
him  whatsoever  thing  they  could  first  find,  whether  it  were  living  or  dead, 
stocke  or  stone,  in  token  of  Christian  possession."  ^  Some  of  the  men 
returned  to  him 
with  flowers,  some 
with  green  grass, 
*'and  one  brought 
a  peece  of  black 
stone,  much  lyke 
to  a  seacole  in 
coloure,  which  by 
the  waight  seemed 
to  be  some  kinde 
of  mettall  or  myn- 
erall."  Frobisher 
reached  England 
on  his  return  in 
the  following  Oc- 
tober, and  on  his 
arrival  presented 
the  stone  to  one 
of  his  friends,  an 
adventurer  in  the 
voyage.  The  wife 
of  this  gentleman 
accidentally  threw 
it  into  the  fire, 
where  it  remained 
for  some  time, 
when  it  was  taken 
out  and  quenched 

in  vinegar.  It  then  appeared  of  a  bright  gold  color,  and  on  being  sub- 
mitted to  a  goldfinder  in  London,  was  said  to  be  rich  in  gold ;  and  large 
profits  were  promised  if  the  ore  was  sufficiently  abundant. 

With  this  report,  there  was  little  difhculty  in  providing  means  for  a 
second  voyage.  The  new  expedition  consisted  of  a  "  tall  ship  of  her 
Majesty's,"  named  the  "  Ayde,"  of  two  hundred  tons,  and  of  two  smaller 
vessels,  with  the  same  names  as  those  in  the  former  voyage,  but  now  said 
to  be  of  thirty  tons  each.  They  were  manned  in  all  by  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  to  which  number  Frobisher  was  limited  by  his  orders.  After 
some  delay,  he  sailed  from  Harwich  on  the  31st  of  May,  1577.  By  his 
orders  he  was  directed  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  place  where  the  mineral 

1  Collinson's  Three  Voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher,  p.  75;  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  iii.  59. 

2  This  cut  follows  the  engraving  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  Frobisher's  Voyages. 


-ra^-. 


"cx/i/Jh- 


gg  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

was  found,  and  set  the  miners  at  work.  There  he  was  to  leave  the  "  Ayde," 
and  then  to  sail  to  another  place  visited  on  his  first  voyage,  where  a  further 
attempt  at  mining  was  to  be  made,  and  where  one  of  the  small  barks  was  to 
be  left.  With  the  remaining  bark  he  was  to  sail  fifty  or  a  hundred  leagues 
farther  west,  to  make  "  certayne  that  you  are  entred  into  the  South  Sea; 
and  in  yo""  passage  to  learne  all  that  you  can,  and  not  to  tarye  so  longe 
from  the  *  Ayde'  and  worckmenbut  that  you  bee  able  to  retorne  homewards 
w^'^  the  shippes  in  due  tyme."  If  the  mines  should  prove  less  productive 
than  it  was  hoped  they  would  be,  he  was  to  ''  proceade  towards  the  discov- 
ering of  Cathaya  w**^  the  two  barcks,  and  returne  the  '  Ayde'  for  England 
agayne."^  Frobisher  had  his  first  sight  of  Friesland  on  the  4th  of  July; 
and  he  reached  Milford  Haven,  in  Wales,  on  his  return  voyage,  about  the 
23d  of  September.  During  this  period  of  a  little  more  than  two  months,  his 
energies  were  mainly  devoted  to  procuring  ore,  of  which,  in  twenty  days, 
he  obtained  nearly  two  hundred  tons ;  but  he  also  made  as  careful  an  exam- 
ination as  was  practicable  of  the  region  previously  visited  by  him,  and 
added  something  to  the  stock  of  geographical  knowledge.  Two  of  the 
natives  were  captured,  and  were  carried  to  England  to  be  educated  as 
interpreters. 

Frobisher's  third  voyage  was  planned  on  a  much  larger  scale  than  any 
other  which  hitherto  had  been  sent  to  the  Arctic  regions,  and  he  was  placed 
in  command  of  fifteen  vessels.  They  were  all  collected  at  Harwich  by  the 
27th  of  May,  1578;  and  after  receiving  their  instructions  from  Frobisher, 
they  sailed  together  on  the  31st.  On  the  2d  of  July  they  reached  the  mouth 
of  Frobisher's  Bay ;  but  after  entering  it  a  short  distance,  they  found  it  so 
choked  with  ice  that  it  was  impossible  to  proceed.  One  of  the  vessels  was 
soon  sunk  by  the  ice,  and  all  suffered  more  or  less.  After  beating  about  for 
several  days,  they  entered  a  strait,  supposed  at  first  to  lead  to  their  desired 
goal,  but  which  was,  in  fact,  what  is  now  known  as  Hudson's  Strait,  the  en- 
trance to  the  great  bay  which  bears  his  name,  *'  havyng  alwayes  a  fayre 
continente  uppon  their  starreboorde  syde,  and  a  continuance  still  of  an  open 
sea  before  them."  According  to  Best,  one  of  the  captains,  and  an  historian 
of  the  expedition,  Frobisher  was  probably  one  of  the  first  to  discover  the 
mistake,  though  he  persuaded  his  followers  that  they  were  in  the  right 
course  and  the  known  straits.  "  Howbeit,"  he  adds,  "  I  suppose  he  rather 
dissembled  his  opinion  therein  than  otherwyse,  meaning  by  that  policie 
(being  hymself  ledde  with  an  honorable  desire  of  further  discoverie)  to 
enduce  y^  fleete  to  follow  him,  to  see  a  further  proofe  of  that  place.  And, 
as  some  of  the  company  reported,  he  hath  since  confessed,  that,  if  it  had 
not  bin  for  the  charge  and  care  he  had  of  y^  fleete  and  fraughted  shippes, 
he  both  would  and  could  have  gone  through  to  the  South  Sea,  called  Mare 
del  Sur,  and  dissolved  the  long  doubt  of  the  passage  which  we  seeke  to  find 
to  the  rich  countrey  of  Cataya."^     Toward  the  latter  part  of  July  it  was 

1  Collinson's  Three  Voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher^"^.  119. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  242 ;  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  iii.  80. 


EXPLORATIONS    TO    THE    NORTH-WEST.  89 

determined  not  to  proceed  any  farther,  and  after  many  difficulties  and 
dangers  they  returned  to  Meta  Incognita.  It  had  been  their  intention  to 
erect  a  house  here,  and  to  leave  a  considerable  party  to  spend  the  winter. 
But  after  a  full  consideration  it  was  decided  that  this  plan  was  impracticable, 
and  it  was  relinquished.  A  house  of  lime  and  stone  was,  however,  built 
on  the  Countess  of  Warwick's  Island,  in  which  numerous  articles  were 
deposited.  On  the  last  day  of  August  the  fleet,  having  completed  their 
loading  with  more  than  thirteen  hundred  tons  of  ore,  sailed  for  England, 
where  they  arrived  at  various  times  about  the  ist  of  October,  and  with  the 
loss  of  not  more  than  forty  men  in  all.  The  ore  proved  to  be  of  very 
little  value,  and  the  adventurers  lost  a  large  part  of  what  they  had  sub- 
scribed.^ rj"-       (Uf^'--"^ 

Of  the  voyages  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  is  often  included  among 
the  northwest  explorers,  little  need  be  said  here ;  for  though  he  wrote  an 
elaborate  Discourse  of  a  Discovery  for  a  new  Passage  to  Cataia,  to  stimulate 
the  search  for  a  northwest  passage,  the  voyage  in  which  he  lost  his  life  was 
not  extended  beyond  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland.^ 

Next  in  importance  to  the  three  voyages  of  Frobisher  are  the  three  voy- 
ages of  Captain  John  Davis,  who  has  been  immortalized  by  the  magnifi- 


cent strait  which  bears  his  name,  and  which  was  discovered  on  his  first 
voyage.  On  this  voyage  he  sailed  from  Dartmouth  on  the  7th  of  June, 
1585,  with  two  vessels, — the  "  Sunshine,"  of  fifty  tons,  manned  by  twenty- 
three  persons,  and  the  "  Moonshine,"  of  thirty-five  tons,  with  seventeen 
men.  But  it  was  not  until  three  weeks  later  that  he  was  able  to  take  his 
final  departure  from  the  Scilly  Islands ;  and  he  arrived  at  Dartmouth,  on 
his  return,  on  the  30th  of  September.  In  this  brief  period  he  made  some 
important  discoveries,  and  sailed  as  far  north  as  66°  40',  and  westward 
farther  than  any  one  had  yet  penetrated,  "  finding  no  hindrance."  He  nat- 
urally concluded  that  he  had  already  discovered  the  desired  passage,  and 
that  it  was  only  necessary  to  press  forward  in  order  to  insure  entire  success. 
But  he  was  compelled  by  stress  of  weather  to  put  back,  and  he  reached 
England  shortly  afterward.  On  his  second  voyage  his  little  fleet  was  in- 
creased by  the  addition  of  the  ''  Mermaid,"  of  one  hundred  tons,  and  the 

1  In  his  first  expedition  to  seek  for  traces  of  Collinson's  Three  Voyages,  etc.,  Appendix ;  and 

Sir  John  Franklin,  1 860-1 862,  our  countryman,  the  Semi-Annual  Report  of  the   Council  of  the 

Captain  Charles  F.  Hall,  obtained  and  brought  American  Antiquarian  Society,  October,  1882. 

home  numerous  relics  of   Frobisher's  voyages.  ^  j^gge  Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter,  and  Gilbert's 

Some  of  these  were  sent  to  England,  and  others  map   and   comments  in   Editorial  Note  A,  sub 

are  deposited  in  the  National  Museum  at  Wash-  anno  1576,  at  the  end,  and  also  the  notes  at  the 

ington.     See  Hall's  Arctic  Researches,  passim;  end  of  Mr.  Henry's  chapter.  —  Ed.] 
VOL.  m.  — 12. 


90 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


CZ7 


"  North  Star,"  a  pinnace  of  ten  tons.    He  sailed  from  Dartmouth  on  the  7th 
of  May,  1586,  and  for  a  time  everything  promised  well;    but  at  the  end 

of  July  the  crew  of  his  largest  Vessel 
became    discontented,   and    returned 
with  her  to  England.     Meanwhile,  the 
"  Sunshine  "  and  the  pinnace  had  been 
sent  to  make  discoveries  to  the  east- 
ward  of  Greenland.     But,  in  nowise 
disheartened  by  these  circumstances, 
Davis    determined   to    prosecute    his 
enterprise  in  the  "Moonshine."     He 
reached,    however,   not   quite   so    far 
north  as  in  his  previous  voyage,  and 
apparently  about  as  far  west,  and  ar- 
rived home  early  in  October,  —  "  not 
having  done  so  much  as  he  did  in  his 
first  voyage,"  is  the  judgment  of  one 
of  his  successors  in  Arctic  navigation.^ 
On  his  third  voyage  he  sailed 
from  Dartmouth,  on  the   19th 
of  May,   1587,  with  three  ves- 
sels, —  the    "  Elizabeth,"    the 
"  Sunshine,"  and  a  smaller  ves- 
sel, the  "  Helen," — and  arrived 
at  the  same  port,  on  his  return, 
the    15th    of    September.       His 
course  was  in  the  track  which  he  had 
previously   followed ;    but   he    added 
little  to  the  knowledge  he  had  already 
gained,  and  having  been  inadequately 
provided    for    a    long    voyage,    was 
obliged   to    sail    for   home  when    he 
thought  ''  the  passage  is  most  prob- 
able, the  execution  easie."  ^ 
FROM  THE  MOLiNEAUx  GLOBE,  1592.^  It  is  a  matter  for  surprise,  in  view 

1  [This  globe  is  now  in  the  Middle  Temple. 
(See  Editorial  Note  E,  at  the  end  of  Dr.  De 
Costa's  chapter.)  This  is  thought  to  have  been 
made,  in  part  at  least,  from  Davis's  charts,  which 
are  now  lost.     Kohl's  Catalogue  of  Maps  in  Hak- 


—  Ed.] 
Northwest  Fox,  p.  42. 
Letter  to  Mr.  Sanderson,  in  Hakluyt's  Voy- 


hiyt,  p.   23.     The   sketch   is 

to  be   interpreted 

thus : — 

I.  Grocland.                    7. 

Gilbert's  Sound. 

2.  Hope  Sanderson.      8. 

Easter  Point. 

3.  London  cost.              9. 

Regin.  Eli.  forland. 

4.  Marchant  Yle.          10. 

Fretum  Davis. 

5.  Davies  island.           11. 

Mare  Conglelatum. 

6.  Challer's  Cape.        12. 

C.  Bedford. 

13- 

Sandrson's  tour. 

14. 

Mont  Ralegh. 

15- 

E.  Cumberland  isles. 

16. 

E.  Warwicke's  forland. 

17. 

L.  Lumley's  inlet. 

18. 

A  furious  overfall. 

19. 

Terre  de  Labrador. 

20. 

Dorgeo. 

21. 

I.  de  Arel.  {.?) 

ages,  in.  114. 


EXPLORATIONS    TO    THE    NORTH-WEST. 


91 


of  the  sanguine  expectations  of  Davis,  that  an  interval  of  nearly  fifteen  years 
elapsed  between  his  return  from  his  third  voyage  and  the  sailing  of  the  next 
expedition.  This  was  sent  out  at  the  cost  of  the  East  India  Company, 
and  consisted  of  two  small  ves- 
sels,—  the  ''Discovery,"  under 
the  command  of  Captain  George 
Waymouth,  and  the  "  God- 
speed," under  John  Drew.  Way- 
mouth  sailed  from  the  Thames 
on  the  2d  of  May,  1602,  under 
a  contract  which  provided  that 
he  should  sail  directly  toward 
the  coast  of  Greenland  and  the 
sea  described  as  Fretum  Davis, 
and  that  thence  he  should  pro- 
ceed by  those  seas,  ''or  as  he 
shall  find  the  passadge  best  to 
lye  towards  the  parts  or  king- 
dom of  Cataya  or  China,  or  the 
backe  side  of  America,  w*^out 
geveng  ouer  the  proceedinge  on 

his  course  soe  longe  as  he  shall  finde  those  seas  or  any  pte  thereof  navi- 
gable, and  any  possibilitie  to  make  way  or  passadge  through  them."^     In 

spite  of  these  specific 
directions,  the  voyage 
was  not  productive  of 
any  important  results, 
though  it  is  probable 
that  he  sighted  land  to  the  north  of  Hudson's  Strait;  and  Luke  Fox 
appears  to  have  been  right  when  he  says-  that  Waymouth  "  neither  discov- 
ered nor  named  any  thing  more  than  Davis,  nor  had  any  sight  of  Groen- 
land,  nor  was  so  farre  north ;  nor  can'  I  conceive  he  hath  added  anything 
more  to  this  designe.  Yet  these  two,  Davis  and  he,  did  (I  conceive), 
Hght  Hudson  into  his  straights."^  .  Waymoutk  himself  ascribed  his  failure 


FROM    MOLINEAUX'S    MAP,    l6oO.^ 


A\  V*^  <76^ 


1  fit  is  claimed  that  Davis,  who  was  in  Eng- 
land, June,  1600,  to  February,  1601,  probably 
furnished  the  plot,  and  there  is  manifest  an 
endeavor  in  it  to  reconcile  the  old  Zeno  map. 
Davis's  discoveries  are  correctly  placed,  but  Fro- 
bisher's  are  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  Straits.  It 
needs  the  following  key :  — 

1.  A  furious  overfall. 

2.  Warwick's  forelande. 

3.  E.  Cumberland  Inlet.  » 

4.  Estotiland. 

5.  M.  Rawghley. 

6.  Saunderson's  towe. 

7.  C.Bedford. 


8.  Fretum  Davis. 

9.  Desolation. 

ID.  Warwick's  Forlande  {repeated). 

11.  Meta  incognita. 

12.  Mr.  Forbusher's  straights. 

13.  Reg.  E.  Foreland. 

14.  Freyland. 

15.  Gronlande. 

See  Editorial  Note  F,  at  the  end  of  Dr.  De 
Costa's  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

2  Rundall's  Narratives  of  Voyages  towards  the 
Northwest,  p.  62. 

2  Northwest  Fox,  p.  50. 


92  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

to  a  mutiny  which  occurred  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  and  which  compelled 
him  to  return  to  Dartmouth,  where  he  arrived  on  the  5th  of  August.  An 
inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  failure  was  begun  shortly  afterward,  but  no 
evidence  has  been  found  to  show  how  it  terminated.  ^ 

Three  voyages  were  undertaken  not  long  afterward  by  the  Danes,  in 
which  James  Hall  was  the  chief  pilot;  and  one  by  the  English,  under  the 
command  of  John  Knight,  in  a  pinnace  of  forty  tons,  sent  out  by  the  East 
India  and  Muscovy  companies.  But  each  of  these  voyages  had  for  its  chief 
object  the  discovery  of  gold  and  silver  mines,  and  though  they  all  seem  to 
have  followed  in  the  track  of  Frobisher,  they  added  little  or  nothing  to  the 
knowledge  of  Arctic  geography,  and  contributed  nothing  toward  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  of  a  northwest  passage.  The  first  of  these  expeditions, 
in  which  both  Hall  and  Knight  were  employed,  consisted  of  two  small  ships 
and  a  pinnace,  and  sailed  from  Copenhagen  on  the  2d  of  May,  1605.  After 
coasting  along  the  western  shore  of  Davis  Strait  as  far  north  as  69°,  the 
ships  reached  Elsinore  on  their  return  early  in  August.  The  next  year 
a  fleet  of  four  ships  and  a  pinnace  was  sent  out,  with  Hall  as  pilot-major. 
They  sailed  from  Elsinore  on  the  29th  of  May,  but  were  prevented  by  the 
ice  and  stormy  weather  from  reaching  as  far  north  as  before,  and  after 
much  delay  they  returned  to  Copenhagen  on  the  4th  of  October.  In  1607 
Hall  accompanied  a  third  expedition,  consisting  of  two  vessels,  which  was 
equally  unproductive  of  results.  When  they  had  reached  no  farther  than 
Cape  Farewell,  on  the  southern  coast  of  Greenland,  they  were  compelled 
to  return,  from  causes  which  are  variously  stated,  but  which  were  probably 
complicated  by  a  mutinous  spirit  in  the  crew. 

In  the  same  year  with  Hall's  second  voyage.  Knight  sailed  from  Graves- 
end,  on  the  1 8th  of  April.  Two  months  afterward  he  made  land  on  the 
coast  of  Labrador ;  and  the  captain  and  five  men  went  on  shore  to  find  a 
convenient  place  for  repairing  their  vessel.  Leaving  two  men  with  their 
boat,  the  captain  and  three  men  went  to  the  highest  part  of  the  island. 
They  did  not  return  that  day,  and  on  the  following  day  the  state  of  the 
ice  was  such  that  it  was  impossible  to  reach  them,  and  they  were  never 
heard  from  afterward.  The  pinnace  then  went  to  Newfoundland  to  repair ; 
and  after  encountering  many  perils,  reached  Dartmouth  on  the  24th  of  De- 
cember. Hall  made  a  fourth  voyage,  in  161 2,  in  two  small  vessels  fitted 
out  by  some  merchant-adventurers  in  London.  In  this  voyage  he  was 
mortally  wounded  in  an  encounter  with  the  Esquimaux  on  the  coast  of 
Labrador.  His  death  destroyed  all'  hope  of  a  successful  prosecution  of 
the  enterprise,  and  shortly  afterward  the  vessels  returned  to  England.  -^ 
Henry  Hudson  had  already  acquired  a  considerable  reputation  as  a  bold 
and  skilful  navigator,  and  had  made  three  noteworthy  voyages  of  discovery 
when  he  embarked  on  his  voyage  for  northwest  exploration.  On  the  17th 
of  April,  1 6 10,  he  sailed  from  Gravesend  in  the  ''Discovery,"  a  vessel  of 
only  fifty-five  tons,  provisioned  for  six  months ;  and  on  the  9th  of  June 
he  arrived  off  Frobisher's  Strait.     He  then  sailed  southwesterly,  and  enter- 


EXPLORATIONS    TO    THE    NORTH-WEST.  93 

ing  the  strait  which  bears  his  name,  passed  through  its  entire  length,  naming 
numerous  islands  and  headlands,  and  finally,  on  the  3d  of  August,  saw  before 
him  the  open  waters  of  Hudson's  Bay.  Three  months  were  spent  in  exam- 
ining its  shores,  and  on  the  lOth  of  November  his  vessel  was  frozen  in. 
She  was  not  released  until  the  i8th  of  June  in  the  following  year,  and  six 
days  afterward  a  mutiny  occurred.  Hudson  and  his  son,  with  six  of  the 
crew  who  were  either  sick  or  unfit  for  work,  were  forced  into  a  shallop, 
where  they  were  voluntarily  joined  by  the  carpenter;  and  then  the  frail 
boat  was  cut  loose,  and  the  mutineers  set  sail  for  home,  leaving  their  late 
master  and  his  companions  to  the  mercy  of  the  waves  or  death  by  starva- 
tion. They  were  never  seen  or  heard  of  again ;  but  after  encountering 
great  perils  and  privations,  the  mutineers  finally  made  land  in  Galway  Bay, 
on  the  coast  of  Ireland.  Hudson's  own  account  of  the  voyage  terminates 
with  his  entrance  into  the  bay  discovered  by  him.  For  the  later  explor- 
ations and  for  the  tragic  end  of  the  great  navigator's  brilliant  career,  we  are 
forced  to  trust  to  the  narrative  of  one  of  his  men,  Abacuk  Pricket.  If  we 
may  believe  the  story  told  by  him,  he  had  no  part  in  the  mutiny ;  but  no 
one  can  read  his  narrative  without  sharing  the  suspicion  of  Fox:  "Well, 
Pricket,  I  am  in  great  doubt  of  thy  fidelity  to  Master  Hudson."  ^ 

Two  years  after  Hudson  sailed  on  his  last  voyage,  a  new  expedition  was 
sent  to  the  northwest  under  the  command  of  Sir  Thomas  Button.  It  con- 
sisted of  two  ships,  the  ''  Resolution  "  and  the  ''  Discovery,"  and  was  pro- 
visioned for  eighteen  months.  "  Concerning  this  voyage,"  says  Luke  Fox, 
**  there  cannot  bee  much  expected  from  me,  seing  that  I  have  met  with 
none  of  the  Journalls  thereof.  It  appeareth  that  they  have  been  concealed, 
for  what  reasons  I  know  not."  ^  Button  sailed  from  England  in  the  begin- 
ning of  May,  and  entering  Hudson's  Strait,  crossed  the  Bay  to  the  southern 
point  of  Southampton  Island,  which  he  named  Carey's  Swan's  Nest.  He 
then  kept  on  toward  the  western  side  of  the  Bay,  to  which  he  gave  the  sig- 
nificant name  *'  Hope's  Check,"  and  coasting  along  the  shore  he  discovered 
the  important  river  which  he  called  Port  Nelson,  and  which  is  now  known  as 
Nelson's  River.  Here  he  wintered,  "  and  kept  three  fires  all  the  Winter,  but 
lost  many  men,  and  yet  was  supplied  with  great  store  of  white  Partridges 
and  other  Fowle,"  says  Fox.^  On  the  breaking  up  of  the  ice  he  made  a 
thorough  exploration  of  the  bay  and  of  Southampton  Island,  and  finally 
returned  to  England  in  the  autumn,  having  accomplished  enough  to  give 
him  a  foremost  rank  among  Arctic  navigators. 

A  little  less  than  a  year  and  a  half,  after  Button's  return,  Robert  Bylot 
and  William  Baffin  embarked  on  the  first  of  the  two  voyages  commonly 
associated  with  their  names.  They  sailed  from  the  Scilly  Islands  on  Good 
Friday,  April  7,  161 5,  in  the  *'  Discovery,"  a  ship  of  about  fifty-five  tons,  in 
which  Bylot  had  already  made  three  voyages  to  the  northwest.     Following 

1  Northwest  Fox,  p.  117.  The  documents  relating  to  Hudson's  fourth  voyage  are  in  Purchas's 
Pilgrimes,  iii.  596-610,  and  in  Asher's  Henry  Hudson,  the  Navigator,  pp.  93-138. 

'^  Northwest  Fox,  pp.  117,  118.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  118. 


94 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


a  course  already  familiar  to  him,  they  passed  through  Hudson's  Strait,  and 
ascended  what  is  now  known  as  Fox  Channel.     Here  and  at  the  western 

end  of  Hudson's  Strait  they  spent  about  three 

lyx/ l/Ul/tTK    ^^f'V^    weeks,  and  then  sailed  for  home,  where  they  ar- 

•/*'  rived   in  the   early  part  of  September.      Their 

next  voyage  was  one  of  far  greater   interest  and   importance,   and   ranks 

among  the  most  famous  of  the  Arctic  voyages.     They  sailed  again  in  the 


SIR  THOMAS   SMITH.l 


"Discovery,"  leaving  Gravesend  on  the  26th  of  March,  1616,  with  a  com- 
pany numbering  in  all  seventeen  persons ;  and  coasting  along  the  western 
shore  of  Greenland  and  through  Davis  Strait,  they  visited  and  explored 

^  Passe's  engraving  is  very  rare.  It  is  also  John  Wolstenholme,  and  other  eminent  patrons 
reproduced  by  Markham,  in  whose  Introduction  of  Arctic  exploration  in  that  day.  See  Belknap's 
are  accounts  of  Smith,  Sir  Dudley  Digges,  Sir     American  Biography^  ii.  9. 


EXPLORATIONS    TO    THE    NORTH-WEST.  95 

both  shores  of  the  great  sea  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of 
Baffin's  Bay.  Here  they  discovered  and  named  the  important  channels 
known  as  Lancaster  Sound  and  Jones  Sound,  beside  numerous  smaller 
bodies  of  water  and  numerous  islands  since  become  familiar  to  Arctic 
voyagers.  All  this  was  accomplished  in  a  short  season,  and  on  the  30th 
of  August  they  cast  anchor  at  Dover  on  their  return. 

Fifteen  years  elapsed,  during  which  no  important  attempt  was  made 
toward  the  discovery  of  a  northwest  passage;  but  in  1631  two  voyages 
were  undertaken,  to  one  of  which  we  owe  the  quaint,  gossippy  narrative 
entitled  Northwest  Fox,  or  Fox  from  the  Northwest  Passage.  Luke  Fox, 
its  author,  was  a  Yorkshireman,  of  keen  sense  and  great  perseverance, 
as  well  as  a  skilful  navigator.  He  had  long  been  interested  in  northwest 
explorations ;  and,  according  to  his  own  account,  he  wished  to  go  as  mate 
with  Knight  twenty-five  years  before.  At  length  he  succeeded  in  interest- 
ing a  number  of  London  merchants  and  other  persons  in  the  enterprise, 
and  on  the  5th  of  May,  1631,  he  set  sail  from  Deptford  in  the  ''  Charles," 
a  pinnace  of  seventy  tons,  victualled  for  eighteen  months.  He  searched 
the  western  part  of  Hudson's  Bay,  discovered  the  strait  and  shore  known 
as  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  Welcome,  sailed  up  Fox  Channel  to  a  point  within 
the  Arctic  Circle,  and  satisfied  himself,  by  a  careful  observation  of  the 
tides,  of  the  existence  of  the  long-sought  passage,  but  failed  to  discover 
it.  On  his  return  he  cast  anchor  in  the  Downs  on  the  31st  of  Octo- 
ber, "not  having  lost  one  Man,  nor  Boy,  nor  Soule,  nor  any  manner 
of  Tackling,  having  beene  forth  neere  six  moneths.  All  glory  be  to 
God ! "  1 

On  the  same  day  on  which  Fox  began  his  voyage.  Captain  Thomas 
James  sailed  from  the  Severn  in  a  new  vessel  of  seventy  tons,  named  the 
"  Maria,"  manned  by  twenty-two  persons,  and,  like  Fox's  vessel,  vict- 
ualled for  eighteen  months.  On  his  outward  voyage  he  encountered 
many  perils,  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  his  vessel  barely  escaped 
shipwreck.  His  explorations  were  confined  to  the  waters  of  Hudson's 
Bay,  and  more  particularly  to  its  southeastern  part,  where  he  wintered  on 
Charlton  Island.  Here  he  built  a  house  in  which  the  ship's  company  lived 
from  December  until  June,  enduring  as  best  they  might  all  the  horrors 
of  an  Arctic  winter  on  an  island  only  a  little  north  of  the  latitude  of  Lon- 
don. On  the  2d  of  July  they  again  set  sail,  but  were  so  hampered  by  ice 
that  their  progress  was  very  slow,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  August 
James,  with  the  unanimous  concurrence  of  his  officers,  determined  to 
return  home.  He  arrived  at  Bristol  on  the  22d  of  October,  1632,  having 
added  almost  nothing  to  the  knowledge  gained  by  Fox  in  a  third  of  the 
time. 

Both  voyages  were  substantially  failures,  and  their  want  of  success 
nearly  put  an  end  to  northwestern  explorations.  It  was  more  than  a 
hundred  years  before  the  matter  was  again  taken  up  in  any  deliberate 

1  Northwest  Fox,  p.  244. 


96 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


and  efficient  manner.  But  in  the  long  list  of  Arctic  navigators  there  are 
no  greater  names  than  those  of  Frobisher,  Davis,  Hudson,  and  Baffin. 
With  means  utterly  disproportioned,  as  it  now  seems,  to  the  task  which 


—l-.,..0^ 


A   PART   OF   JAMES'S   MAP.^ 

they  undertook,  these  men  ac- 
complished results  which  have 
called  forth  the  admiration  of 
more  than  one  of  their  successors.  They  did  not  find  the  new  and  more 
direct  way  to  Cathay  which  they  sought  for;  but  they  dispelled  many 
geographical  illusions,  and  every  fresh  advance  in  our  knowledge  of  the 


1  [This  is  the  southwest  corner  of  a  folding 
map,  i6x  12  inches,  entitled  "The  Piatt  of  Sayl- 
ing  for  the  discoverye  of  a  passage  into  the 
South  Sea,  1631, 1632,"  which  belongs  to  James's 
Strange  and  Dangerous  Voyage,  London,  1 633.  Mr. 
Charles  Deane  has  two  copies,  both  with  photo- 
graphic fac-similes  of  the  map  made  from  the 


copy  now  in  the  Barlow  Library,  New  York.  The 
Harvard  College  copy  is  defective.  The  map  has 
a  portrait  of  James,  "aetatis  suae,  40."  (Cf.  Sa- 
hxViS  Dictionary,  ix.  35,711;  Carter-Brown  Cata- 
logjce,  ii.  no.  400.  Quaritch  priced  it  in  1872,  £2,^.) 
The  narrative  was  reprinted  in  1740,  and  is  in 
the  Collections  of  Churchill  and  Harris.. —  Ed.] 


EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE   NORTH-WEST.  97 

Arctic  regions  has  only  confirmed  the  accuracy  of  their  statements.  The 
story  of  these  later  explorations  belongs  to  another  part  of  this  History ; 
and  we  shall  there  see  an  energy  and  perseverance  and  an  heroic  endur- 
ance of  hardship  for  the  solution  of  great  geographical  problems  not 
unworthy  of  the  men  whose  voyages  have  been  here  narrated. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY  ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

A  COMPLETE  bibliography  of  the  northwest  explorations  is  apart  from  our  present 
purpose.^  The  principal  works  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  preceding  narrative 
were  almost  all  of  them  written  by  the  men  who  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  scenes  and 
incidents  described,  or  are  based  on  the  original  journals  of  those  men.  Their  general  ac- 
curacy and  trustworthiness  have  never  been  challenged,  and  with  some  unimportant  excep- 
tions the  statements  of  the  early  navigators  have  been  confirmed  by  their  successors.  The 
men  who  first  encountered  the  perils  of  those  unknown  seas  were  men  of  plain,  straight- 
forward character,  who  told  in  simple  and  unpretentious  words  what  they  saw  and  did. 
Some  rectifications  of  their  opinions  and  descriptions  have,  it  is  true,  become  necessary ; 
in  part  through  the  imperfections  of  the  early  astronomical  instruments,  and  in  part  through 
the  difficulty,  often  very  great,  of  deciding  what  was  land  and  what  water,  even  from  the 
most  careful  observation.  As  a  general  rule,  the  early  latitudes  are  given  too  high  from 
the  first  of  these  causes  ;  but  the  longitudes  are  substantially  correct. 

Of  the  works  which  are  mainly  compilations,  the  undisputed  pre-eminence  belongs  to 
Hakluyt's  Voyages  and  Purchas's  Pilgrimes.  Hakluyt  was  an  enthusiast  with  regard  to 
western  discoveries,  and  he  spared  neither  time  nor  labor  to  obtain  trustworthy  information 
with  regard  to  the  voyages  in  which  he  took  so  deep  an  interest.  His  narratives  of  the 
early  voyages,  so  far  as  we  have  the  means  of  verifying  them,  follow  with  almost  entire 
accuracy  the  original  documents,  though  in  a  few  instances  he  has  abbreviated  his  originals, 
apparently  from  motives  of  economy  and  the  want  of  space.  In  these  instances,  however, 
the  republication  of  the  narratives  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  with  the  learned  annotations  of 
their  thoroughly  competent  editors,  places  before  the  reader  an  exact  copy  of  the  originals. 
Purchas  is  an  authority  of  less  importance  than  Hakluyt,  but  a  similar  remark  will  apply 
to  his  accounts  of  the  early  voyages,  though  they  are  more  abridged  than  Hakluyt's.  Luke 
Fox  prefixed  to  his  quaint  and  fascinating  narrative  of  his  own  voyage  an  account  of  what 
had  been  done  by  his  predecessors,  and  this  must  be  classed  among  the  best  authorities. 
Of  the  later  compilations  the  Chronological  History^  of  Sir  John  Barrow,  so  far  as  it 

1  [The  reader  may  consult  the  following,  which  works    equally  foreign    to    the    subject.     One 

has  a  parallel  English  text:  Die  Literatur  iiber  of  the   best  collections  of   Arctic  literature  in 

die  Polar-regionem  der  Erde.     Von  J.  Chavanne,  this   country   is    in    the   Carter-Brown    Library 

A.  Karpf,  F.  Ritter  v.  Le  Monnier.     Herausg.  at   Providence ;   and   this,  putting   strict  limits 

von  der  K.  K.  geographischen  Gesellschaft  in  to  the  subject  and  not  including   papers  of  a 

Wien.     Wien,  1878,  xiv.-f  333  pp.,  8vo.  periodic  character,  shows  a  list  of  between  six 

This  book  shows  6,617  titles,  including  papers  and   seven   hundred   titles.     Letter  of  John  R. 

from   serials  and  periodicals.      It  is  far   from  Bartlett.  —  Ed.] 

judiciously  compiled,  however ;  containing  much  ^  ^  Chronological  History  of  Voyages  into  the 

that  is  irrelevant,  and  not  a  little  that  indicates  Arctic  Regions ;  undertaken  chiefly  for  the  Purpose 

the  compilers'  ignorance  of  the  books  in  hand,  of  discovering  a  IsFortheast,  Northwest,  or  Polar 

as   when  they  were   entrapped   from   the   title  Passage  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific :  from 

into  including  Dibdin's  Northern  Tour  and  other  the  earliest  Period  of  Scandinavian  Navigation  to 
VOL.  m.  —  13. 


98 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


covers  the  earlier  period,  should  not  be  overlooked  by  any  one  who  wishes  for  a  full  sum- 
mary of  what  was  accompHshed.  He  was  scarcely  less  of  an  enthusiast  than  was  Hakluyt; 
and  his  statements  of  fact  are  apparently  indisputable.     But  he  was  a  man  of  strong  and 

often  of  unreasonable  preju- 
BAFFIN'S  BAY-  CAP?  LuHt    rox    1636.  ,.        dices,  and  his  Opinions,  par- 

ticularly regarding  events 
near  his  own  time,  cannot 
always  be  accepted  without 
a  careful  investigation  of 
their  grounds.  The  Narra- 
tives,^ edited  by  Mr.  Run- 
dall  for  the  Hakluyt  Society, 
must  also  be  classed  with  the 
compilations  useful  in  this 
study. 

As  an  attempt  to  find  a 
practicable  passage  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific, 
either  through  or  around 
North  America,  every  voy- 
age early  and  late  was  a 
failure.  The  theories  in  ac- 
cordance with  which  north- 
western explorations  were 
first  undertaken  were  un- 
sound, and  the  objects  by 
which  they  were  inspired 
found  realization  long  ago 
in  quite  other  ways.  But  not 
the  less  did  those  theories 
and  those  objects  animate 
men  with  a  zeal  and  self- 
sacrifice  worthy  of  the  Cru- 
sades, and  produce  results  of  great  importance.  No  easier  route  to  China  and  Japan  was 
discovered  to  enrich  the  fortunate  adventurers ;  no  valuable  territories  were  added  to  the 
realm  of  England ;  and  it  was  an  utterly  barren  sovereignty  which  Frobisher  and  his  suc- 
cessors claimed.  But  for  the  disappointment  of  these  expectations  there  was  an  ample 
compensation  in  the  whaling  grounds  to  which  they  pointed  the  way,  and  which  have 
proved  the  fruitful  source  of  large  accessions  to  the  wealth  of  nations;  ^  and  it  was  some- 
thing to  learn,  almost  from  the  first,  that  the  gold  mines  from  which  so  much  was 
expected  were  only  a  delusion  and  a  snare. 

We  subjoin  a  specific  mention  of  some  of  the  more  important  separate  sources.     For 


the  Departure  of  the  recent  Expeditions  under  the 
Orders  of  Captains  Ross  and  Buchan.  By  John 
Barrow,  F.  R.  S.  London :  John  Murray.  1818. 
8vo.    pp.  379  and  48. 

1  Narratives  of  Voyages  towards  the  North- 
west, in  Search  of  a  Passage  to  Cathay  and  India, 
1496  to  1631.  With  Selections  from  the  Early 
Records  of  the  Honourable  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, and  from  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum. 
By  Thomas  Randall,  Esq.  London:  Printed 
for  the  Hakluyt  Society.  1849.  8vo.  pp.  xx. 
and  260. 


[This  book  has  a  convenient  map  of  Arctic 
explorations  between  1496  and  1631.  The  gen- 
eral reader  will  find  condensed  historical  sum- 
maries of  antecedent  voyages,  often  prefixed  to 
the  special  narratives,  as  in  the  case  of  Captain 
Beechey's  Voyage  of  Discovery  towards  the  North 
Pole,  1843,  and  in  the  introductions  to  Asher's 
Henry  Htidson  and  Winter  Jones's  edition  of 
Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages.  —  Ed.] 

2  [Cf.,  for  instance,  Muller's  Geschiedenis 
der  noordsche  Compagtiie^  1 61 4-1 642.  Utrecht, 
1875. -Ed.] 


EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE   NORTH-WEST. 


99 


Frobisher  the  student  may  refer  to  Admiral  Collinson's  excellent  gathering  for  the  Hakluyt 
Society,  as  embodying  the  earliest  monographic  literature  upon  the  Northwest  search. i 
Of  John  Davis  of  Sandridge,  whose  exploits  we  are  concerned  with,  there  has  sometimes 
been  confusion  with  a  namesake  and  contemporary,  John  Davis  of  Limehouse,  and  Mr. 
Froude  has  confounded  them  in  his  Forgotten  Worthies;  but  a  note  in  the  Hakluyt 
Society's  edition  of  Davis's  Voyages,  p.  Ixxviii,  makes  clear  the  distinction,  and  is  not 
the  least  of  the  excellences  of  that  book,  which  contains  the  best  grouping  of  all  that  is  to 
be  learned  of  Davis. ^ 

Referring  to  the  general  collections,  for  the  intervening  voyages  we  come  to  Hudson's 
explorations,  and  must  still  trust  chiefly  to  the  work  of  the  Hakluyt  Society,*  to  which 
must  also  be  credited  the  best  summary  of  the  voyages  conducted  by  Baffin.'* 

For  Fox's  quaint  and  somewhat  capriciously  rambling  narrative,  the  present  reader 
may  possibly  chance  upon  an  original  copy,^  but  he  can  follow  it  at  all  events  in  modern 


1  The  three  Voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher,  in 
Search  of  a  Passage  to  Cathaia  and  India  by  the 
Northwest,  A.  D.  1576-78.  Reprinted  from  the 
First  Edition  of  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  zvith  Selec- 
tions from  Manuscript  Documents  in  the  British 
Museum  and  State-Paper  Office.  By  Rear-Admiral 
Richard  Collinson,  C.  B.  London:  Printed  for 
the  Hakluyt  Society.    1867.    8vo.    pp.  xxvi.  and 

2  The  Voyages  and  Works  of  John  Davis  the 
Navigator.  Edited,  with  an  Introduction  and 
Notes,  by  Albert  Hastings  Markham,  Captain 
R.  N.,  F.  R.  G.  S.,  Author  of  A  Whaling  Cruise 
in  Bafftifs  Bay,  The  Great  Frozen  Sea,  and  North- 
ward Ho!  London:  Printed  for  the  Hakluyt 
Society.     1880.     8vo.     pp.  xcv.  and  392. 

[This  volume  gives  a  fac-simile  of  the 
Molineaux  map  of  1600;  and  reprints  Davis's 
Worlde's  Hydrographical  Description,  London, 
1595.  The  presentation  copy  to  Prince  Henry, 
with  his  arms  and  a  very  curious  manuscript 
addition,  is  in  the  Lenox  Library.  CL  John 
Petheram's  Bibliographical  Miscellany,  1859,  ^^<i 
the  note,  p.  51,  in  Rundall's  Voyages  to  the  N'orth- 
west.  In  this  last  book  the  accounts  in  Hakluyt 
are  reproduced.  Respecting  Davis's  maps,  see 
Kohl's  Catalogue  of  Maps  in  Hakluyt,  pp.  20,  27. 
—  Ed.] 

3  Henry  Hudson,  the  Navigator.  The  Original 
Documents  in  which  his  Career  is  recorded,  col- 
lected, partly  translated,  and  annotated,  with  an 
Introduction.  By  G.  M.  Asher,  LL.D.  London : 
Printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  i860.  8vo. 
pp.  ccxviii.  and  292.     See  Editorial  Notes. 

*  The  Voyages  of  William  Baffin,  1612-1622. 
Edited,  with  Notes  and  an  Introduction,  by 
Clements  R.  Markham,  C.B.,  F.R.S.  London: 
Printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society.  1881.  8vo. 
pp.  lix.  and  192. 

[Purchas  first  printed  Baffin's  narrative  of 
his  first  voyage,  and  Rundall  re-edited  it,  supply- 
ing omissions  from  the  original  manuscript 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum.  Markham 
reprints  it,  and  adds  a  fac-simile  of  Baffin's 
map  of  his  discoveries ;  and  he  also  gives  a 
series  of  five  maps  from  Fox's  down  (the  first 


is  reproduced  in  the  text),  to  show  the  changes 
in  ideas  respecting  the  shape  and  even  the  exist- 
ence of  Baffin's  Bay.  Of  the  voyage  in  which 
this  water  was  discovered,  Purchas  also  printed, 
and  Markham  has  reprinted,  the  account  as  given 
in  Baffin's  journal.  — Ed.] 

5  North-  West  Fox,  or.  Fox  from  the  North- 
west passage.  Beginning  With  King  Arthur^ 
Malga,  Octhvr,  the  two  Zenis  of  Iseland,  Estoti- 
land,  and  Dorgia  ;  Following  with  brief  Abstracts 
of  the  Voyages  of  Cabot,  Frobisher,  Davis,  Way- 
mouth,  Knight,  Hudson,  Button,  Gibbons,  By  lot, 
Baffiji,  Hawkridge ;  Together  with  the  Courses, 
Distance,  Latitudes,  Longitudes,  Variations,  Depths 
of  Seas,  Sets  of  Tydes,  Currents,  Paces,  and  over. 
Falls,  with  other  Observations,  Accidents,  and 
Reinarkable  things,  as  07ir  Miseries  and  Suffer- 
ings. Mr.  lames  HaWs  three  Voyages  to  Groyn- 
land,  with  a  Topographicall  description  of  the 
Countries,  the  Salvages  lives  and  Treacheries,  haw 
our  Men  have  been  slayne  by  them  there,  with  the 
Commodities  of  all  those  parts  ;  whereby  the  Mar- 
chant  may  have  Trade,  and  the  Mariner  Imploy- 
ment.  Demonstrated  iji  a  Polar  Card,  wherein 
are  all  the  Maines,  Seas,  ajtd  Islands,  herein  men- 
tioned. With  the  Atithor  his  owne  Voyage,  being 
the  XlVth,  with  the  opijtions  and  Collections  of 
the  most  famous  Mathematicians,  and  Cosmo- 
graphers ;  with  a  Probabilitie  to  prove  the  same 
by  Marine  Remonstratiotis,  compared  by  the  Ebb- 
ing  and  Flowi7ig  of  the  Sea,  experimented  with 
places  of  our  owne  Coast.  By  Captaine  Lvke  Fox, 
of  Kingstone  vpon  Hull,  Capt.  and  Pylot  for  the 
Voyage  in  his  Majesties  Pinnace  the  Charles. 
Printed  by  his  Majesties  Command.  London, 
Printed  by  B.  Alsop  and  Tho.  Fawcett,  dwelling 
in  Grubstreet.     1635.     4to.     pp.  x.  and  273. 

[This  little  book  is  now  worth  about  I40 
or  $50;  Rich  priced  it  in  1832  at  ^10.  Brin- 
ley,  no.  27  ;  Huth,  ii.  542 ;  Field's  Indian  Bib- 
liography, no.  556.  Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Ge7ieal. 
Reg.,  October,  1878.  The  copy  in  the  Dowse 
Collection  (Mass.  Hist.  Soc.)  has  the  rare  original 
map.  The  Menzies  and  Carter-Brown  copies 
show  the  map  ;  the  Brinley  lacked  it,  as  does  Mr, 
Deane's,  which  has  it  in  fac-simile.  —  Ed.] 


lOO 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


collections.  The  author  accompanied  it  with  a  circumpolar  map,  which  is  only  to  be 
found,  according  to  Markham,  in  one  or  two  copies  ;  and  a  fac-simile  of  Markham's 
excerpt  of  the  parts  interesting  in  our  inquiry  is  herewith  given. 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 

A.    The  Zeno  Influence  on  Early  Car-  Zeno's  latitude  for  that  point  (the  southern  point 

TOGRAPHY.  —  Frobisher's  reference  to  Friesland  of  his  Greenland  being  in  66°);  and  thus  that 

indicates  the  influence  which  the  Zeno  map,  then  unaccountable  insular  region  of  the  Zeno  chart 

for  hardly  a  score  of  years  before  the  geogra-  was  put  anew  into  the  maps  of  the  North  At- 


THE   ZENO    CHART,    Ctrca  I4OO. 


phers  of  Europe,  was  having  upon  their  notions 
regarding  the  North  Atlantic. 

Of  this  map  and  its  curious  history  a  full 
account  is  given  in  Vol.  I.  of  the  present  His- 
tory. It  had  been  brought  to  light  in  Italy  in 
1558,  and  Frobisher  is  said  to  have  taken  it  with 
him  on  his  voyage.  Its  errors  in  latitude  de- 
ceived that  navigator.  When  he  fell  in  with 
the  Greenland  shore,  in  61°,  he  supposed  himself 
to  be  at  the  southern  limit  of  Friesland,  that  being 


lantic,  and  remained  there  for  some  time.  Again, 
when  Davis  fell  in  with  land  in  61°,  he  thought 
it  neither  Friesland  nor  Zeno's  Greenland,  but 
a  new  comitry,  which  he  had  found  and  which  he 
named  "  Desolation  ;  "  and  so  it  appears  in  Moli- 
neaux's  map  and  globe,  and  in  Hudson's  map 
(given  in  fac-simile  in  Asher's  Henry  Hudson), 
as  an  island  south  of  Greenland,  with  a  mis- 
placed Frobisher's  Straits  (still  misplaced  as 
late  as  the  time  of  Hondius)  separating  it  from 


EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE   NORTH-WEST. 


Id 


Greenland.    Our  Zeno  chart  must  be  interpreted 
by  the  following  key :  — 

1.  Engronelant  (Greenland). 

2.  Grolandia. 

3.  Islanda  (Iceland). 

4.  Norvegia  (Norway). 

5.  Estland  (Shetland  Islands? ). 

6.  Icaria. 

7.  Frisland  (Faroe  Islands  ? ). 

8.  Estotiland  (Labrador?). 

9.  Drogeo    (Newfoundland    or    New    Eng- 

land?). 

10.  Podalida. 

11.  Scocia  (Scotland). 

12.  Mare  et  terre  incognite. 

Its  influence  can  be  further  traced,  twenty  years 
later,  in  the  map  of  the  world  which  Wolfe,  in 
1598,  aSded  to  his  English  translation  of  Lin- 
schoten.  We  annex  a  sketch-map  of  thf  Arctic 
portion,  which  needs  to  be  interpreted  by  the 
key  below  the  cut. 


nus's  Latin  Historia,  Basil,  1567,  who  puts  on 
the  peninsula  this  legend :  "  Hie  habitant  Pyg- 
mei  vulgo  Screlinger  dicti."  There  had  been 
an  earlier  Latin  edition  of  the  Historia  at 
Rome  in  1555,  and  one  in  Italian  at  Venice  in 
1565:  there  was  no  English  edition  till  1658. 
{Carter-Browft  Catalogue,  p.  269.)  Ziegler's 
Schondia  had  in  Frobisher's  time  been  for  forty 
years  or  more  a  source  of  information  regard- 
ing the  most  northern  regions.  {Carter-Brown 
Catalogue,  pp.  103,  120,  for  editions  of  1532  and 

1536.) 

The  cartographical  ideas  of  the  North  from 
the  earliest  conceptions  may  be  traced  in  the 
following  maps,  which  for  this  purpose  may  be 
deemed  typical :  In  1 510-12,  in  the  Lenox  Globe, 
which  is  drawn  in  Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter ;  the 
map  in  Sylvanus's  Ptolemy,  1511,  represents 
Greenland  as  .protruding  from  the  northwest 
of  Europe;  the  globe  of  Orontius  Fine,  1531, 
is  resolvable  into  a  similar  condition,  as  shown 


FROM   WOLFE'S   LINSCHOTEN,    1 598. 


I. 

Terra  Septemtrionalis. 

6. 

Drogeo. 

II. 

Saquenay  flu. 

16. 

Do  Bretan. 

2. 

Grocland. 

7- 

Estotiland. 

12. 

Canada. 

17. 

Juan. 

3- 

Greenland. 

8. 

R.  Nevado. 

13- 

Nova  Francia. 

18. 

R.  de  Tometa. 

4. 

Island  (Iceland). 

9. 

C.  Marco. 

14. 

Norobega. 

19. 

S.  Bradam. 

5- 

Friesland. 

10. 

Gol  di  S.  Lorenzo. 

15' 

Terra  de  Baccalaos. 

20. 

Brasil. 

Considering  the  doubt  attached  to  the  Zeno 
chart,  it  would  seem  that  the  earliest  undoubted 
delineation  of  American  parts  of  the  Arctic 
land  is  the  representation  of  Greenland  which 
appears  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1482.  This  posi- 
tion of  Greenland  was  reproduced,  about  ten 
years  before  Frobisher's  voyage,  in  Olaus  Mag- 


on  page  1 1  of  the  present  volume ;  Mercator's 
great  map  of  1569,  blundering,  mixes  the  Zeno 
geography  with  the  later  developments ;  Gil- 
bert's map,  1576,  gives  an  insular  Greenland  of  a 
reversed  trend  of  coast ;  the  Lok  map  of  1582 
may  be  seen  on  page  40,  and  the  Hakluyt- 
Martyr  map  on  page  42.     The  map  of  America 


I02 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


showing  the  Arctic  Sea  which  appears  in  Bo- 
terus's  Welt-beschreibimg,  1596,  and  Acosta's 
map  (1598)  of  Greenland  and  adjacent  parts, 
can  be  compared  with  Wolfe's,  in  Linschoten, 
already  given  in  this  note.  Finally,  we  may  take 
the  Hondius  maps  of  161 1  and  1619,  in  which 
Hondius  places  at  80°  north  this  legend:  "Glacis 
ab  Hudsono  detecta." 

B.  Frobisher's  Voyages.  —  George  Bes- 
te's  True  Discourse  of  Discoverie  by  the  North 
Weast,  1578,  covers  the  three  voyages,  and  con- 
tains two  maps,  —  one  a  mappemonde,  the  most 
significant  since  Mercator's,  and  of  which  in 
part  a  fac-simile  is  here  given.  The  other  is 
of  Frobisher's  Straits  alone.  Kohl,  Catalogue 
of  Maps  mentioned  in  Hakluyt^  p.  18,  traces  the 


vol.  xii. ;  Brydge's  Restituta,  1814,  vol.  ii.  Chip- 
pin's  French  version  of  Settle,  La  Navigation 
du  Cap.  Martin  Forbisher,  was  printed  in  1578. 
It  is  in  the  Lenox  and  Carter-Brown  libraries. 
It  has  reappeared  at  various  dates,  1720,  1731, 
etc.  From  this  French  version  of  Settle  was 
made  the  Latin,  De  Martini  Forbisseri  Angli 
navigatione  ift  regiones  occidentis  et  septentrionis, 
narratio  historica  ex  Gallico  sermoyie  in  Latimwi 
tra?islata  per  D.  Joan  Tho.  Freigium,  Norbergae, 
1580,  44  leaves.  This  is  also  in  the  Lenox, 
Carter-Brown,  and  Sparks  (Cornell  University) 
Collections.  Cf.  Sunderlajid  Catalogue,  ii.  4,650. 
Its  value  is  from  $\o  to  $30.  It  was  reprinted 
with  notes  at  Hamburg  in  1675.  Stevens, 
Hist.  Coll.,  i.  33.  Brinley,  no.  28.  Sabin,  Dic- 
tionary, vii.   25,994.      This    edition    is   usually 


^: 


^l//"^.. 


^^ — ~^  .^ 


r\J^^'-^  =?=5r ^^ 35J V.>'^-;  >e    -I  ""^-      — 


re 


PART  OF   MAP  IN   BESTE'S   "  FROBISHER,"    1 5  78. 


authorship  of  these  charts  to  James  Beare,  Fro- 
bisher's principal  surveyor.  Compare  it  with 
Lok's  map,  page  40,  of  the  present  volume. 

Beste's  book  is  very  rare,  and  copies  are 
in  the  Lenox  and  Carter-Brown  libraries.  It  is 
reprinted  by  Hakluyt. 

Beste's  general  account  maybe  supplemented 
by  these  special  narratives :  — 

First  Voyage.  A  State-paper  given  by  Col- 
linson,  "  apparently  by  M.  Lok."  The  narrative 
by  Christopher  Hall,  the  master,  in  Hakluyt. 
See  an  examination  of  its  results  in  Contempo- 
rary Review  (1873),  xxi.  529,  or  Eclectic  Review, 
iii.  243. 

Second  Voyage.  Dionysius  Settle's  account, 
published  separately  in  1577.  Carter-Brown 
Catalogue,  no.  206,  with  fac-simile  of  title.  It  was 
reprinted  by  Mr.  Carter-Brown  (50  copies)  in 
1869.  See  notice  by  J.  R.  Bartlett  in  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1869,  P-  363-  This  nar- 
rative is  given  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii. ;  Pinkerton, 


priced  at  $12  or  $15.  There  are  also  German 
(1580,  1679,  etc.)  and  Dutch  (1599,  1663,  1678; 
in  Aa's  Collection,  1706)  editions.  In  the  1580 
German  edition  is  a  woodcut  of  the  natives 
brought  to  England.     Htcth  Catalogue,  ii.  556. 

Third  Voyage.  Thomas  Ellis's  narrative, 
given  by  Hakluyt  and  Collinson.  Edward  Sell- 
man's  account  is  also  given  by  Collinson. 

Collinson's  life  of  Frobisher,  prefixed  to  his 
volume,  is  brief ;  his  authorities,  other  than 
those  in  the  body  of  his  book,  are  Fuller's 
Worthies  of  England,  and  such  modern  trea- 
tises as  Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Admirals, 
Barrow's  Naval  Worthies,  Muller's  History  of 
Doncaster,  etc.  S.  G.  Drake  furnished  a  me- 
moir, with  a  good  engraving  of  the  usual  por- 
trait, in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  vol.  iii.  ; 
and  there  is  a  Life  by  F.  Jones,  London,  1878. 
Biddle,  in  his  Cabot,  chap.  12,  epitomizes  the 
voyages,  and  they  can  be  cursorily  followed 
in  Fox  Bourne's  English  Seamen,  and  Payne's 


EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE   NORTH-WEST. 


103 


Elizabethan  Seamen.  Commander  Becher,  in  his 
paper  in  ihtjozirndl  oi  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society,  xii.  i,  gives  a  useful  map  of  the  Straits, 
a  part  of  which  is  reproduced  in  the  accompany- 
ing cut.  In  the  same  volume  of  the  Journal 
its  editor  enumerates  the  various  manuscript 
sources,  most  of  which  have  been  printed,  and 
have  been  referred  to  above. 


foiled  by  the  ice,  he  turned  and  sailed  to  make 
explorations  between  the  coast  of  Maine  and 
Delaware  Bay.  The  journal  of  Juet,  his  com- 
panion. Purchas's  Pilgrims,  vol.  iii. ;  Asher's 
Hudson,  p.  45.  See  further  in  Mr.  Fernow's 
chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  of  this  History. 

Fourth  voyage,  1610,  to  the  Northwest,  dis- 
covering  Hudson's   Strait  and  Hudson's  Bay. 


M        ,; 


-vJ* 


IP 


^^< 


/ 


^  *^. 


'^-^* 


miSco'i^'' 


QueeaEUxabeA^  Forelaitd 
CJiobnidof' 


Luml^s  Inleb 


CWannck 
RESOLUTION  I. 
Best 


FROBISHER  S   STRAIT. 


C.  Hudson's  Voyages.  —  The  sources  of 
our  information  on  this  navigator's  four  voyages 
to  the  North  are  these  :  — 

First  voyage  in  1607,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Muscovy  Company,  to  the  Northeast.  A  log- 
book, in  which  Hudson  may  have  had  a  hand, 
or  to  which  he  may  have  supplied  facts  ;  and  a 
few  fragments  of  his  own  journal.  Purchas's 
Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.;  Asher's  Henry  Hudson,  pp.  i 
and  145. 

Second  voyage,  1608,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Muscovy  Company,  to  the  Northeast.  A  log- 
book by  Hudson  himself.  Purchas's  Pilgrims, 
iii.  574;  N.  V.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  81 ;  Asher's 
Hudson,  p.  23. 

A  map  by  Hondius  illustrating  the  first  and 
second  voyage,  and  given  by  Asher  in  fac-simile, 
was  originally  published  in  Pontanus's  History 
of  Amsterdam,  Latin  ed.  1611,  and  Dutch  ed. 
1614. 

Third  voyage,  1609,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  East  India  Company,  to  the  Northeast,  where, 


Purchas,  Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.,  got  his  account  from 
Sir  Dudley  Digges.  He  also  gives  an  abstract  of 
Hudson's  journal  (Asher,  p.  93) ;  a  discourse  by 
Pricket,  one  of  the  crew,  whom  Purchas  dis- 
credits, which  is  largely  an  apology  for  the  mu- 
tiny which  set  Hudson  adrift  in  an  open  boat  in 
the  bay  now  bearing  his  name  (Asher,  p.  98) ;  a 
letter  from  Iceland,  May  30,  1610,  perhaps  by 
Hudson  himself,  and  an  account  of  Juet's  trial 
(Asher,  p.  136).  Purchas  added  some  new  facts 
in  his  Pilgrimage,  reprinted  in  Asher,  p.  139. 

H.  Gerritsz  seized  the  opportunity,  occa- 
sioned by  the  interest  in  Hudson's  voyage  and 
his  fate,  to  promulgate  his  views  of  the  greater 
chance  of  finding  a  northwest  passage  to  India, 
rather  than  a  northeast  one  ;  and  in  the  little 
collection  of  tracts  edited  by  him,  produced  first 
in  the  Dutch  edition  of  1612,  he  gives  but  a 
very  brief  narrative  of  Hudson's  voyage,  which 
is  printed  on  the  reverse  of  the  map  showing  his 
discoveries,  —  the  maps,  which  he  gives,  both  of 
the  world  and  of  the  north  parts  of  America 


I04 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


being  the  chief  arguments  of  his  book,  the 
latter  map  being  also  reproduced  by  Asher. 
The  original  Dutch  edition  is  extremely  scarce, 
but  four  or  five  copies  being  known.  A  repro- 
duction of  it  in  1878  by  Kroon,  through  the 
photolithographic  process,  consists  of  200  copies, 
and  contains  also,  under  the  general  title  of  De- 
tectio  freti  Hudsoni,  a  reproduction  of  the  Latin 
edition  of  161 3,  with  an  English  version  by  F.  J. 
Millard,  and  an  Introductory  Essay  on  the  origin 
and  design  of  this  collection,  which,  besides 
Gerritsz's  tract,  includes  others  by  Massa  and  De 
Quir.  Sabin's  Dictionary^  viii.  33,489;  Asher's 
Hudson,  p.  267. 

In  the  enlarged  Latin  translation,  ordinarily 
quoted  as  the  Detectio  freti  Hudsoni  of  161 2, 
Gerritsz  inverted  the  order  of  the  several  tracts, 
giving  more  prominence  to  Hudson,  as  May's 
expedition  to  the  northeast  had  in  the  mean 
time  returned  unsuccessful.  Hnth  Catalogue,  ii. 
744,  shows  better  than  Brunei,  iii.  358,  the  differ- 
ence between  this  161 2  and  the  1613  editions. 
H.  C.  Murphy's  Henry  Hudson  in  Holland.  The 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  131,  gives  this  little 
quarto  the  following  title  :  Descriptio  ac  delineatio 
Geographica  detectionis  freti  sive,  Transitus  ad 
Occasurn,  suprh  terras  Americanas  in  Chinam 
atq :  laponem  ducturi,  Recens  investigati  ab  M. 
Henrico  Hudsono  Anglo,  etc.,  and  cites  the  world 
in  two  hemispheres  as  among  the  three  maps 
which  it  contains.  A  copy  in  Mr.  Henry  C. 
Murphy's  collection  has  a  second  title,  which 
shows  that  Vitellus  and  not  Gerritsz  made  the 
Latin  translation.  This  other  title  reads :  Ex- 
emplar Libelli  .  .  .  super  Detectione  quintce  Orbis 
terrarum partis cui Australice  Incognitce  nome^i  est: 
item  Relatio  super  Freto per  M.  Hudsonum  Anglum 
qiUBsito,  ac  in  parte  dedecte  supra  Provincias  Terrce 
Novce,  novceque  Hispanicc,  Chinam,  et  Cathaiam 
versus  ducturo  .  .  .  Latine  versa  ab  R.  Vitellio,  Am- 
stelodami  ex  officina  Hessilii  Gerardi.    Anno  161 2. 


Speaking  of  this  little  tract  and  the  share  which 
Gerritsz  had  in  it,  Asher,  in  his  Henry  Hudson 
the  Navigator,  says,  "  Around  it  grew  in  a  very 
remarkable  manner  the  most  interesting  of  the 
many  collections  of  voyages  and  travels  printed 
in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century." 

In  a  second  Latin  edition,  161 3,  Gerritsz 
again  remodelled  his  additions,  and  gave  a  fur- 
ther account  of  May's  voyage.  Huth  Catalogue, 
ii.  744 ;  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  1 52  ;  Tiele, 
Memoire  bibliographique,  1867,  no.  153;  Muller's 
Essai  d^une  bibliographie  neerlando-russe,  1859, 
p.  71. 

To  some  copies  of  this  second  edition  Ger- 
ritsz added  a  short  appendix  of  two  leaves,  Sig. 
G,  which  is  reprinted  in  the  Kroon  reproduction, 
and  serves  to  make  some  bibliographers  reckon 
a  third  Latin  edition.  There  are  in  the  Lenox 
Library  six  copies  of  the  original,  representing 
the  different  varieties  of  the  Dutch  and  Latin 
texts.  One  of  the  copies  in  Harvard  College 
Library  has  these  two  additional  leaves,  which 
are  also  in  the  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library, 
whose  Catalogue,  ii.  152,  says  that  the  fac-simile 
reprint  by  Muller  must  have  been  made  from  a 
copy  with  different  cuts  and  ornamental  capitals 
and  tail-pieces,  as  these  are  totally  different  from 
those  of  the  Carter-Brown  copy.  The  map  of 
the  world  was  repeated  in  this  edition. 

The  original  Dutch  text  has  been  reprinted 
in  several  later  collections  of  voyages,  published 
in  Holland.  The  English  translation  in  Purchas 
is  incomplete  and  incorrect ;  and  that  of  Millard, 
as  well  as  the  English  generally  in  the  Kroon 
reprint,  could  have  been  much  bettered  by  a 
competent  native  proof-reader. 

German  versions  appeared  in  De  Bry  and 
in  Megiser's  Septentrio  novantiquus,  p.  438,  both 
in  1613;  and  in  1614  in  Hulsius,  part  xii. 

There  is  a  French  translation  in  the  Receuil 
d^ Arrests  of  1720. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

SIR    WALTER    RALEGH  :     THE    SETTLEMENTS    AT    ROANOKE    AND 

VOYAGES  TO   GUIANA. 

BY  WILLIAM   WIRT   HENRY, 

Third  Vice-President  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 

HISTORY  has  recorded  the  hves  of  few  men  more  renowned  than 
Walter  Ralegh,  —  the  soldier,  the  sailor,  the  statesman,  the  courtier, 
the  poet,  the  historian,  and  the  philosopher.  The  age  in  which  he  lived,  the 
versatility  of  his  genius,  his  conspicuous  services,  and  '*  the  deep  damnation 
of  his  taking  off,"  all  conspired  to  exalt  his  memory  among  men,  and  to 
render  it  immortal.  Success  often  crowned  his  efforts  in  the  service  of  his 
country,  and  the  impress  of  his  genius  is  clearly  traced  upon  her  history ; 
but  his  greatest  service  to  England  and  to  the  world  was  his  pioneer  effort 
to  colonize  America,  in  which  he 
experienced  the  most  mortifying 
defeat.  Baffled  in  his  endeavor  to 
plant  the  English  race  upon  this 
continent,  he  yet  called  into  existence  a  spirit  of  enterprise  which  first  gave 
Virginia,  and  then  North  America,  to  that  race,  and  which  led  Great  Britain, 
from  this  beginning,  to  dot  the  map  of  the  world  with  her  colonies,  and 
through  them  to  become  the  greatest  power  of  the  earth. 
-  Walter  Ralegh ^  was  born,  in  1552,  in  the  parish  of  Budleigh,  in  Devon- 
shire. His  father  was  Walter  Ralegh,  of  Fardel,  and  his  mother  was 
Catherine,  daughter  of  Sir  Philip  Champernown,  of  Modbury,  and  widow 
of  Otho  Gilbert,  of  Compton,  in  Devonshire.  On  his  mother's  side 
he  was  brother  to  Sir  John,  Sir  Humphrey,  and  Sir  Adrian  Gilbert, — 
all  eminent  men.  He  studied  at  Oxford  with  great  success,  but  he 
left  his  books  in  1569  to  volunteer  with  his  cousin,  Henry  Champernown, 
in  aid  of  the  French  Protestants  in  their  desperate  struggle  for  religious 
liberty  under  the  Prince  of  Cond^  and  Admiral  Coligny.  He  reached 
France  in  time  to  be  present  at  the  battle  of  Moncontour,  and  remained 
six  years,  during  which  time  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  occurred. 

1  The    name  Ralegh  was  written  in   thirteen  Westcme  Planting,  p,  171,  and  C.  W.  Tuttle   in 

different  ways.     We   have   adopted   the   usual  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Proceedings^  xv. 

spelling  of  Sir  Walter  himself.     See  Hakluyt's  383. 
VOL.  III.  — 14. 


I06  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Afterward  he  served  in  the  Netherlands  with  Sir  John  Norris  under  Wil- 
liam of  Orange  in  his  struggle  with  the  Spaniards. 

In  these  wars  he  became  not  only  an  accomplished  soldier,  but  a  deter- 
mined foe  to  Roman  Catholicism  and  to  the  Spanish  people.  His  contest 
with  Spain,  thus  early  begun,  ended  only  with  his  life.  It  was  indeed  a 
war  to  the  death  on  both  sides.     Elizabeth,  his  great  sovereign,  with  all 


the  courage  of  a  hero  in  the  bosom  of  a  woman,  sustained  him  in  the  con- 
flict, and  had  the  supreme  satisfaction  of  seeing  him  administer  a  death- 
blow to  Spanish  power  at  Cadiz ;  while  her  pusillanimous  successor  rendered 
himself  forever  infamous  by  putting  such  a  conqueror  to  death  at  the  man- 
date of  the  Spanish  King. 

The  claim  of  Spain  to  the  New  World,  based  upon  its  discovery  by 
Columbus,  fortified  by  a  grant  from  Pope  Alexander  VI.  and  further 
strengthened  by  continued  exploration  and  by  settlements,  was  disputed,  at 
least  as  regards  the  northern  continent,  by  England  on  the  strength  of  the 
Cabot  voyages,  of  which  an  account  has  been  given  in  the  opening  chapter 
of  this  volume.  The  English  claimed  that  they  were  entitled  to  North 
America  by  the  right  of  Cabot's  discovery  of  its  mainland  preceding  that  of 
Columbus,  who  had  not  then  touched  the  mainland  at  the  south.  No  serious 
effort  was  made,  however,  to  follow  up  this  claim  by  a  settlement  till  1578, 
when  Elizabeth  granted  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  a  charter  looking  to  a 
permanent  occupation  of  the  country.  Sir  Humphrey  sailed  in  November, 
1578,  with  seven  ships  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  One  of  the  fleet, 
the  "  Falcon,"  was  commanded  by  Ralegh,  who  had  already  learned  to  be  a 
sailor  as  well  as  a  soldier.  His  presence  with  the  expedition  was  not  alone 
due  to  his  attachment  to  his  distinguished  brother.  He  had  already  dis- 
covered that  the  power  of  Spain  was  due  to  the  wealth  she  derived  from 
her  American  possessions,  and  he  earnestly  desired  to  secure  for  England 
the  same  source  of  power.  His  attention  had  been  attracted  to  the  coast 
of  Florida  by  Coligny,  whose  colony  of  Huguenots  there  had  been  brutally 
murdered  by  the  Spaniards  under  Menendez  in  1565. 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  I07 

The  voyage  of  Gilbert  met  with  disaster.  In  a  short  time  all  the 
ships  except  Ralegh's  were  .forced  to  return.  Ralegh  determined  to  sail 
for  the  West  Indies,  but  when  he  had  gone  as  far  as  the  Islands  of  Cape 
de  Verde,  upon  the  coast  of  Africa,  he  was  forced  by  a  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions to  return.  He  arrived  at  Plymouth  in  May,  1579,  after  having 
experienced   many  dangerous  adventures  in  storms  and  sea-fights. 

Sir. Humphrey  had  returned  before  him,  and  was  busy  preparing  for  a 
renewal  of  the  voyage ;  but  an  Order  from  the  Privy  Council,  April  26, 
prohibited  their  departure.  The  conflicts  at  sea  seem  to  have  been  with 
Spanish  vessels,  and  complaints  had  been  made  to  the  Council  concerning 
them.    . 

Ralegh  spent  but  little  time  in  vain  regrets,  but  at  once  took  service  in 
Ireland,  where  he  commanded  a  company  of  English  soldiers  employed  to 
suppress  the  insurrection  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  who  led  a  mongrel 
force  of  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Irishmen.  His  service  began  under  the 
Lord  Justice  Pelham,  and  was  continued  under  his  successor.  Lord  Grey. 
His  genius  and  courage  soon  attracted  public  notice,  and  won  for  him  the 
favor  of  the  Queen.  Upon  his  return  in  1582  he  made  his  appearance  at 
court,  and  at  once  became  that  monarch's  favorite.  No  one  could  have 
been  better  fitted  to  play  the  role  of  courtier  to  this  clever,  passionate,  and 
capricious  woman.  Ralegh  is  described  by  a  contemporary  as  having  "  a 
good  presence  in  a  handsome  and  well-compacted  person ;  a  strong  natural 
wit,  and  a  better  judgment;  with  a  bold  and  plausible  tongue,  whereby  he 
could  set  out  his  parts  to  the  best  advantage."  He  had  the  culture  of  a 
scholar  and  the  fancy  of  a  poet,  as  well  as  the  chivalry  of  a  soldier ;  and  he 
superadded  to  these  that  which  was  equally  as  attractive  to  his  mistress,  — 
unrivalled  splendor  in  dress  and  equipage. 

The  Queen's  favor  soon  developed  into  magnificent  gifts  of  riches  and 
honor.  He  was  given  the  monopolies  of  granting  license  for  the  export  of 
broadcloths,  and  for  the  making  of  wines  and  regulating  their  prices.  He 
was  endow^ed  with  the  fine  estates  in  five  counties  forfeited  to  the  Crown  by 
the  attainder  of  Anthony  Babington,  who  plotted  the  murder  of  Elizabeth 
in  the  interest  of  Mary  of  Scotland ;  and  with  twelve  thousand  acres  in  Ire- 
land, part  of  the  land  forfeited  by  the  Earl  of  Desmond  and  his  followers. 
He  was  made  Lord  Warden  of  the  Stannaries,  Lieutenant  of  the  County 
of  Cornwall,  Vice-Admiral  of  Cornwall  and  Devon,  and  Captain  of  the 
Queen's  Guard. 

One  of  his  Irish  estates  was  near  the  home  of  Edmund  Spenser,  secretary 
to  Lord  Grey  during  the  Irish  rebellion,  and  a  visit  which  led  to  a  renewal 
of  their  friendship  led  also  to  the  publication,  at  the  instance  of  Ralegh,  of 
the  Faerie  Queene^  in  which  Elizabeth  is  represented  as  Belphcebe. 

No  sooner  did  Ralegh  find  that  his  fortune  was  made,  than  he  determined 
to  accompHsh  the  object  of  his  passionate  desire, —  the  English  colonization 
of  America.  He  furnished  one  of  the  little  fleet  of  five  ships  with  which 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  sailed  June  11,  1583,  upon  his  last  and  most  disas- 


I08  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

trous  voyage  to  America,  and  was  only  prevented  from  going  with  him 
by  the  peremptory  order  of  the  Queen,  who  was  unwiUing  that  her  favorite 
should  incur  the  risk  of  any  "  dangerous  sea-fights."  The  gallant  Sir 
Humphrey,  after  taking  formal  possession  of  Newfoundland,  sailed  south- 
ward, but,  experiencing  a  series  of  disasters,  went  down  with  his  ship  in  a 
storm  on  his  return  homeward.^ 

Ralegh  obtained  a  new  charter,  March  25,  1584,  drawn  more  carefully 
with  a  design  to  foster  colonization.  Not  only  was  he  empowered  to  plant 
colonies  upon  "  such  remote  heathen  and  barbarous  lands,  not  actually 
possessed  by  any  Christian  prince  nor  inhabited  by  Christian  people,"  as 
he  might  discover,  but  the  soil  of  such  lands  was  to  be  enjoyed  by  the 
colonies  forever,  and  the  colonies  planted  were  to  ''  haye  all  the  privileges 
of  free  denizens  and  persons  native  of  England,  in  such  ample  manner  as 
if  they  were  born  and  personally  resident  in  our  said  realm  of  England,  any 
law,  etc.,  notwithstanding,"  and  they  were  to  be  governed  "  according  to 
such  statutes  as  shall  be  by  him  or  them  established;  so  that  the  said 
statutes  or  laws  conform  as  near  as  conveniently  may  be  with  those  of 
England,  and  do  not  oppugn  the  Christian  faith,  or  any  way  withdraw  the 
people  of  those  lands  from  our  allegiance."  ^ 

These  guarantees  of  political  rights,  which  first  appeared  in  the  charter 
to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  were  renewed  in  the  subsequent  charter  of  1606, 
under  which  the  English  colonies  were  planted  in  America,  and  constituted 
one  of  the  impregnable  grounds  upon  which  they  afterwards  maintained  the 
struggle  which  ended  in  a  complete  separation  from  the  mother  country.  It 
is  doubtless  to  Ralegh  that  we  are  indebted  for  these  provisions,  which  jus- 
tified the  Virginia  burgesses  in  declaring  in  1765,  — 

"  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this  his  Majesty's  colony  and  dominion 
brought  with  them,  and  transmitted  to  their  posterity  and  all  other  his  Majesty's  sub- 
jects since  inhabiting  in  this  his  Majesty's  said  colony,  all  the  privileges,  franchises, 
and  immunities  that  have  at  any  time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed  by  the  people 
of  Great  Britain." 

Ralegh's  knowledge  of  the  voyages  of  the  Spaniards  satisfied  him  that 
they  had  not  explored  the  Atlantic  coast  north  of  what  is  now  known  as 
Florida,  and  he  determined  to  plant  a  colony  in  this  unexplored  region.^ 
Two  ships  were  immediately  made  ready,  and  they  sailed  April  27,  1584, 
under  the  command  of  Captains  Philip  Amadas  and  Arthur  Barlowe,  for 
the  purpose  of  discovery,  with  a  view  to  a  permanent  colony. 

On  the  loth  of  May  they  reached  the  Canaries,  on  the  lOth  of  June 
the  West  Indies,  and  on  the  4th  of  July  the  American  coast.     They  sailed 

1  [See  chapter  vi.  —  Ed.]  a  charter  to  colonize  America;  and  Dr.  Woods, 

2  See  Chalmer's  Annals,  chaps,  xiv.  and  xv.,  in  his  Introduction  to  that  book,  writes,  p.  xliii, 
and  Journals  of  Congress,  October,  1774.  of  Ralegh  as  the  founder  of  the  transatlantic 

*  [It  was  in  1 584  that  Hakluyt  wrote  for  Ra-  colonies  of  Great  Britain.  See  the  history  of 
legh  his  Westerne  Planting,  to  be  used  in  indue-  the  MS.  in  the  notes  following  Dr.  De  Costa's 
ing  Elizabeth  to  grant  to  Ralegh  and  his  friends     chapter.  —  Ed.] 


SIR  WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  109 

northward  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  before  they  found  ''  any  entrance 
or  river  issuing  into  the  sea."  They  entered  the  first  which  they  discovered, 
probably  that  now  known  as  New  Inlet,  and  sailing  a  short  distance  into 
the  haven  they  cast  anchor,  and  returned  thanks  to  God  for  their  safe 
arrival.  Manning  their  boats,  they  were  soon  on  the  nearest  land,  and 
took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  *'of  the  Queen's  most  excellent  Majestie, 
as.  rightful  Queene  and  Princesse  of  the  same,"  and  afterwards  "  delivered 
the  same  over  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  use,  according  to  her  Majestie's 
grant  and  letters  patents  under  her  Highnesse  great  seale."  They  found 
the  land  to  be  about  twenty  miles  long  and  six  miles  wide,  and,  in  the 
language  of  the  report  to  Sir  Walter, — 

"very  sandie  and  low  towards  the  water's  side,  but  so  ful  of  grapes,  as  the  very 
beating  and  surge  of  the  sea  overflowed  them,  of  which  we  found  such  plentie,  as 
well  there  as  in  all  places  else,  both  on  the  sand  and  on  the  greene  soileon  the 
hils  as  in  the  plaines,  as  well  on  every  little  shrubbe,  as  also  climing  towards  the  tops 
of  high  cedars,  that  I  thinke  in  all  the  world  the  like  abundance  is  not  to  be  found ; 
and  myselfe  having  scene  those  parts  of  Europe  that  most  abound,  find  such  differ- 
ence as  were  incredible  to  be  written." 

The  report  continues :  — 

"  This  Island  had  many  goodly  Woodes  full  of  Deere,  Conies,  Hares,  and  Fowle, 
even  in  the  middest  of  Summer,  in  incredible  abondance.  The  Woodes  are  not  such 
as  you  finde  in  Bohemia,  Moscovia,  Hercynia,  barren  and  fruitles,  but  the  highest  and 
reddest  Cedars  of  the  world,  farre  bettering  the  Cedars  of  the  Azores,  of  the  Indies, 
or  Lybanus;  Pynes,  Cypres,  Sassaphras,  the  Lentisk,  or  the  tree  that  beareth  the 
Masticke,  the  tree  that  beareth  the  rind  of  blacke  Sinamon." 

On  the  third  day  a  boat  with  three  natives  approached  the  island,  and 
friendly  intercourse  was  at  once  established.  On  the  next  there  came 
several  boats,  and  in  one  of  them  Granganimeo,  the  king's  brother,  ''  accom- 
panied with  fortie  or  fiftie  men,  very  handsome  and  goodly  people,  and  in 
their  behavior  as  mannerly  and  civill  as  any  of  Europre."  When  the 
English  asked  the  name  of  the  country,  one  of  the  savages,'»who  did  not 
understand  the  question,  replied,  "  Win-gan-da-coa,"  which  meant,  '*You 
wear  fine  clothes."  The  English  on  their  part,  mistaking  his  meaning, 
reported  that  to  be  the  name  of  the  country. 

The  King  was  named  Wingina,  and  he  was  then  suffering  from  a  wound 
received  in  battle.  After  two  or  three  days  Granganimeo  brought  his  wife 
and  daughter  and  two  or  three  children  to  the  ships.  ' 

"  His  wife  was  very  well  favoured,  of  meane  stature,  and  very  bashfull ;  shee  had  on 
her  backe  a  long  cloake  of  leather,  with  the  furre  side  next  to  her  body,  and  before 
her  a  piece  of  the  same  ;  about  her  forehead  shee  hade  a  band  of  white  corall,  and  so 
had  her  husband  many  times  ;  in  her  eares  shee  had  bracelets  of  pearles  hanging  doune 
to  her  middle,  and  these  were  of  the  bignes  of  good  pease.  The  rest  of  her  women 
of  the  better  sort  had  pendants  of  copper  hanging  in  either  eare ;  he  himself  had 
upon  his  head  a  broad  plate  of  golde  or  copper,  for  being  unpolished  we  knew  not 


no  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

what  mettal  it  should  be,  neither  would  he  by  any  meanes  suffer  us  to  take  it  off  his 
head,  but  feeling  it,  it  would  bow  very  easily.  His  apparell  was  as  his  wives,  onely  the 
women  wear  their  haire  long  on  both  sides,  and  the  men  but  on  one.  They  are  of 
colour  yellowish,  and  their  haire  black  for  the  most  part,  and  yet  we  saw  children  that 
had  very  fine  auburne  and  chesnut-colored  haire." 

The  phenomenon  of  auburn  and  chestnut-colored  hair  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact,  related  by  the  natives,  that  some  years  before  a  ship, 
manned  by  whites,  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast ;  and  that  some  of  the 
people  had  been  saved,  and  had  lived  with  them  for  several  weeks  before 
leaving  in  their  boats,  in  which,  however,  they  were  lost.  It  was  the  de- 
scendants of  these  men,  doubtless,  who  were  found  by  the  English. 

After  the  natives  had  visited  the  ships  several  times,  Captain  Barlowe 
with  seven  men  went  in  a  boat  twenty  miles  to  an  island  called  Roanoke 
(probably  a  corruption  of  the  Indian  name  Ohanoak),  at  the  north  end  of 
which  ''  was  a  village  of  nine  houses  built  of  cedar  and  fortified  round  about 
with  sharp  trees  to  keep  out  their  enemies,  and  the  entrance  into  it  made 
like  a  turnpike,  very  artificially."  There  they  found  the  wife  of  Grangan- 
imeo,  who,  with  her  attendants,  in  the  absence  of  her  husband,  entertained 
them  ''  with  all  loue  and  kindness,  and  with  as  much  bounty  (after  their  ' 
manner)  as  they  could  possibly  devise." 

They  did  not  attempt  to  explore  the  mainland,  but  returned  to  England, 
arriving  about  the  middle  of  September,  and  carrying  with  them  two  of 
the  natives,  Manteo  and  Manchese.  They  were  enthusiastic  concerning  all 
they  had  seen,  describing  the  soil  as  "  the  most  plentiful,  sweet,  fruitful, 
and  wholesome  of  all  the  world,"  and  ''  the  people  most  gentle,  loving,  and 
faithful,  void  of  all  guile  and  treason,  and  such  as  live  after  the  manner  of 
the  Golden  Age." 

The  Queen,  not  less  delighted  than  Ralegh,  named  the  newly-discovered 
country  VIRGINIA,  in  commemoration  of  her  maiden  life,  and  conferred 
upon  Ralegh  the  honor  of  knighthood.  He  now  had  a  new  seal  of  his 
arms  cut,  with  the  legend,  Propria  insignia  Walteri  Ralegh,  militis,  Domini 
et  Gubernatoris  Virginice.  He  was  soon  honored  also  with  a  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment by  his  native  shire  of  Devon,  and  rose  to  eminence  in  that  body. 

Upon  the  return  of  his  expedition  Ralegh  began  to  fit  out  a  colony 
to  be  planted  in  Virginia.  Everything  was  made  ready  by  the  next 
spring,  and  on  the  9th  of  April,  1585,  he  sent  from  Plymouth  a  fleet  of 
seven  ships  in  command  of  his  cousin,  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  "with  one 
hundred  householders,  and  many  things  necessary  to  begin  a  new  state." 
^  The   colony  itself  was  put  in  the  im- 

/Jf        ^^~     ^/^  mediate  charge  of  Ralph  Lane,  who 

^X^^^C7-^i/^  ^ — »    was  afterwards  knighted  by  the  King. 
JL.    C^  ^        ^  He  had  seen  considerable  service,  and 

dH— ^  was  on  duty  in  Ireland  when  invited 

by  Ralegh  to  take  command  of  the  colony.     The  Queen  ordered  a  substi- 
tute to  be  appointed  in  his  government  of  Kerry  and  Clanmorris,  "  in  con- 


SIR   WALTER    RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  m 

sideration  of  his  ready  undertaking  the  voyage  to  Virginia  for  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh  at  her  Majesty's  command."  His  residence  in  Ireland  and  Ralegh's 
interest  there  account  for  a  number  of  Irish  names  which  appear  among  the 
colonists.  Captain  Philip  Amadas  was  associated  with  Lane  as  his  deputy, 
and  among  those  who  accompanied  him  were  two  who  were  men  of  dis- 
tinction. One,  Thomas  Cavendish,  afterwards  became  celebrated  as  a 
navigator  by  sailing  round  the  world;  and  another,  Thomas  Hariot,  was 
a  mathematician  of  great  distinction,  who  materially  advanced  the  science 
of  algebra,  and  was  honored  by  Descartes,  who  imposed  some  of  Hariot's 
work  upon  the  French  as  his  own. 

On  the  voyage  the  conduct  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville  gave  great  offence 
to  Lane  and  the  leading  men  of  the  colony,  and  Lane  became  convinced 
that  Grenville  desired  his  death.  On  the  26th  of  June  they  came  to  anchor 
at  Wocokon,  now  known  as  Ocracoke  Inlet.  On  the  nth  of  July  Grenville 
crossed  the  southern  portion  of  Pamlico  Sound,  and  discovered  three  In- 
dian towns,  —  Pomeiok,  Aquascogoc,  and  Secotan.  At  Aquascogoc  a  silver 
cup  was  stolen  from  one  of  his  men,  and  failing  to  recover  it,  they  "  burned 
and  spoiled  their  corn,  all  the  people  being  fled."  This  act  of  harsh  retri- 
bution made  enemies  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  part  of  the  country,  and  was 
unfortunate  in  its  consequences. 

Grenville  landed  the  colony  at  Roanoke  Island,  and  leaving  Lane  in 
charge  of  one  hundred  and  seven  men,  he  sailed  for  England  August  25, 
promising  to  return  with  supplies  by  the  next  Easter.  Lane  at  once  erected 
a  fort  on  the  island,  and  then  began  to  explore  the  coast  and  rivers  of  the 
country.  The  exploration  southward  extended  about  eighty  miles,  to  the 
present  county  of  Carteret ;  northward,  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles, 
to  the  vicinity  of  Elizabeth  River ;  northwest,  about  the  same  distance,  to 
a  point  just  below  the  junction  of  the  Meherrin  and  Nottoway  rivers ;  and 
westward,  up  the  Roanoke  River  to  the  vicinity  of  Halifax. 

Lane  was  a  man  of  decided  ability  and  executive  capacity.  He  informed 
himself  regarding  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  and  protected  his  men 
from  the  many  dangers  which  surrounded  them.  He  soon  became  con- 
vinced that  a  mistake  had  been  made  in  attempting  a  settlement  on  Roa- 
noke Island,  because  of  the  dangerous  coast  and  wretched  harbor.  He 
learned  on  his  voyage  up  the  Chowan,  from  an  Indian  king  named  Mona- 
tonon,  that  on  going  three  days'  journey  in  a  canoe  up  the  river  and  four 
days'  journey  over  land  to  the  northeast,  he  would  come  to  a  king's  country 
which  lay  upon  the  sea,  whose  place  of  greatest  strength  was  an  island 
in  a  deep  bay.  This  information  evidently  pointed  to  Craney  Island  in 
Chesapeake  Bay.  Lane  thereupon  resolved,  as  soon  as  the  promised  sup- 
ply arrived  from  England,  to  send  ships  up  the  coast  to  discover  the  bay, 
and  to  send  men  overland  to  establish  posts,  and  if  he  found  the  bay  to 
be  as  described,  to  transfer  the  colony  to  its  shore. 

The  two  natives  who  had  been  carried  to  England  had  returned  with  Lane. 
Manteo  was  a  firm  friend   to   the  English,  while  Manchese  became  their 


112  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

implacable  enemy.  Granganimeo,  the  brother,  and  Ensenore,  the  father,  of 
Wingina,  were  also  friendly,  but  both  died  within  a  few  months  after  the  ar- 
rival of  the  colony,  and  the  king,  who  had  changed  his  name  to  Pemisapan, 
did  all  in  his  power  to  destroy  it.  When  Lane  ascended  the  Roanoke,  he 
found  that  the  tribes  along  its  banks,  with  whom  he  had  previously  entered 
into  terms  of  friendship,  had  been  informed  by  Pemisapan  that  the  English 
designed  to  kill  them.  They  had  retired  into  the  interior  with  their  families 
and  provisions,  and  Lane,  whose  supplies  were  running  short,  found  great 
difficulty  in  subsisting  his  men. 

The  exploration  of  this  river,  called  by  the  Indians  Moratoc,  was  deemed 
of  the  greatest  importance,  as  the  natives  reported  it  as  flowing  with  a  bold 
stream  out  of  a  rock  upon  the  coast  of  the  Western  Ocean,  and  running 
through  a  land  rich  in  minerals.  During  the  voyage  they  were  reduced  to 
great  straits  for  subsistence,  but  the  men  insisted  on  going  farther  and  feed-- 
ing  on  the  flesh  of  dogs,  rather  than  to  give  up  the  search.  Finally  they 
were  attacked  by  the  natives,  and  being  without  food  they  returned  from 
their  search  for  the  mines  and  the  South-Sea  passage.  The  scarcity  of 
provisions  at  Roanoke  Island  had  now  become  a  matter  of  serious  concern, 
as  the  time  had  passed  for  Sir  Richard  Grenville  to  return  with  supplies, 
and  Pemisapan  was  endeavoring  to  starve  them  out.  In  order  to  get  sub- 
sistence Lane  was  forced  to  divide  his  men  into  three  parties.  One  of  these 
he  sent  to  the  Island  of  Croatoan,  and  another  to  Hatorask.  Learning  from 
Skyco,  a  son  of  King  Monatonon,  held  as  a  hostage,  that  Pemisapan  had 
informed  him  of  a  plot  to  murder  the  English,  Lane  saved  his  men  by  strik- 
ing the  first  blow,  and  putting  to  death  Pemisapan  and  seven  or  eight  of 
his  chief  men. 

Within  a  few  days  afterwards  Sir  Francis  Drake,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty- 
three  sail,  returning  from  sacking  St.  Domingo,  Carthagina,  and  St.  Augus- 
tine, came  in  sight  of  the  Island  of  Croatoan,  and  on  the  loth  of  June  came 
to  anchor  near  Roanoke  Island.  Drake  acted  in  the  most  generous  man- 
ner towards  the  colonists.  He  proposed  to  carry  them  back  to  England 
if  they  desired  it,  or  to  leave  them  sufficient  shipping  and  provisions  to 
enable  them  to  make  further  discovery.  Lane  and  his  men,  being  desirous 
to  stay,  accepted  the  last  ofl"er,  promising  when  they  had  searched  the  coast 
for  a  better  harbor  to  return  to  England  in  the  coming  August.  They  had 
despaired  of  the  return  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  they  believed  that 
Ralegh  had  been  prevented  from  looking  after  them  by  the  condition  of 
public  affairs  in  England.  Sir  Francis  at  once  placed  one  of  his  ships  at 
the  disposal  of  Lane,  and  began  to  put  provisions  aboard.  Before  this  was 
accomplished  a  storm  arose,  which  lasted  three  days  and  threatened  to  de- 
stroy the  wholfe  fleet.  To  save  themselves  several  of  the  ships  put  to  sea, 
and  among  them  the  '*  Francis,"  selected  for  the  use  of  the  colony,  with 
the  provisions  aboard.  After  the  storm  had  abated  Drake  offered  another 
ship  of  much  greater  burden,  it  being  the  only  one  he  could  then  spare ;  but 
it  being  too  heavy  for  the  harbor  and  not  suited  for  their  purposes,  Lane 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  113 

with  the  chief  men  determined  to  ask  for  a  passage  to  England  for  the 
colony,  which  was  granted  them  by  Drake,  and  they  arrived  at  Plymouth 
on  the  27th  of  July,  1586,  having  lost  but  four  of  their  number.  Thomas 
Hariot  carried  with  him,  on  the  return  of  the  colony,  a  carefully  prepared 
description  of  the  country,  —  its  inhabitants,  productions,  animals,  birds,  and 
fish, —  and  John  White,  the  artist  of  the  expedition,  carried  illustrations 
in  water-colors.  Specimens  of  the  productions  of  the  country  were  also 
carried  by  the  colonists;  and  of  these  two,  though  not  previously  un- 
known in  Europe,  through  the  exertions  of  Ralegh  were  brought  into 
general  use,  and  have  long  been  of  the  greatest  importance.  One  was 
the  plant  called  by  the  natives  uppowoc,  but  named  by  the  Spaniards 
tobacco ;  the  other,  the  root  known  as  the  potato,  which  was  introduced 
into  Ireland  by#  being  planted  on  the  estate  of  Ralegh.  In  Hariot's  de- 
scription of  the  grain  called  by  the  Indians  pagatour,  we  easily  recognize 
our  Indian  corn. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  colony  a  ship  arrived  with  supplies  sent 
by  Ralegh,  with  a  direction  to  assure  them  of  further  aid.  Finding  no  one 
on  the  island,  this  vessel  returned  to  England.  Fifteen  days  after  its  de- 
parture Sir  Richard  Grenville  arrived  with  three  ships  well  provisioned, 
but  finding  the  island  desolate,  and  searching  in  vain  for  the  colony  or 
any  information  concerning  it,  he  also  returned,  leaving,  however,  fifteen 
men  with  provisions  for  two  years.  This  was  done  to  retain  possession  of 
the  cotmtry,  and  in  ignorance  of  the  hostility  of  the  natives  and  of  the 
purpose  of  Lane  to  abandon  that  locality  as  a  settlement.  Though  seem- 
ingly wise  and  proper,  it  proved  to  be  the  source  of  further  misfortune. 

Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  upon  receiving  the  report  of  Lane,  determined  to 
make  no  further  effort  to  settle  Roanoke  Island,  but  at  once  began  to 
prepare  for  a  settlement  upon  Chesapeake  Bay.  He  granted  a  charter  of 
incorporation  to  thirty-two  persons,  nineteen  of  whom  were  merchants 
of  London  who  contributed  their  money,  and  thirteen,  styled  "■  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Assistants  of  the  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia,"  who  adventured 
their  persons  in  the  enterprise.  Of  the  nineteen  styled  merchants,  ten 
were  afterwards  subscribers  to  the  Virginia  Company  of  London  which 
settled  Jamestown.  Among  them  were  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  for  years  the 
chief  officer  of  that  company,  and  one  of  the  two  Richard  Hakluyts.  John 
White  was  selected  as  the  governor,  and  with  him  were  sent  one  hundred 
and  fifty  persons,  including  seventeen  women.  They  were  carried  in  three 
ships  in  charge  of  Simon  Ferdinando,  with  directions  to  visit  Roanoke 
Island  and  take  away  the  men  left  there  by  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  then 
to  steer  for  Chesapeake  Bay.  On  July  22,  1587,  they  arrived  at  Hatorask, 
and  White,  taking  with  him  forty  of  his  best  men,  started  in  the  pinnace  to 
Roanoke  Island. 

Ferdinando,  who  was  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  was  either  acting  in  the  in- 
terest of  Spain  or  was  angered  by  his  difficulties  with  White.  He  had 
purposely  separated  from  one  of  the  ships  during  the  voyage,  and  instead 

VOL.    III.  —  IS. 


114  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTO^KQF   AMERICA. 

of  carrying  the  colony  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  as  he  h^^^jw^eed,  he  no  sooner 
saw  White  and  his  men  aboard  the  pinnace  for  Rc^^Ke  Island,  than  he 
directed  the  sailors  to  bring  none  of  the  men  back,  onphe  pretext  that  the 
summer  was  too  far  spent  to  be  looking  for  another  place.  The  colony 
was  thus  forced  to  remain  upon  the  island.  They  found  evidence  of  the 
massacre  by  the  savages  of  the  men  left  by  Grenville,  and  they  soon 
experienced  the  hostility  of  the  Indians  toward  themselves. 

Manteo,  who  had  gone  to  England  with  Lane,  returned  with  White,  and 
was  of  the  greatest  service  to  the  colony.  By  the  direction  of  Ralegh  he 
"  was  christened  in  Roanoke,  and  called  lord  thereof,  and  of  Dasamongue- 
peuk,  in  reward  of  his  faithful  service."  On  the  i8th  of  August  Eleanor, 
daughter  of  the  governor  and  wife  of  Ananias  Dare  one  of  the  assistants, 
gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  "  and  because  this  child  was  th^  first  Christian 
born  in  Virginia,  she  was  named  Virginia." 

The  little  vessel,  from  which  Ferdinando  had  parted  company,  arrived 
safely  with  the  rest  of  the  colony  aboard  in  a  few  days,  and  the  men  who 
landed  on  the  island,  all  told,  were  one  hundred  and  twenty  souls. 

When  the  time  came  for  the  ships  to  return  to  England  it  was  deter-, 
mined  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  colony  to  send  White  back  to  repre- 
sent their  condition  and  to  obtain  relief  He  at  first  refused  to  go,  but  at 
last  yielded  to  their  solicitation,  and  on  the  5th  of  November  arrived  in 
England. 

When  White  landed  he  found  the  kingdom  alarmed  by  the  threatened 
Spanish  invasion.  Ralegh,  Grenville,  and  Lane  were  all  members  of  the 
council  of  war,  and  were  bending  every  energy  toward  the  protection  of 
England  from  the  Spanish  Armada.  Ralegh's  genius  shone  forth  con- 
spicuously in  this  crisis,  and  his  policy  of  defending  England  on  the  water 
by  a  well-equipped  fleet  was  not  only  adopted,  but  has  been  steadily 
pursued  since,  and  has  resulted  in  her  becoming  the  great  naval  power 
of  the  world. 

Ralegh  did  not  forget  his  colony,  however,  and  by  the  spring  he  had 
fitted  out  for  its  relief  a  small  fleet,  which  he  placed  under  the  command 
of  Sir  Richard  Grenville.  Before  it  sailed  every  ship  was  impressed  by  the 
Government,  and  Sir  Richard  was  required  to  attend  Sir  Walter,  who  was 
training  troops  in  Cornwall.  Governor  White,  with  Ralegh's  aid,  succeeded 
in  saihng  for  Virginia  with  two  vessels,_A2ril_22,  1588,  but  encountering 
some  Spanish  ships  and  4eing  worsted  in  a  sea-fight,  he  was  forced  to  re- 
turn to  England,  and  the  voyage  was  abandoned  for  the  time.  White  was 
not  able  to  renew  his  effort  to  relieve  the  colony  during  the  year  1589,  but 
during  the  next  year,  finding  that  three  ships  ready  to  sail  for  the  West 
Indies  at  the  charges  of  John  Wattes,  a  London  merchant,  had  been  de- 
tained by  the  order  prohibiting  any  vessel  from  leaving  England,  he  applied 
to  Ralegh  to  obtain  permission  for  them  to  sail,  on  condition  that  they 
should  take  him  and  some  others  with  supplies  to  Roanoke  Island.  After 
obtaining  permission  to  sail  on  this  condition,  the  owner  and  commanderf^ 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:     ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  1 15 

of  the  ships  refused  to  taKe  any  one  aboard  except  White ;  and  as  they 
were  in  the  act  of  saihng,  and  White  had  no  time  to  lodge  complaint  against 
them,  he  went  aboard,  determined  alone  to  prosecute  his  search.  On  the 
15th  of  August  they  came  to  anchor  at  Hatorask.  When  White  left  the 
colony  they  had  determined  to  remove  fifty  miles  into  the  interior,  and  it 
had  been  agreed  that  they  should  carve  on  the  trees  or  posts  of  the  doors 
the  name  of  the  place  where  they  were  seated,  and  if  they  were  in  distress 
a  cross  was  to  be  carved  above  the  name.  White  found  no  one  on  the 
island,  but  the  houses  he  had  left  had  been  taken  down  and  a  fort  erected, 
which  had  been  so  long  deserted  that  grass  was  growing  in  it.  The  bark 
had  been  cut  from  one  of  the  largest  trees  near  the  entrance,  and  five 
feet  from  the  ground,  in  fair  capital  letters,  was  cut  the  word  Croatoan, 
without  any  sign  of  distress.  Further  search  developed  the  fact  that  five 
chests,  buried  near  the  fort,  had  been  dug  up  and  their  contents  destroyed. 
White  recognized  among  the  fragments  of  the  articles  some  of  his  own 
books,  maps,  and  pictures.  He  concluded  that  the  colony  had  removed 
to  Croatoan,  the  island  from  which  Manteo  came,  whose  inhabitants  had 
been  friendly  to  the  English.  White  at  once  begged  the  captain  of  the 
ship  to  carry  him  to  Croatoan,  which  the  captain  promised  to  do;  but 
a  violent  storm  preventing,  he  finally  determined'  to  sail  for  England, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  24th  of  October.  This  was  White's  fifth  and 
last  voyage,  as  he  states  in  his  letter  to  Hakluyt  in  1593.  His  disappoint- 
ment produced  despondency,  and  he  abandoned  all  hope  of  reHeving  the 
colony,  with  whom  he  had  left  his  daughter  and  grandchild.    ) 

Ralegh  had  already  spent  forty  thousand  pounds  in  his  several  efforts 
to  colonize  Virginia,  and  he  found  himself  unable  to  follow  up  his  design 
from  his  own  purse  alone.  He  thereupon  leased  his  patent  to  a  com- 
pany of  merchants,  hoping  thus  to  achieve  his  object.  But  in  this  he 
was  disappointed.  He  did  not  abandon  all  hope  of  final  success,  how- 
ever, but  continued  to  send  out  ships  to  look  for  his  lost  colony.  In 
1602  he  made  his  fifth  effort  to  afibrd  them  help  by  sending  Captain  Sam- 
uel Mace,  a  mariner  of  experience,  with  instructions  to  search  for  them. 
Mace  returned  without  executing  his  orders,  and  Ralegh  wrote  to  Sir 
Robert  Cecil  on  the  21st  August  that  he  would  send  Mace  back,  and  ex- 
pressed his  faith  in  the  colonization  of  Virginia  in  these  words,  "  I  shall 
yet  live  to  see  it  an  Englishe  nation."  He  lived,  indeed,  to  see  his  pre- 
diction verified,  but  not  until  he  was  immured  in  the  Tower  of  London. 
During  the  last  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  he  continually  pressed  the  Sec- 
retary and  Privy  Council  for  facilities  to  resume  his  schemes,  but  without 
success ;  and  he  finally  abandoned  all  hope  of  finding  the  colony  left  at 
Roanoke  Island. 

What  became  of  this  colony  was  long  a  question  of  anxious  inquiry, 
only  to  be  solved  by  the  information  obtained  from  the  Indians  after  the 
English  settled  at  Jamestown.  It  was  then  ascertained  that  they  had  inter- 
mixed with  the  natives,  and,  after  living  with  them  till  about  the  time  of  the 


Il6  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA 

arrival  of  the  colony  at  Jamestown,  had  been  cruelly  massacred  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Powhatan,  acting  under  the  persuasions  of  his  priests.^  Only 
seven  of  them  —  four  men,  two  boys,  and  a  young  maid  —  had  been  pre- 
served from  slaughter  by  a  friendly  chief.  From  these  was  descended  a 
tribe  of  Indians  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Roanoke  Island  in  the  beginning 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  known  as  the  Hatteras  Indians.  They  had 
gray  eyes,  which  were  found  among  no  other  tribes,  and  claimed  to  have 
white  people  as  their  ancestors. 

The  failure  of  Ralegh's  efforts  to  colonize  Virginia  may  be  ascribed  to 

the  inherent  difficulties  of  the  enterprise,  increased  by  the  inexperience 

of  those  sent  out;  to  the  unfortunate  selection  of  the  place  of  settlement; 

and,  above  all,  to  the  war  with  Spain,  which  prevented  Ralegh  from  taking 

proper  care  of  the  infant  colony  until  it  could  become  self-sustaining. 

/    But  although  the  colonies  he  sent  to  Virginia  perished,  to  Ralegh  must 

/be  awarded  the  honor  of  securing  the  possession  of  North  America  to  the 

/  English.     It  was  through  his  enterprise  that  the  advantages  of  its  soil  and 

/    climate  were  made  known  in  England,  and  that  the  Chesapeake  Bay  was 

^-iixed  upon  as  the  proper  place  of  settlement;   and  it  was  his  genius  that 

/created  the  spirit  of  colonization  which  led  to  the  successful  settlement 

/  upon  that  bay. 

[y^  Ralegh  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Queen  in  1592  by  his  marriage 
with  Elizabeth  Throgmorton,  her  beautiful  maid  of  honor.  He  was  more 
than  compensated,  however,  by  the  acquisition  of  a  faithful  and  loving  wife, 
who  was  in  every  way  worthy  of  him.  The  jealous  Queen  sent  them  both 
to  the  Tower.  After  a  few  mgnths'  imprisonment  Sir  Walter  was  released, 
that  he  might  superintend  the  division  of  the  rich  spoil  taken  in  the  Spanish 
ship  *'  Madre  de  Dios,"  on  her  return  from  the  West  Indies,  by  a  privateer- 
ing fleet  which  he  had  sent  out.  The  Queen  was  personally  interested  in 
this  enterprise,  and  got  the  lion's  share  of  the  profits.  Afterward  he  was 
permitted  to  retire  with  his  wife  to  his  estate,  and  there  he  matured  his 
plans  for  a  voyage  to  Guiana,  which  he  had  been  long  considering.  His 
colony  had  found  no  mines  in  Virginia,  and  he  longed  to  make  England 
the  rival  of  Spain  in  mineral  wealth. 

Spanish  travellers  had  reported  that  the  natives  told  of  a  city  of  gold 
called  "  El  Dorado,"  which  was  situated  in  the  unexplored  region  of  the 
northeastern  portion  of  South  America,  known  as  the  "  Empire  of  Guiana." 
Between  the  years  1530  and  1560  a  number  of  expeditions  had  been  sent 
by  the  Spaniards  to  this  unknown  land.  They  had  proved  unsuccessful, 
and  been  attended  with  great  loss  of  life  and  money.  Ralegh  was  seized 
with  a  desire  to  visit  this  region  and  secure  its  riches.  In  1594  he  sent  out 
Jacob  Whiddon,  with  instructions  to  examine  the  coast  contiguous  to  the 
River  Orinoco,  and  to  explore  that  river  and  its  tributaries.  Whiddon  met 
at  the  Island  of  Trinidad  with  Antonio  de  Berreo,  the  Spanish  governor, 
who  was  himself  planning  an  exploration  of  the  region  along  the  Orinoco, 

1  Strachey,  Hakluyt  Society's  Publications,  vi.  85. 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  1 17 

^nd  who  opposed  every  obstacle  to  the  success  of  Whiddon's  mission. 
Ralegh's  agent  returned  to  England  towards  the  close  of  the  year  with  but 
little  trustworthy  information.  Sir  Walter  continued  his  preparations,  how- 
ever, and  on  February  9,  1595,  with  a  squadron  of  five  ships,  he  sailed  from 
Plymouth  for  Trinidad,  having  aboard  one  hundred  officers,  soldiers,  and 
gentlemen  adventurers.  Before  the  end  of  March  he  arrived  at  Trinidad. 
He  captured  the  town  of  St.  Joseph,  and  took  Berreo  prisoner.  Treating 
his  captive  with  kindness,  Ralegh  soon  learned  from  him  what  he  knew  of 
Guiana.  He  was  informed  by  Berreo  that  the  empire  of  Guiana  had  more 
gold  than  Peru  ;  that  the  imperial  city  called  by  the  Spaniards  "  El  Dorado  " 
was  called  by  the  Indians  "  Manoa,"  and  was  situated  on  a  lake  of  salt  water 
two  hundred  leagues  long,  and  that  it  was  the  largest  and  richest  city  in  the 
world.  Berreo  showed  Sir  Walter  a  copy  of  a  narrative  by  Juan  Martinez 
of  his  journey  to  Manoa,  which  had  induced  Berreo  to  send  a  special  mes- 
senger to  Spain  to  get  up  an  expedition  for  the  conquest  of  El  Dorado,  or, 
as  it  was  then  called,  '*  Laguna  de  la  Gran  Manoa." 

This  narrative  appeared  to  confirm  the  marvellous  tales  concerning  El 
Dorado  which  had  so  long  obtained  credence.  Ralegh  did  not  rely  on 
Berreo,  however,  out  sought  out  the  oldest  among  the  Indians  on  the 
island,  and  inquired  of  them  concerning  the  country,  its  streams  and  in- 
habitants. He  then  started  upon  his  perilous  voyage  up  the  Orinoco,  with 
four  boats  and  provisions  for  a  month.  He  entered  by  the  most  northern 
of  the  divisions  through  which  that  remarkable  river  flows  into  the  sea, 
and  after  struggling  against  its  rapid,  various,  and  dangerous  currents  for 
more  than  a  month,  and  reaching  the  mouth  of  the  Caroni,  and  ascending 
that  stream  some  forty  miles  to  the  vicinity  of  its  falls,  he  was  forced  by 
the  rising  of  the  river  to  return,  —  finding  that  his  farther  progress  was 
not  only  prevented  thereby,  but  his  return  made  dangerous.  He  supposed 
he  had  gone  four  hundred  miles  by  the  windings  of  the  river,  and  he  was 
still  more  than  two  hundred  miles  from  the  country  of  which  Manoa  was 
the  capital,  according  to  the  reckoning  of  Berreo.  Ralegh  did  not  find 
the  rich  deposits  of  gold  he  had  hoped  for,  but  saw,  as  he  supposed, 
many  indications  of  that  metal,  and  secured  specimens  of  ores  and 
precious  stones.  He  found  that  the  Spaniards  had  previously  traversed 
the  country  contiguous  to  the  river,  and  been  cruel  in  their  treatment  of 
the  natives.  He  informed  them  that  his  Queen,  whose  portrait  he  showed 
them,  was  the  enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  and  that  he  came  to  deliver  them 
from  their  tyranny.  He  soon  made  them  his  fast  friends  by  his  kindness, 
and  an  old  chief,  Topiawari,  promised  to  unite  .the  several  tribes  along  the 
river  in  a  league  against  the  Spaniards  by  the  tfme  Sir  Walter  should  return. 
This  chief  gave  his  son  to  Ralegh  as  a  pledge  of  his  fidelity,  and  received 
in  return  two  Englishmen,  who  were  instruct^ed  to  learn  what  they  could  of 
the  country,  and,  if  possible,  to  go  to  the  cijty  of  Manoa. 

Ralegh  arrived  in  England  in  the  lattef  part  of  the  summer  of  1595, 
after  laying  under  contribution  several  Spaiiish  settlements  on  the  way.    He 


Il8  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

published  a  glowing  account  of  his  voyage,  in  which  he  related  not  only 
the  wonderful  things  he  had  seen,  but  the  more  wonderful  things  which  had 
been  told  him  by  the  Spaniards  and  natives.  He  was  firmly  persuaded  of 
the  existence  of  El  Dorado,  and  also  that  there  Hved  in  Guiana  the  Ama- 
zons, a  race  of  women  who  allowed  no  man  to  remain  among  them ;  and 
the  Ewaipanoma,  a  tribe  who  had  their  eyes  in  their  shoulders  and  their 
mouths  in  the  middle  of  their  breasts.  The  publication  was  eagerly  read, 
and  increased  his  already  great  reputation.  But  it  was  severely  criticised 
at  the  time,  as  it  has  been  since  by  Hume  and  other  historians.  During 
the  present  century  two  distinguished  men  —  Humboldt  and  Schomburgk 
—  have  explored  the  Orinoco  and  the  countries  drained  by  it  and  its 
almost  innumerable  tributaries.  They  found  that  what  Ralegh  stated  of 
the  country,  as  coming  under  his  own  observation,  was  true,  while  many 
of  the  tales  told  him  by  others  were  the  merest  fiction. 

In  January,  1596,  Ralegh  sent  Captain  Laurence  Keymis,  a  companion  of 
his  first  voyage,  with  two  ships,  to  renew  the  exploration  of  the  Orinoco, 
with  a  view  to  planting  a  colony.  He  returned  in  June,  and  his  report 
confirmed  Ralegh  in  his  belief  in  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  country.  He 
brought  intelligence,  however,  of  a  Spanish  settlement  made  by  Berreo 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Caroni,  with  the  men  sent  out  to  him  from  Spain. 

When  Keymis  landed  in  England  he  found  that  Ralegh  had  been  par- 
tially restored  to  the  favor  of  the  Queen,  and  united  with  Essex  and  Howard 
in  command  of  the  force  sent  to  attack  Cadiz.  The  operations  before  that 
city  were  directed  by  Ralegh's  genius,  and  he  led  the  van  of  the  naval 
attack  which  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  and  the  cap- 
ture of  the  city.  From  the  effects  of  this  blow  Spain  never  recovered,  and 
the  2 1  St  of  June,  1596,  the  day  of  the  battle,  marks  the  date  of  her  decline 
as  one  of  the  great  powers.  During  the  next  year  he  struck  her  another 
blow  by  the  capture  of  Fayal. 

In  the  year  1596  Ralegh  despatched  one  of  the  smaller  ships  which  had 
fought  at  Cadiz,  to  Guiana,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Leonard  Berry, 
but  with  no  important  results.  In  1598  he  attempted  to  get  together  a 
fleet  of  thirteen  ships,  to  be  commanded  by  Sir  John  Gilbert,  with  which 
to  convey  a  colony  to  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Orinoco,  but  from  some  cause, 
not  known,  he  failed. 

His  frequent  failures  did  not  dampen  his  ardor  in  the  cause  of  coloniza- 
tion, but  he  found  that  it  "  required  a  prince's  purse  to  have  it  thoroughly 
followed  out,"  and  he  therefore  endeavored  to  interest  the  Ministry  in  his 
schemes.  But  the  end  of  the  great  Queen  was  approaching,  and  instead 
of  aiming  at  the  enlargement  of  her  kingdom,  her  ministers  were  scheming 
for  their  own  advancement  with  her  successor. 

The  accession  of  James  to  the  throne  of  England  changed  the  fortunes 
of  Ralegh.  When  he  met  the  King  he  found  the  royal  mind  already 
prejudiced  against  him.  He  was  displaced  from  the  Captaincy  of 
the  Guard,  and   shortly   afterwards  was   arrested   on   a   charge  of  treason, 


SIR   WALTER    RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA.  I  19 

in  plotting  with  the  Count  of  Arenburg,  an  ambassador  of  the  Archduke 
Albert,  to  place  Lady  Arabella  Stuart  upon  the  throne,  and  to  obtain  aid 
from  the  King  of  Spain  for  the  purpose.  The  mockery  of  a  trial  which 
followed  drew  from  one  of  his  judges  the  statement,  which  succeeding  ages 
have  pronounced  true,  that  *'  never  before  was  English  justice  so  injured 
or  so  degraded."  The  brutal  conduct  of  Sir  Edward  Coke  who  prose- 
cuted, and  of  Chief-Justice  Popham  who  presided,  at  the  trial,  and  denied 
the  request  of  Ralegh  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him,  has 
consigned  their  memory  to  lasting  infamy.  That  Ralegh,  after  spending  his 
life  in  war  with  Spain,  should  plot  with  her  to  overthrow  his  King  and  put 
another  in  his  place  is  not  credible,  and  that  the  Government  that  prose- 
cuted him  did  not  believe  the  charge  is  conclusively  shown  by  the  fact, 
that  the  Count  of  Arenburg  retained  the  favor  of  King  James,  and  further, 
that  some  of  the  men  prominent  in  the  prosecution  were  at  the  time  in  the 
paid  service  of  Spain. 

James  did  not  proceed  to  execute  the  sentence  of' death  which  his  corrupt 
court  had  pronounced  against  Ralegh,  but  kept  him  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower 
for  thirteen  years.  In  prison  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  chemistry 
and  to  literary  composition ;  and  the  great  wrong  done  in  depriving  him 
of  his  liberty  resulted  in  that  literary  treasure,  the  History  of  the  World. 

As  prison  life  became  more  and  more  irksome  to  Ralegh,  he  attempted 
to  relieve  himself  from  it  by  obtaining  employment  in  Virginia  or  Guiana, 
promising  the  King  rich  returns  if  he  would  but  permit  him  to  visit  either 
country.  Finally,  by  bribing  those  who  had  the  ear  of  the  King,  he  was 
released  January  30,  161 6,  to  prepare  for  a  voyage  to  Guiana.  He  had 
been  assured  by  Keymis  that  a  rich  mine  existed  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Caroni,  and  he  pledged  himself  to  find  it  or  else  to  bear  all  the  expenses 
of  the  expedition.  Keymis  was  to  go  along  with  him,  and  also  a  sufficient 
force  "  to  defend  him  against  the  Spaniards  inhabiting  upon  the  Orenocke, 
if  they  offered  to  assaile  him,  —  not  that  it  is  meant  to  offend  the  Spaniards 
there,  or  to  beginne  any  quarrell  with  them,  except  themselves  shall  beginne 
the  warre."  It  was  said  in  London  at  the  time  that  Ralegh  wanted  to 
obtain  a  pardon  under  the  Great  Seal,  but  it  required  a  further  expenditure 
of  money  which  he  needed  in  his  expedition,  and  he  was  advised  by  Bacon 
that  the  King's  commission  under  which  he  sailed  was  equivalent  to  a 
pardon.  The  release  of  Ralegh  enabled  him  to  see  Pocahontas,  who  was 
in  England  in  1616,  and  we  can  well  conceive  with  what  interest  he  beheld 
her  who  had  so  much  aided  in  realizing  his  hope  of  seeing  Virginia  an 
English  nation. 

King  James  had  fallen  under  the  influence  of  Count  Gondomar,  the  Span- 
ish ambassador,  to  whom  Ralegh  was  particularly  obnoxious  on  account  of 
his  lifelong  enmity  to  Spain.  The  Count  attempted  to  prevent  the  sailing 
of  the  expedition,  but  failing  in  that,  he  obtained  from  the  King  Ralegh's 
plans,  and  at  once  transmitted  them  to  Madrid,  where  steps  were  immedi- 
ately taken  to  thwart  them.      In  June,   161 7,  Ralegh  sailed  with   eleven 


I20  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OP^   AMERICA. 

vessels  from  Plymouth,  having  with  him  his  son,  young  Waher  Ralegh, 
Captain  Keymis,  and  four  hundred  and  thirty-one  men.  He  arrived  at 
Trinidad  in  December,  suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  violent  fever.  He 
was  too  feeble  to  attempt  the  ascent  of  the  Orinoco,  but  sent  forward  his 
son  and  Keymis.  When  they  approached  St.  Thomas,  settled  since  his 
first  voyage,  they  were  attacked  by  the  Spaniards.  The  conflict  ended  in 
the  taking  of  the  town,  but  at  the  cost  of  young  Walter  Ralegh's  life. 
Keymis  continued  the  search  for  the  mine,  and  with  a  part  of  his  men 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  place  at  which  he  had  located  it  on  his  previous 
voyage.  The  hostility  of  the  Spaniards  reduced  his  numbers  so  that  he 
felt  forced  to  return  to  St.  Thomas  for  reinforcements.  After  returning 
to  that  point  he  became  despondent,  and  finally  burnt  the  town  and  re- 
turned to  Trinidad,  taking  along  with  him  documents  found  at  St.  Thomas, 
which  showed  that  the  plans  of  Ralegh,  communicated  to  the  King,  had 
been  betrayed  to  the  Court  of  Madrid.  When  Keymis  met  Ralegh  and 
saw  how  he  was  affected  by  the  failure  of  the  expedition  and  the  loss  of 
his  son,  and  heard  his  reproaches,  he  was  seized  with  remorse  at  the 
thought  that  upon  him  rested  the  responsibility  for  the  failure,  and  com- 
mitted suicide. 

Ralegh,  utterly  dispirited  and  broken-hearted,  now  -turned  his  face  home- 
ward, and  arrived  at  Plymouth  early  in  July,  1618.  He  was  arrested  upon 
his  arrival,  by  order  of  the  King,  on  the  charge  of  breaking  the  peace  with 
Spain.  No  trial  was  had  upon  this  charge,  which  could  not  have  been  sus- 
tained ;  but  as  the  King  of  Spain  demanded  that  he  should  be  put  to  death 
James  sought  for  a  legal  cover  for  compliance,  and  upon  the  advice  of  Bacon 
determined  to  issue  a  warrant  for  his  execution  upon  the  conviction  of  1603. 
Ralegh  was  brought  before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  on  the  28th  of 
October,  and  asked  what  he  had  to  allege  in  further  stay  of  execution.  He 
pleaded  his  commission  from  the  King,  giving  him  command  of  the  expedi- 
tion to  Guiana,  as  working  a  pardon,  but  was  told  that  "  Treason  must  be 
pardoned  by  express  words,  not  by  implication."  Nothing  remained  but 
to  execute  the  death-warrant,  already  drawn  by  Bacon  and  signed  by  the 
King.  He  was  beheaded  on  the  next  day,  meeting  death  with  the  greatest 
fortitude.  His  execution  excited  the  horror  and  indignation  of  the  Protes- 
tant world,  and  King  James  was  at  once  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  public 
opinion.  He  called  to  his  defence  the  genius  of  his  Lord  Chancellor,  and 
Bacon  attempted  to  justify  him  by  publishing  a  disgraceful  attack  upon 
Ralegh's"  fame.  But  the  effort  was  in  vain.  The  world  acquitted  Ralegh 
of  the  charges  which  had  been  made  the  pretext  of  his  judicial  murder, 
and  adjudged  King  James  to  be  the  real  criminal. 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA.  121 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

THE  life  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  reprehensible  in  some  of  its  parts,  but  admirable 
in  most  and  brilliant  in  all,  has  been  variously  portrayed.  Lord  Bacon  in  161 8 
published  in  quarto  A  Declaration  of  the  Demeanor  and  Carrige  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh^ 
as  well  in  his  Voyage  as  in  and  since  his  Returii,  etc.,  intending  it  as  a  justifica- 
tion of  the  conduct  of  King  James  in  beheading  him  ; 
but  it  grossly  misrepresented  him.  He  began  with  the 
statement  that  "Kings  are  not  bound  to  give  account 
of  their  actions  to  any  but  God  alone  ;"  but  the  whole 
apology  is  framed  upon  the  theory  that  King  James  was 
forced  by  the  popular  voice  to  give  an  account  of  this  base  action.  It  appears  from  a 
letter  of  Bacon  to  the  Marquis  of  Buckingham,  dated  Nov.  22,  1618,1  ^hat  the  King  made 
very  material  additions  to  the  manuscript  after  Bacon  had  prepared  it. 

The  first  Life  of  Ralegh  was  published  with  his  works  not  long  after  his  death.  The 
name  of  the  author  is  not  given,  and  it  is  not  a  full  narrative,  but  was  written  during  his 
life  or  soon  after  his  death. 

The  next  publication  was  under  the  style  of  The  Life  of  the  Valiant  and  Learned  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh,  Knight^  with  his  Tryal  at  Winchester^  London  :  printed  by  J.  D.  for  Benj. 
Shirley  and  Richard  Tonsin,  1677.  This  has  sometimes  been  attributed  to  James  Shirley, 
the  dramatist,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  Ralegh.  The  narrative,  however,  was  little  more 
than  what  was  already  known  from  books  familiar  to  the  public. 

In  1701  the  Rev.  John  Prince,  a  fellow-Devonian,  published  in  his  Worthies  of  Devon 
a  short  memoir  of  Ralegh,  which  was  the  best  account  of  its  subject  that  had  then 
appeared.  He  was  able  to  throw  light  upon  some  of  the  obscurer  portions  of  his  life  by 
his  local  knowledge,  and  his  book  is  still  worthy  of  perusal. 

No  other  Life  of  Ralegh  of  value  appeared  until  1733,  when  William  Oldys  published 
his  work,  which  showed  great  industry  in  collecting  and  judgment  in  arranging  his  mate- 
rial. For  near  a  century  it  was  the  standard  Life  of  Ralegh,  and  was  the  source  from 
which  writers  derived  their  materials.  Notwithstanding  the  criticism  of  Gibbon,  that  "  it 
is  a  servile  panegyric  or  flat  apology,"  this  work  is  of  great  value.  It  contains  all  that  was 
accessible,  when  it  was  published,  from  printed  records,  and  much  information  derived  from 
the  descendants  of  Ralegh  and  from  his  contemporaries. ^ 

Dr.  Thomas  Birch  published  three  several  Lives  of  Ralegh,^  —  the  first  in  1734,  in  the 
General  Dictionary,  Historical  and  Critical.  This  author  corresponded  with  the  descend- 
ants of  Ralegh,  and  collected  various  anecdotes  of  him,  but  he  made  no  additions  of  real 
value  to  the  work  of  Oldys. 

The  next  work  worthy  of  mention  was  by  Arthur  Cayley  in  1805,  although  a  dozen 
Lives  perhaps  appeared  between  Birch's  and  this.  Cayley  made  valuable  additions  to  the 
knowledge  concerning  Ralegh  which  Oldys  had  gathered.  He  brought  to  light  several 
new  and  valuable  documents,  which  threw  additional  light  upon  his  subject.^ 

In  1830  Mrs.  A.  T.  Thompson  published  a  Life  of  Ralegh  in  London,  which  was 
republished  in  Philadelphia  in  1846,  containing  fifteen  original  letters  then  first  printed 
from  the  collection  in  the  State-Paper  Ofiice,  throwing  light  on  the  share  he  took  in  the 
poHtical  transactions  of  his  times.  It  was  of  but  little  additional  value  so  far  as  its  other 
materials  were  concerned. 

1  See  Works  of  Bacon,  edited  by  Basil  Mon-  ^  [One  was  added  to  an  edition  of  Ralegh's 
tague,  ii.  525.  Works  in  17 51.— Ed.] 

2  [It  was  prefixed  to  an  edition  of  Ralegh's  ^  [This  work  was  in  two  volumes,  4to,  and  ap- 
History  of  the  World  in  1736.  — Ed.]  peared  in  a  second  edition  in  1806,  8vo.  —  Ed.] 

VOL.   III.  —  16. 


122  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

In  1833  Patrick  Eraser  Tytler  published  a  Life  of  Ralegh^  "  with  a  Vindication  of  his 
Character  from  the  Attacks  of  Hume  ^  and  other  writers."  This  writer  added  several 
original  documents  to  the  material  previously  used,  but  his  publication  is  more  justly 
entitled  to  the  criticism  of  Gibbon  on  the  work  of  Oldys  than  was  that  book.  He  first 
carefully  traced  out  the  conspiracy  which  brought  Ralegh  to  the  scaffold. 

In  1837  there  appeared  in  Lardner's  Cabinet  of  Biography,  2imong  the  Lives  of  the 
British  Admirals,  an  excellent  life  of  Ralegh  by  Robert  Southey,  the  poet.  The  author's 
only  addition  to  the  knowledge  afforded  by  previous  writers  was  in  reference  to  the  Guiana 
expeditions,  the  additional  information  being  drawn  from  Spanish  sources. 

In  1847  the  Hakluyt  Society  pubHshed  Ralegh's  accounts  of  his  voyages  to  Guiana, 
with  notes  and  a  biographical  memoir  by  Sir  Robert  H.  Schomburgk.  This  memoir  is  an 
admirable  summary  of  what  was  then  known  of  Ralegh,  and  the  publication  is  a  complete 
vindication  of  Ralegh's  statements  and  conduct  in  reference  to  Guiana.  The  notes  of 
the  author  are  of  the  greatest  value.  He  was  a  British  Commissioner  to  survey  the 
boundaries  of  Guiana  in  1841,  and  traversed  the  country  visited  by  Ralegh  and  those 
sent  out  by  him.  He  also  had  the  benefit  of  Humboldt's  previous  exploration  of  the 
country.  This  writer  pubHshed  for  the  first  time  two  valuable  manuscripts  in  the  British 
Museum,  both  from  the  pen  of  Ralegh.  One  was  written  about  the  year  1596,  and 
entitled  "  Of  the  Voyage  for  Guiana,"  and  the  other  was  the  journal  of  his  last  voyage  to 
that  country. 

In  1868  there  was  published  in  London  the  most  valuable  of  all  the  biographies  of 
Ralegh.  It  was  written  by  Edward  Edwards,  and  is  "  based  on  contemporary  documents 
preserved  in  the  Rolls  House,  the  Privy  Council  Office,  Hatfield  House,  the  British 
Museum,  and  other  manuscript  repositories,  British  and  foreign,  together  with  his  letters 
now  first  collected."  The  author  also  had  the  advantage  of  the  correspondence  of  the 
French  ambassador  at  London  during  the  latter  part  of  Ralegh's  life.  He  has  cleared  up 
some  of  the  obscure  parts  of  Ralegh's  career,  and  has,  not  only  by  the  very  full  collection 
of  his  letters,  but  by  the  admirable  treatment  of  his  subject,  rendered  invaluable  service 
to  his  memory.^ 

Another  Life  of  Ralegh,  published  in  the  same  year  (1868)  by  St.  John,  is  also  the 
embodiment  of  the  latest  information,  and  is  better  adapted  to  the  general  reader  than 
that  of  Edwards,  and  elucidates  some  points  more  fully. 

The  voyage  of  Amadas  and  Barlow  to  Roanoke  Island  in  1584  was  related  by  the  latter  in 
a  Report  addressed  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  The  voyage  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville  in  1585,  con- 
veying Ralph  Lane  and  the  colony  under  his  command,  was  related  by  one  of  the  persons 
who  accompanied  Grenville,  and  the  account  of  what  happened  after  their  arrival  was  written 
by  one  of  the  colonists,  probably  Lane  himself.^    An  account  of  the  country,  its  inhabitants 

1  [History  of  England,  chapters  xlv.  and  porary  account  of  his  execution  from  Adam  Win- 
xlviii.  —  Ed.]  throp's  note-book  is  printed  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 

2  A  paper  read  by  George  Dexter,  Esq.,  Soc.  Froc,  Sept.  1873.  A  psychological  study 
before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  may  be  found  in  Disraeli's  Amenities  of  Litera- 
Oct.  13, 1881,  upon  "  The  First  Voyage  under  Sir  ture.  Two  American  essays  may  be  mentioned, 
Humphrey  Gilbert's  Patent  of  1578,"  corrects  — \h2X\xi^€[V.n-!c^'''s,  American  Biography, zx\A  }. 
an  error  into  which  Mr.  Edwards  had  fallen  Morrison  Harris's  paper  before  the  Maryland 
about  this  voyage,  and  shows  that  it  was  under-  Historical  Society  in  1846. 

taken  in  1578  instead  of  1579,  as  stated  by  Mr.  As  to  the  story  at  one  time  prevalent  of 
Edwards,  and  that  Ralegh  was  the  captain  of  one  Ralegh's  coming  in  person  to  his  colony,  Stith, 
of  the  vessels.  [A  few  additional  references  may  History  of  Virginia,  p.  22,  thinks  it  arose  from  a 
serve  the  curious  student.  Some  new  material  mistranslation  of  the  Latin.  Cf.  Force's  Tracts 
was  first  brought  forward  in  the  Archceologia,  i.  p.  37,  Georgia  Tract,  1742,  —  "Mr.  Ogle- 
vols,  xxxiv.  and  XXXV.  Ralegh's  career  in  Ireland  thorpe  has  with  him  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  writ- 
is  followed  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  Nov.  1881.  ten  journal,"  etc.  ~  Ed.] 

His  last  year  is  considered  in  Gardiner's  Prince  »  [The  sources  for  this  first  colony  may  be 

Charles  and  the  Spanish  Marriage.     A  contem-  concisely  enumerated  as  follows  :  — 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA, 


12 


and  productions,  was  written  by  Thomas  Hariot  {b.  1560  ;  d.  1621),  one  of  the  colony.^ 
There  are  also  accounts  of  the  voyages  of  John  White  to  Virginia  written  by  himself. 


1.  Diary  of  the  Voyage,  April  9-Aug.  25, 1585, 
originally  in  Hakluyt,  1 589 ;  also  in  Hawks. 

2.  Ralph  Lane's  letters,  Aug.  and  Sept.  1585, 
Some  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii. ;  also  in  Hawks  and 
others  referred  to  in  the  text,  edited  by  E.  E. 
Hale,  in  the  Archceologia  Americana^  vol.  iv. 
(i860). 

3.  Harlot's  narrative  originally  published  in 
1588;  then  by  Hakluyt  in  1589;  and  by  De 
Bry  in  1590.     See  later  note. 

4.  Lane's  narrative  given  in  Hakluyt  and 
Hawks. 

5.  A  Summarie  and  True  Discourse  of  Sir 
Francis  Drake's  West  Indian  Voyage,  London, 
1589;  also  in  Hakluyt,  1600.  The  copy  of  the 
former  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's 
Library  was  the  one  used  by  Prince ;  see  ch.  ii. ; 
also  Barrow's  Life  of  Drake,  ch.  vi.  Mr.  Edward 
C.  Bruce,  in  his  "  Loungings  in  the  Footprints 
of  the  Pioneers,"  in  Harper's  Moitthly,  May, 
i860,  describes  the  condition  of  the  site  of  the 
colony  at  that  time.  Roanoke  Island  was  sold 
to  Joshua  Lamb,  of  New  England,  in  1676  ;  Hist. 
Mag.  vi.  123.  Cf.  Continental  Monthly,  i.  541,  by 
Frederic  Kidder.  —  Ed.] 

1  [A  notice  of  the  original  English  issue  of 
Hariot  (1588)  is  described  on  a  later  page  as  the 
second  original  production  relating  to  America 
presented  to  the  English  public  (see  notes  fol- 
lowing Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter) ;  but  it  became 
more  widely  known  in  1590,  when  De  Bry  at 
Frankfort  made  it  the  only  part  of  his  famous 
Collection  of  Voyages,  which  he  printed  in  the 
English  tongue,  giving  it  the  following  title :  A 
briefe  and  true  report  of  the  new  found  land  of 
Virginia,  of  the  commodities,  and  of  the  nature  and 
manners  of  the  naturall  inhabitants.  Discovered 
by  the  English  colony  there  seated  by  Sir  Richard 
Greinuile  in  the yeere  l^^.  .  .  .  This  forebooke  is 
made  in  English  by  Thomas  Hariot.  Francoforti 
ad  Moenvm,  typis  Joannis  Wecheli,  svmtibtis  vero 
Theodori  de  Bry,  cicicxc.  It  is  also  the  rarest  of 
the  parts,  and  only  a  few  copies  of  it  are  known, 
as  follows :  — 

1.  Carter-Brown  Library,  Catalogue,  i.  397, 
where  a  fac-simile  of  the  title  is  given. 

2.  Lenox  Library. 

3.  Sold  in  the  Stevens  Sale  (no.  2487),  Boston, 
1870,  to  a  New  York  collector  for  $975.  This 
was  made  perfect  by  despoiling  another  copy 
belonging  to  a  public  collection. 

4.  Harvard  College  Library;  imperfect. 

5.  Grenville  copy  in  the  British  Museum, 
bought  at  Frankfort  for  j^ioo  in  1710  (?). 

6.  Bodleian  Library. 

7.  Christie  Miller's  collection,  England. 

8.  Sir  Thomas  Phillipp's  collection,  Eng- 
land; imperfect. 


Rich  in  1832,  Catalogue,  no.  71,  had  a  copy 
which  was  made  up,  and  which  he  priced  at  ;^2i, 
but  would  have  held  it  at;(^ioo  if  perfect. 

A  photo-lithographic  fac-simile  edition  of  this 
English  text  was  issued  in  New  York  from  the 
Stevens  copy  in  1871-72,  about  100  copies,  which 
is  worth  $20.  {Griswold  Catalogue,  no.  309.) 
The  original  may  be  worth  $1000. 

In  the  same  year,  1590,  De  Bry  also  issued  it 
in  Latin,  German,  and  French.  Brunet  gives 
three  varieties  of  the  original  Latin  issue,  be- 
sides two  varieties  of  a  counterfeit  one.  The 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  322,  gives  the  colla- 
tions of  the  five  varieties  slightly  varying ;  cf. 
Sabin's  Dictionary,  vol.  iii. ;  Field's  Indian  Bib- 
liography, no.  653.  There  was  a  second  (1600) 
and  third  edition  of  the  German  version  ( Car- 
ter-Brown Catalogue,  pp.  354,  355 ;  also  for  the 
French,   p.    329).      A    German    translation    by 

Cristhopher    P is   also  contained   in   Mat- 

thaeus  Dresser's  Historien  von  China,  Halle, 
1 598 ;  cf .  Sabin's  Dictionary,  v.  536 ;  Carter- 
Brown  Catalogue,  i.  429. 

De  Bry  engraved  the  drawings  which  White 
made  at  Roanoke,  or  rather  a  portion  of  them; 
for  nearly  three  times  as  many  as  appear  in  De 
Bry,  who  copied  only  twenty-three,  are  now  in 
the  collection  of  drawings  as  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum.  What  De  Bry  used  may  pos- 
sibly have  been  copies  of  the  originals,  and  in 
any  case  he  gave  an  academic  aspect  to  the  more 
natural  drawings  as  White  made  them.  Henry 
Stevens  secured  the  originals  in  1865,  and  in  a 
fire  at  Sotheby's  in  June  of  that  year  they  be- 
came saturated  with  water,  so  that  a  collection 
of  offsets  was  left  on  the  paper  which  was  laid 
between  them.  Mr.  Stevens  sold  the  originals 
for;^2io,  and  the  offsets  for;^26  5^-.,  both  to  the 
British  Museum,  in  1866;  and  his  letter  offering 
them  and  telling  the  story  is  in  his  Bibliotheca 
Historica,  1870,   p.  cf.  Amer.  Antiq.   Soc. 

Proc.  Oct.  20,  1866.  In  the  Sloane  Collection 
are  also  near  a  hundred  of  White's  drawings  ; 
see  E.  E.  Hale  in  Archceologia  Americana,  iv. 
21.  One  section  of  Hariot's  paper,  entitled 
"  Of  the  nature  and  maners  of  the  people," 
appeared  in  the  author's  original  English  in 
the  Hakluyts  of  1589  and  1600,  and  also  in  De 
Bry,  who  likewise  added  to  his  English  Hariot 
a  statement  called,  "  The  true  pictures  and 
fashions  of  the  people  in  that  parte  of  America 
now  called  Virginia,"  etc.  This  statement  is  not 
in  the  printed  Hakluyts,  though  it  is  said  by  De 
Bry  to  have  been  "  translated  out  of  Latin  into 
English  by  Richard  Hackluit."  It  is  there  said 
of  the  pictures  that  they  were  "diligently  col- 
lected and  drowne  by  John  White,  who  was  sent 
thiter   speciallye  by  Sir  Walter   Ralegh,  1585, 


124 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


These  several  publications  are  found  together  in  Hakluyt,  and  are  of  the  highest 
authority.  They  have  been  republished  by  Francis  L.  Hawks,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  with  valu- 
able notes,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  History  of  North  Carolina^  published  in  1857.  Dr. 
Hawks  was  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  and  personally  familiar  with  its  coast,  and  thus 
enabled  to  fix  the  localities  mentioned  in  the  early  voyages.  His  book  is  accompanied 
with  valuable  maps.  He  defends  Lane  with  much  ability  from  the  attacks  of  Bancroft 
and  others. 1 

The  letters  of  Ralph  Lane  constitute  a  very  valuable  addition  to  the  history  of  Lane's 
colony,  and  show  that  the  disputes  between  Lane  and  Grenville  had  in  all  probability 
much  to  do  with  Lane's  abandonment  of  the  enterprise. 

The  voyages  to  Guiana  are  related  by  Ralegh  himself. ^     The  journal  of  the  second 


also  1 588,  now  cutt  in  copper,  and  first  published 
by  Theodore  De  Bry  att  his  wone  chardges." 
De  Bry's  engravings  have  often  been  reproduced 
by  Montanus,  Lafitau,  Beverly,  etc.  Wyth's,  or 
White's  "  Portraits  to  the  Life  and  Manners  of 
the  Inhabitants,"  following  De  Bry,  with  English 
text,  was  printed  at  New  York  in  1841. 

The  map  which  accompanies  Hariot's  narra- 
tive, as  given  by  De  Bry,  was  procured  by  him 
from  England,  and  is  subscribed  "Auctore 
Joanne  With,"  —  once  De  Bry  writes  it "  Whit." 
It  was  made  in  1587,  and  Kohl  in  his  Maps  rela- 
ting to  America  mentioned  in  Hakluyt^  pp.  42-46, 
thinks  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  With  is  John 
White,  the  captain,  and  that  he  based,  or  caused 
to  be  based,  his  drawing  on  observations  made  by 
Lane,  who  had  been  in  the  Chesapeake,  while 
White  had  not.  Stevens,  Bibliotheca  Historica, 
1870,  p.  222,  identifies  the  John  White  the  artist 
with  Governor  John  White.  A  largely  reduced 
fac-simile  of  this  map  is  herewith  given,  for 
comparison  with  the  Coast  Survey  chart  of  the 
same  region.  Other  fac-similes  of  the  original 
are  given  in  the  Histories  of  North  Carolina  by 
Hawks  and  Wheeler,  in  Gay's  Popular  History  of 
the  United  States,  i.  243.  It  was  later  followed 
in  the  configurations  of  the  coast  given  by  Mer- 
cator,  Hondius,  De  Laet,  etc.  The  map  which 
is  given  in  Smith's  Generall  Historie  as  "  Ould 
Virginia "  closely  resembles  White's,  which 
however  extends  farther  north,  and  includes  the 
entrance  of  the  Chesapeake.  There  had  been 
one  earlier  representation  of  "  Virginia  "  on  a 
map,  and  that  was  in  Hakluyt's  edition  of  Peter 
Martyr  on  a  half  globe.  De  Bry  also  gives  a 
bird's-eye  view  of  Roanoke  and  its  vicinity. 
—  Ed] 

1  [The  original  sources  are  also  made  use  of 
by  Williamson  and  Wheeler  in  their  histories  of 
North  Carolina.  Some  of  them  are  printed  in 
Pinkerton's  Voyages,  in  Payne's  Elizabethan  Sea- 
men, p.  211,  and  elsewhere;  cf.  Strachey's  Vir- 
ginia, p.  142.  —  Ed.] 

2  [His  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  was  pub- 
lished in  1596,  the  year  following  his  voyage, 
and  was  called  The  Discoverie  of  the  large,  rich 
and  bewtifid  empire  of  Guiana,  with  a  relation  of 
the  Great  and  Golden  Citie  of  Manoa  {which  the 


Spanyards  call  El  Dorado),  etc.  Huth  Cata- 
logue, iv.  1 2 16.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  no. 
507.  I  have  compared  Mr.  Charles  Deane's 
copy.  There  are  three  copies  of  this  in  the 
Lenox  Library,  with  such  variations  as  indicate 
as  many  contemporary  editions.  Quaritch  re- 
cently priced   a  copy  at  ^20. 

Ralegh  had  wriJ:ten  this  tract  in  large  part  on 
his  voyage,  when  he  made  the  map  of  Trinidad 
and  that  of  Guiana,  which  he  mentions  as  not  yet 
finished.  Kohl,  Maps  relating  to  America,  etc., 
p.  65,  thinks  he  has  identified  this  drawing  of 
Ralegh  in  a  MS.  map  in  the  British  Museum, 
which  was  acquired  in  1849.  The  text  of  the 
Discoverie  was  reprinted  in  Hakluyt,  iii.  627  ; 
in  the  Oldys  and  Birch's  edition  (Oxford,  1829)  of 
Ralegh'' s  Works,  vol.  viii. ;  in  Pinkerton's  Voyages, 
xii.  196;  in  Cdijlcy'' s  Life  of  Ralegh.  The  Hak- 
luyt Society  reprinted  it  under  the  editing  of 
Sir  R.  H.  Schomburgk,  who  gives  a  map  of  the 
Orinoco  Valley,  showing  Ralegh's  track.  Col- 
liber's  English  Sea  Affairs,  London,  1727,  has  a 
narrative  based  on  it ;  Sabin,  iv.  14414. 

There  was  a  Dutch  version  published  at  Am- 
sterdam in  1598  by  Cornelius  Claesz  ;  and  it  is 
from  this  that  De  Bry  made  his  Latin  version, 
in  his  part  viii.,  1599  (two  editions),  and  1625, 
also  in  German,  1599  and  1624.  Also  see  part 
xiii.  (1634).  There  were  other  Dutch  editions 
or  versions  in  1605,  161 7,  1644.  Muller,  Books 
on  America,  1872,  no.  1268,  and  1877,  no.  2654; 
Carter-Bro7vn  Catalogue,  i.  454.  It  also  formed 
part  V.  of  Hulsius's  Collection  of  Voyages,  and 
the  Lenox  Library  Bibliographical  Contribution 
on  Hulsius  gives  a  Latin  edition,  1 599,  and  Ger- 
man editions  of  1599,  1601, 1603,  ]  5i2,  1663,  with 
duplicate  copies  of  some  of  them  showing  varia- 
tions. See  Asher's  Bibliography,  p.  42 ;  Camus's 
Memoire,  p.  97  ;  Meusel's  Bibliographia  Historica, 
vol.  iii.  There  are  also  versions  or  abridgments 
in  the  collections  of  Aa,  1706  and  1727,  and 
Coreal,  1722,  and  1738. 

The  report  of  Captain  Lawrence  Keymis  was 
printed  at  London  in  1 596,  of  which  there  is  a 
copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  See  Carter- 
Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  no.  500  ;  it  is  also  given 
in  Hakluyt.  Kohl  cannot  find  that  either  Key- 
mis  or  Masham  made  charts,  but  thinks  their 


M   : 


?i 


•/•/X// 


<,' 


V 


y;/;/ 


■■^'  ''I  •.■.'//'■    s-     ...^       '^^ 


mU' 


L^^S^^^^ 


^^^^^^ 


^S^35>3^f^^3^^S>S>^^ 


PART   OF   DE   LAET'S   MAP,    163O. 


126 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


voyage  is  given  by  Schomburgk  from  the  original  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum. 
The  collections  of  the  works  of  Ralegh  show  his  several  other  writings  concerning  Guiana, 
among  which  are  an  "  Apology  for  the  Voyage  to  Guiana,"  written  in  1618,  on  his  way  from 
Plymouth  to  London  as  a  prisoner ;  to  gain  time  for  the  preparation  of  which  he  feigned 
sickness  at  Salisbury.  Expecting  to  be  put  to  death,  he  was  determined  before  he  died 
fully  and  elaborately  to  justify  to  the  world  his  last  expedition,  which  had  been  grossly 
misrepresented.     It  was  not  published  till  1650. 

In  Force's  Historical  Tracts^  vol.  iii.,  there  is  published  a  letter,  written  Nov.  17,  1617, 
"  from  the  River  Aliana,  on  the  coast  of  Guiana,"  by  a  gentleman  of  the  fleet,  who  signs 
his  initials  "  R.  M."  It  is  entitled  Newes  of  Sir  Walter  Rawleigh^  and  gives  the 
orders  he  issued  to  the  commanders  of  his  fleet,  and  some  account  of  the  incidents  of  the 
expedition.^ 

In  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  History  of  the  World  he  often  illustrates  his  subject  by  the 
incidents  of  his  own  life,  and  thus  we  have  in  the  book  much  of  an  autobiography. 


reports  influenced  the  maps  in  Hondius,  Hulsius, 
and  De  Bry. 

The  accusations  against  Ralegh  in  regard  to 
his  Guiana  representations  Jiave  been  examined 
by  his  biographers.  Tytler,  ch.  3,  defends  him  ; 
Schomburgk  shields  him  from  Hume's  attacks ; 
so  does  Kingsley  in  A^or^A  British  Review,  also 
in  his  Essays,  who  thinks  Ralegh  had  a  right  to 
be  credulous,  and  that  the  ruins  of  the  city  may 
yet  be  found.  Napier  in  the  Edinburgh  Review, 
later  in  his  Lord  Bacon  and  Ralegh,  clears  him 
of  the  charge  of  deceit  about  the  mine.  Van 
Heuvel's  El  Dorado,  New  York,  1844,  defends 
Ralegh's  reports,  and  gives  a  map.     See  Field's 


Indian  Bibliography  no.  1595.  St.  John,  in  his 
Life  of  Ralegh,  ch.  xv.,  mentions  finding  Ralegh's 
map  in  the  archives  of  Simancas.  See  also  the 
Lives  by  Edwards,  ch.  x. ;  by  Thompson,  ch.  ii. ; . 
S.  G.  Drake  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
April,  1862,  also  separately  and  enlarged;  Fox 
Bourn's  English  Seamen,  ch.  viii.;  Payne's  Eliza- 
bethan Seamen,  pp.  327,  332  ;  Bu] finch's  Oregon 
and  El  Dorado,  etc.  Further  examination  of  the 
quest  for  El  Dorado  will  be  given  in  volume 
ii.—  Ed.] 

1  [This  was  originally  printed  at  London,  1618, 
pp.  45.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary and  in  Charles  Deane's  collection.  —  Ed.] 


NOTE.  —  At  the  charge  of  an  American  subscription  a  Ralegh  window  has  been  placed  in  St.  Margaret's 
Church,  Westminster,  London ;  and  a  sermon.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  America,  was  preached  by  the  Rev. 
Canon  Farrar,  at  the  unveiling.  May  14,  1882. 


CHAPTER    V. 

VIRGINIA,   1606-1689. 

BY  ROBERT  A.  BROCK, 
Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 

ON  the  petition  of  Hakluyt  (then  prebendary  of  Westminster),  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George  Somers,  and  other  ''firm  and  hearty 
lovers  of  colonization,"  James  I.,  by  patent  dated 
the  loth  of  April,   1606,  chartered  two  companies 

(the  London  and  the  Plymouth),  and  bestowed  on        ^  /  rO /O 

them  in  equal  proportions  the  vast  territory  (then  /^^^^^'^^^^L--^ 

known  as  Virginia)  lying  between  the  thirty-fourth  /     /  -^ 

and  forty-fifth  degrees  of  north    latitude,   together 
with   the  islands  within  one    hundred  miles  of  the  coast  stretching  frorr 
Cape  Fear  to  Halifax. 

The  code  of  laws  provided  for  the  government  of  the  proposed  colonies 
was  complicated,  inexpedient,  and  characteristic  of  the  mind  of  the  first 
Stuart  For  each  colony  separate  councils  appointed  by  the  King  were 
instituted  in  England,  and  these  were  in  turn  to  name  resident  councillors  in 
the  colonies,  with  power  to  choose  their  own  president  and  to  fill  vacancies. 
Capital  offences  were  to  be  tried  by  a  jury,  but  all  other  cases  were  left  to  the 
decision  of  the  council.  This  body  was,  however,  to  govern  itself  according 
to  the  prescribed  mandates  of  the  King.  The  religion  of  the  Church  of 
England  was  established,  and  the  oath  of  obedience  was  a  prerequisite  to 
residence  in  the  colony.  Lands  were  to  descend  as  at  common  law,  and  a 
community  of  labor  and  property  was  to  continue  for  five  years.  The  Ad- 
venturers, as  the  members  of  the  Company  were  termed,  were  authorized  to 
mine  for  gold,  silver,  and  copper,  to  coin  money,  and  to  collect  a  revenue  for 
twenty-one  years  from  all  vessels  trading  to  their  ports.  Certain  articles  of 
necessity,  imported  for  the  use  of  the  colonists,  were  exempted  from  duty 
for  seven  years.  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  an  eminent  merchant  of  London,  who 
had  been  the  chief  of  the  assignees  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  ambassador 
to  Russia,  was  appointed  treasurer  of  the  Company. 

But  the  body  of  the  men  who  composed  the  expedition  had  little  care 
for  forms  of  government.     A  wilder  chimera  than  the  impractical  devices  of 


128  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

the  selfish  and  pedantic  monarch  possessed  them.  "  I  tell  thee,"  says  Sea- 
gull, in  the  play  of  Eastward  Ho  !  which  was  popular  for  years,  **  golde  is 
more  plentifull  there  than  copper  is  with  us ;  and  for  as  much  redde  cop- 
per as  I  can  bring  I  '11  have  thrise  the  weight  in  gold.  Why,  man,  all  their 
dripping-pans  .  .  .  are  pure  gould;  and  all  the  chaines  with  which  they 
chaine  up  their  streets  are  massie  gold ;  and  for  rubies  and  diamonds,  they 
goe  forth  in  Holydayes  and  gather  'hem  by  the  seashore,  to  hang  on  their 
children's  coates  and  sticke  in  their  children's  caps,  as  commonly  as  our 
children  weare  saffron  gilt  brooches  and  groates  with  holes  in  'hem."  A 
life  of  ease  and  luxury  is  pictured  by  Seagull,  and,  as  the  climax  of  allure- 
ment, with  "  no  more  law  than  conscience,  and  not  too  much  of  eyther."  ^ 
The  expedition  left  Blackwall  on  the  19th  of  December,  but  was  detained 
by  "  unprosperous  winds"  in  the  Downs  until  the  ist  of  January,  1606-7. 
It  consisted  of  three  vessels, — the  **  Susan  Constant,"  of  one  hundred  tons, 
with  seventy-one  persons,  in  charge  of  the  experienced  navigator  Captain 
Christopher  Newport  (the  commander  of  the  fleet)  ;  the  "  God-Speed,"  of 
forty  tons.  Captain  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  carrying  fifty-two  persons ;  and 
the  "Discovery,"  of  twenty  tons.  Captain  John  Ratcliffe,  carrying  twenty 
persons.  The  crews  of  the  ships  must  have  constituted  thirty-nine  of  the 
total  of  these,  as  the  number  of  the  first  planters  was  one  hundred  and 
five.  In  the  lists  of  their  names,  more  than  half  are  classed  as  "  gentle- 
men," and  the  remainder  as  laborers,  tradesmen,  and  mechanics.  Two 
*'  chirurgeons,"  Thomas  Wotton,  or  Wootton,  and  Wil.  Wilkinson,  are  in- 
01  eluded;  the  service  of  the  first  of  them  in  a  professional  capacity  is  after- 
^  wards  noted.  Sailing  by  the  old  route  of  the  West  Indies,  the  Virginia 
coast  was  reached  on  the  26th  of  April,  and  in  Chesapeake  Bay  on  that 
night  the  instructions  from  the  King  were  examined.  These,  with  a  mys- 
tery well  calculated  to  promote  mischief,  had  been  confided  to  Newport,  in 
a  sealed  box,  with  the  injunction  that  it  should  not  be  opened  until  he 
reached  his  destination.  The  councillors  found  to  be  designated  were 
Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  John  Smith,  Christopher 
Newport,  John  Ratcliffe,  John  Martin,  and  John  Kendall.  Wingfield,  a  man 
of  honorable  birth  and  a  strict  disciplinarian,  who  had  been  a  companion 
of  Ferdinando  Gorges  in  the  European  wars,  was  chosen  president;  and 
Thomas  Studley,  cape-merchant,  or  treasurer. 

On  the  29th  of  the  month  a  cross  was  planted  at  Cape  Henry,  which  was 
so  named  in  honor  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  eldest  son  of  King  James ; 
the  name  of  his  second  son,  then  Duke  of  York,  afterwards  Charles  I.,  being 
perpetuated  in  the  opposite  cape.  The  point  at  which  the  ships  anchored 
the  next  day  was  designated,  in  thankful  spirit.  Point  Comfort.  On  the  13th 
of  May,  1607,  the  colonists  landed  at  a  peninsula  on  the  northern  J^ank  of 
the  river  known  to  the  natives  as  Powhatan,  after  their  king,  but  to  which 
the  English  gave  the  name  James  River.     Upon  this  spot,  about  fifty  miles 

1  Quoted  by  Neill  in  his  Virginia  Company  of  London,  preface,  pp.  vi,  vii.  The  play  was  writ 
ten  by  Marston  and  others  in  1605. 


VIRGINIA.  129 

from  its  mouth,  they  resolved  to  build  their  first  town,  to  which  they  also 
gave  the  name  of  the  English  monarch.  The  selection  of  this  site  is  said 
to  have  been  urged  by  Smith  and  objected  to  by  Gosnold.  The  better  judg- 
ment of  the  latter  was  vindicated  in  the  sequel.  Smith  —  at  this  time  not 
yet  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  a  man  the  most  remarkably  endowed  among 
those  nominated  for  the  council,  and  whose  administrative  capacity  was  to 
be  so  prominently  evidenced  —  was  at  first  excluded  from  his  seat  because, 
says  Purchas,  he  had  been  "  suspected  of  a  supposed  mutinie  "  on  the  voy- 
age over.^  This  proscription  in  all  probability  had  no  more  warrant  than 
in  the  jealousy  which  the  recent  adventurous  career  and  the  confident 
bearing  of  Smith  may  be  supposed  to  have  excited,  since  he  was  admitted 
to  office  on  the  lOth  of  June  following.  The  colonists  at  once  set  about 
building  fortifications  and  establishing  the  settlement.  Newport,  Smith, 
and  twenty-three  others  in  the  mean  time  ascended  the  river  in  a  shallop 
on  a  tour  of  exploration.  At  an  Indian  village  below  the  falls  was  found  a 
lad  of  about  ten  years  of  age  with  yellow  hair  and  whitish  skin,  who,  it  has 
been  assumed,  was  the  offspring  of  some  representative  of  the  ill-fated 
Roanoke  Colony  left  by  White,  of  which  it  is  narrated  that  seven  persons 
were  preserved  from  slaughter  by  an  Indian  chief.-  ♦  On  the  26th  of  May, 
the  day  before  the  return  of  the  explorers  to  Jamestown,  the  unfinished  fort 
(not  completed  until  the  15th  of  June)  was  attacked  by  the  savages,  who 
were  repulsed  by  the  colonists  under  the  command  of  Wingfield.  The  col- 
onists had  one  boy  killed  and  eleven  men  wounded,  one  of  whom  died. 
Communion  was  administered  by  the  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Robert  Hunt,  on 
Sunday,  the  21st  of  June,  and  on  the  next  day  Newport  sailed  for  England 
in  the  "  Susan  Constant,"  laden  with  specimens  of  the  forest  and  with  min- 
eral productions.  A  bark  or  pinnace,  with  provisions  sufficient  to  sustain 
the  colonists  for  three  months,  was  left  with  them.  The  prospect  of  the 
men  thus  cast  upon  their  own  resources,  w^as  not  promising.  Disturbed  by 
the  fatuous  hope  of  discovering  gold,  divided  by  faction,  unused  to  the 
labor  and  hardships  to  which  they  were  now  subjected,  and  in  daily  peril 
from  the  hostility  of  the  savages,  the  difficulties  of  success  were  enhanced  by 
the  insalubrity  of  their  ill-chosen  settlement.  By  September  fifty  of  them, 
including  the  intrepid  Gosnold,  had  died,  and  the  store  of  damaged  pro- 
visions upon  which  they  mainly  depended  was  nearly  exhausted.  Violent 
dissension  ensued,  which  resulted,  on  the  lOth  of  the  month,  in  the  displace- 
ment of  Wingfield  by  Ratcliffe  in  the  office  of  president,  and  the  deposing, 
imprisonment,  and  finally  the  execution  of  Kendall ;  by  which  the  Council, 
never  more  than  seven  in  number  (including  Newport),  and  in  which  no 
vacancies  had  been  filled,  was  reduced  to  three  only,  —  Ratcliffe,  Smith,  and 
Martin.  •  Reprehensible  as  the  conduct  of  the  colonists  at  this  period  may 
have  been,  they  yet  held  religious  observances  in  regard.  Their  piety  and 
reverence  are  instanced  both  by  Smith  and  Wingfield.  In  Bagnall's  nar- 
rative in  the  Historie  of  the  first,  it  is  noted  that  **  orSer  was  daily  to  haue 

1  Purchas,  iv   1685.  -  Neill's  Virginia  Cojnpany,  p.  i6. 

VOL.    III.  —  17. 


130  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Prayer,  with  a  Psalme ;  "  ^  and  Wingfield  states  that  when  their  store  of 
liquors  was  reduced  to  two  gallons  each  of  *' sack"  and  "aqua-vitae,"  the 
first  was    "  reserued  for  the  communion  table."  ^ 

» Differences  among  the  colonists  being  somewhat  allayed,  labor  was 
resumed,  habitations  were  provided,  a  church  was  built,  and,  through  the 
courage  and  energy  of  Smith,  supplies  of  corn  were  obtained  from  the  In- 
dians. Leaving  the  settlement  on  the  lOth  of  December,  Smith  again  as- 
cended the  Chickahominy  to  get  provisions  from  the  savages,  but  incurring 
their  hostility,  two  of  his  companions,  Emry  and  Robinson,  were  killed,  and 
Smith  himself  was  taken  captive.  Being  released  after  a  few  weeks,  on  the 
promise  of  a  ransom  of  "  two  great  guns  and  a  grindstone,"  he  returned  to 
Jamestown.     On  his  arrival  there  he  found  the  number  of  the  colonists  re- 


JAMESTOWN.^ 

duced  to  forty,*  and  that  Captain  Gabriel  Archer  had  been  admitted  to  the 
Council  during  his  absence.  Archer  caused  him  to  be  arrested  and  indicted, 
under  the  Levitical  law,  for  allowing  the  death  of  his  two  men ;  but  in  the 
evening  of  the  same  day,  Jan.  8,  1607-8, 'Newport  returned  from  England 
with  additional  settlers  (a  portion  of  the  first  supply),  and  at  once  released 
both  Smith  and  Wingfield  from  custody.  Within  five  or  six  days  the  fort 
and  many  of  the  houses  at  Jamestown  were  destroyed  by  an  accidental  fire. 
Newport,  accompanied  by  Matthew  Scrivener  (newly  arrived  and  admitted 
to  the  Council),  with  Smith  as  interpreter  and  thirty  or  forty  others,  now 

1  Generall  HistoHe,  pp.  53-65.  8  This  cut  follows  a  sketch  made  about  1857 

2  Wingfield's  Narrative,  quoted  by  Anderson  by  a  travelling  Englishwoman,  Miss  Catherine  C. 
in  his  History  of  the  Church  of  England  in  the  Hopley,  and  shows  the  condition  of  the  ruined 
Colony,  i.  77.  church  at  that  time. 


VIRGINIA.  131 

visited  Powhatan  at  his  abode  of  VVerowocomico.  This  was  at  Timber- 
neck  Bay,  on  the  north  side  of  York  River.  On  the  east  bank  of  the  bay 
still  stands  a  quaint  stone  chimney/  subsequently  built  for  Powhatan  by 
German  workmen  among  the  colonists.  Hostages  were  exchanged ; 
Namontack,  an  Indian  who  was  taken  to  England  by  Newport,  being 
received  from  Powhatan  for  Thomas  Savage,  a  youth  aged  thirteen,  who 
for  many  years  afterwards  rendered  important  service  to  the  colonists  as 
interpreter.  With  supplies  of  food  obtained  from  Powhatan  and  Opecan- 
canough,  the  chief  of  the  Pamunkey  tribe,  the  party  returned  to  James- 
town. 

*  The  ship  being  loaded  with  iron  ore,  sassafras,  cedar  posts,  and  walnut 
boards,  Newport,  with  Archer  ^  and  Wingfield  as  passengers,  sailed  on  the 
1 0th  of  April  from  Jamestown,  and  on  the  20th  of  May,  1608,  arrived  in 
England.  The  diet  of  the  colonists  was  soon  reduced  to  meal  and  water, 
and  through  hunger  and  exposure  death  diminished  them  one  half.  While 
they  were  engaged  in  re-building  Jamestown  and  in  planting,  to  their  great 
joy  Captain  Nelson,  who  had  left  England  with  Newport,  but  from  whom  he 
had  been  separated  by  storm  and  detained  in  the  West  Indies,  arrived  in  the 
ship  "  Phoenix,"  with  provisions  and  seventy  settlers,  being  the  remainder  of 
the  first  supply  of  one  hundred  and  twenty.  He  departed  for  England  on 
the  2d  of  June  with  a  cargo  of  cedar-wood,  carrying  Martin  of  the  Council. 
Smith,  in  an  open  boat,  with  fourteen  others,  —  seven  gentlemen  (including 
Dr.  Walter  Russell  of  the  last  arrival),  and  seven  soldiers,  —  accompanied 
the  **  Phoenix  "  down  the  river,  and  parted  from  her  at  Cape  Henry,  with  the 
bold  purpose  of  exploring  Chesapeake  Bay  and  its  tributaries,  and  establish- 
ing intercourse  with  the  natives  along  their  borders.  To  the  islands  lying  off 
Cape  Charles,  Smith  gave  his  own  name.  After  a  satisfactory  cruise,  having 
crossed  the  bay,  visited  its  eastern  shore,  and  explored  the  Potomac  River 
some  thirty  miles,  the  party  returned  late  in  July  to  Jamestown  for  pro- 
visions. Smith  again  embarked  on  the  24th  of  July  to  complete  his  explor- 
ations, with  a  crew  of  twelve,  similarly  constituted  as  before,  but  with 
Anthony  Bagnall  as  surgeon.  At  the  head  of  Chesapeake  Bay  they  were 
hospitably  entertained  by  a  tribe  of  Indians,  supposed  by  Stith^  to  have 
been  of  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  and  also  by  the  Susquehannas,  at  a 
village  on  the  Tockwogh  (now  Sassafras)  River.  The  highest  mountain  to 
the  northward  observed  by  them  was  named  Peregrine's  Mount,  and  Will- 
oughby  River  was  so  called  after  the  native  town  of  Smith.  The  Indian  tribes 
on  the  Patuxent,  and  the  Moraughtacunds  and  the  Wighcomoes  on  the  Rap- 
pahannock, were  visited.  Richard  Featherstone,  a  ''  gentleman  "  of  the  party, 
dying,  was  buried  on  the  banks  of  the  last-named  river,  which  was  explored 

1  The   height  of   the  chimney  is  I7a\-  feet;  our  River,  from  James  Forte,  into  the  Maine, 

the   greatest  width   lOiV  feet;   the   fireplace   is  made   by    Captain    Christopher   Newport,   and 

7i^  feet  wide.  sincerely  written  and  observed  by  a  Gentleman 

'^  Archer  was  identified  by  the  late  William  of  this  Colony,"  reprinted  in  the  Transactions  of 

Green,   LL.D.,  Richmond,    Va.,   as   the    author  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  iv.  pp.  40-65. 
of  the  tract,  "  A  Relatyon  of  the  Discovery  of  ^  Stith,  History  of  Virginia,  p.  67. 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


132  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

to  the  falls,  near  where  Fredericksburg  now  is.  Here  a  skirmish  took  place 
with  the  Rappahannock  tribe.  The  Pianketank,  Elizabeth,  and  Nansemond 
rivers  were  in  turn  examined  for  a  few  miles.  From  the  results  of  these 
discoveries  Smith  composed  his  Map  of  Virginia,  a  work  so  singularly  exact 
that  it  has  formed  the  basis  of  all  like  delineations  since,  and  was  adduced  as 
authority  as  late  as  1873  towards  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  dispute 
between  the  States  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  drawing  was  sent  to 
England  by  Newport  before  the  close  of  the  year,  and  in  16 12  was  published 
in  the  Oxford  Tract.  *  Returning  to  Jamestown,  Sept.  7,  1608,  Smith  was 
elected  President  of  the  Council  over  Ratcliffe  (who  suffered  from  a  wounded 
hand  and  was  enfeebled  by  sickness),  and  now,  for  the  first  time,  he  had  the 
"  letters  patent"  of  office  placed  in  his  hands. ^  Ever  firm,  courageous,  and 
persevering,  he  at  once  instituted  vigorous  and  salutary  measures  adapted 
to  the  wants  and  conducive  to  the  discipline  of  the  colonists.  The  church 
was  repaired,  the  storehouse  covered,  and  magazines  erected.  Soon  after, 
Newport  arrived  for  the  third  time  from  England,  with  the  second  supply 
of  settlers,  seventy  in  number.  Among  them  were  Captains  Peter  Wynne 
and  Richard  Waldo,  Francis  West  (the  brother  of  Lord  Delaware),  Ra- 
leigh Crashaw,  Daniel  Tucker,  some  German  and  Polish  artisans  for  the 
manufacture  of  glass  and  other  articles,  Mrs.  Thomas  Forest,  and  her  maid, 
Ann  Burras.  The  last  named  of  these  —  the  first  Englishwomen  in  the 
colony  —  became,  before  the  close  of  the  year,  the  wife  of  John  Laydon. 
This  was  the  first  marriage  celebrated  in  Virginia.  Newport  had  left  Eng- 
land under  the  silly  pledge  not  to  return  without  a  lump  of  gold,  or  with- 
out tidings  of  the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  the  North  Sea,  or  without  the 
rescue  of  one  of  the  settlers  of  the  lost  company  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh. 
The  Company  added  the  equally  impossible  condition  that  he  should  bring 
a  freight  in  his  vessel  of  equal  value  to  the  cost  of  the  expedition,  which 
was  ;^2,ooo.  In  case  of  failure  in  these  respects,  the  colonists  were  to  be 
abandoned  to  their  own  resources.  Much  valuable  time  was  consumed  by 
Newport  in  an  idle  coronation  of  Powhatan  (for  whose  household  he  had 
brought  costly  presents),  and  in  futile  efforts  for  the  accomplishment  of 
the  visionary  expectations  of  the  Company.  At  last  there  was  provided 
by  those  of  the  colonists  who  remained  at  their  labors  a  part  of  a  cargo 
of  pitch,  tar,  glass,  and  iron  ore,  and  Newport  set  sail,  leaving  at  James- 
town about  two  hundred  settlers.  The  iron  ore  which  he  carried  was 
smelted  in  England,  and  seventeen  tons  of  metal  sold  to  the  East  India 
Company  at  £^  per  ton.  •  In  the  preservation  of  the  colony  until  the  next 
arrival,  the  genius  and  energy  of  Smith  were  strongly  but  successfully 
taxed,  —  for  Captain  Wynne  dying,  and  Scrivener  and  Anthony  Gosnold, 
with  eight  others,  having  been  drowned,  he  alone  of  the  Council  remained. 
His  measures  were  sagacious.  Corn  was  planted,  and  blockhouses  were 
built  and  garrisoned  at  Jamestown  for  defence,  and  an  outpost  was  estab- 
lished at  Hog  Island,  to  give  signal  of  the  approach  of  shipping.      At  the 

^  Generall  Historic,  ed.  1624,  p.  59. 


VIRGINIA.  133 

last  place  the  hogs,  which  increased  rapidly,  were  kept.  But  being  subject 
to  the  treachery  of  the  natives,  the  colonists  were  in  continual  danger  of 
attack,  and  were  too  slothful  to  make  due  provision  for  their  wants,  so  that 
the  tenure  of  the  settlement  became  like  a  brittle  thread.  The  store  of 
provisions  having  been  spoiled  by  damp  or  eaten  by  vermin,  their  subsistence 
now  depended  precariously  on  fish,  game,  and  roots.  The  prospects  of  the 
colony  were  so  discouraging  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1609,  that,  in  the 
hope  of  improving  them,  the  Company  applied  for  a  new  charter  with 
enlarged  privileges.  This  was  granted  to  them,  on  the  23d  of  May,  under 
the  corporate  name  of  "  The  Treasurer  and  Company  of  Adventurers  and 
Planters  of  the  City  of  London  for  the  first  Colony  in  Virginia."  The  new 
Association,  which  embraced  representatives  of  every  rank,  trade,  and  pro- 
fession, included  twenty-one  peers,  and  its  list  of  names  presents  an  im- 
posing array  of  wealth  and  influence.  By  this  charter  Virginia  was  greatly 
enlarged,  and  made  to  comprise  the  coast-line  and  all  islands  within  one 
hundred  miles  of  it,  —  two  hundred  miles  north  and  two  hundred  south  of 
Point  Comfort,  —  with  all  the  territory  within  parallel  lines  thus  distant  and 
extending  to  the  Pacific  boundary ;  the  Company  was  empowered  to  choose 
the  Supreme  Council  in  England,  and,  under  the  instructions  and  regula- 
tions of  the  last,  the  Governor  was  invested  with  absolute  civil  and  military 
authority.  With  the  disastrous  experience 
of  the  previous  unstable  system,  a  sterner 
discipline  seems,  under  attending  circum- 
stances, to  have  been  demanded  to  insure 
success.  Thomas  West  (Lord  Delaware), 
the  descendant  of  a  long  line  of  noble  an- 
cestry, received  the  appointment  of  Gov- 
ernor and  Captain-General  of  Virginia.  The  first  expedition  under  the 
second  charter,  which  was  on  a  grander  scale  than  any  preceding  it,  and 
which  consisted  of  nine  vessels,  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  ist  of  June, 
1609.     Newport,  the  commander  of  the  fleet.  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Lieutenant- 

General,  and  Sir  George  Somers,  Admiral  of  Vir- 

A  /f^^r  ginia,  were  severally  authorized,  whichever  of  them 

^^g  might  first  arrive  at   Jamestown,  to  supersede  the 

existing  administration  there  until  the  arrival  of 
Lord  Delaware,  who  was  to  embark  some  months  later;  but  not  being  able 
to  settle  the  point  of  precedency  among  themselves,  they  embarked  together 
in  the  same  vessel,  which  carried  also  the  wife  and  daughters  of  Gates. 
Among  the  five  hundred  colonists,  were  the  returning  Captains  Ratclifife, 
Archer,  and  Martin,  divers  other  captains  and  gentlemen,  and,  by  the  sug- 
gestion of  Hakluyt,  a  number  of  old  soldiers  ^  who  had  been  trained  in  the 
Netherlands.     On  the  23d  of  July  the  fleet  was  caught  in  a  hurricane;  a 

1  In  the  outfit  of  a  settler  enumerated  by  cuirass,  exhumed  at  Jamestown,  are  in  the  col- 
Smith  is  the  item,  a  complete  suit  of  armor.  It  lection  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society  at 
is  of  interest  to  note  that  portions  of  a  steel     Richmond. 


1:^ 


134 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


small  vessel  was  lost,  others  damaged,  and  the  **Sea  Venture,"  which  carried 
Gates,  Somers,  and  Newport,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  settlers,  was 
cast  ashore  on  the  Bermudas.  Captain  Samuel  Argall  (a  relative  of  Sir 
Thomas  Smith)  arrived  at  Jamestown  in  July,  with  a  shipload  of  wine  and 
provisions,  to  trade  on  private  account,  contrary  to  the  regulations  of  the 
Company.  As  the  settlers  were  suffering  for  food,  they  seized  his  supplies. 
Many  of  them  at  this  time  had  gone  to  live  among  the  Indians,  and  eighty 
had  formed  a  settlement  twenty  miles  distant  from  the  fort.  Early  in 
August  the  ''  Blessing,"  Captain  Archer,  and  three  other  vessels  of  the 
delayed    fleet   sailed    up    James    River,   and    soon    after   the   "  Diamond," 

Captain  Ratcliffe,  appeared, 
without  her  mainmast,  and 
she  was  followed  in  a  few 
days  by  the  ''  Swallow,"  in 
like  condition. 

#The  Council  being  all 
dead  save  Smith,  he,  obtain- 
ing the  sympathy  of  the 
sailors,  refused  to  surrender 
the  government  of  the  col- 
ony ;  and  the  newly  arrived 
settlers  elected  Francis  West, 
the  brother  of  Lord  Dela- 
ware, as  temporary  presi- 
deht.  The  term  of  Smith 
expiring  soon  after,  George 
Percy — one  of  the  original 
settlers,  a  brother  of  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland, 
and  a  brave  and  honorable 
man  —  was  elected  presi- 
dent, and  West,  Ratcliffe, 
y^^r^     ^  ^-^»/-        ^^  and  Martin  were  made  coun- 

LfCfPrC^       PtrCV  Cillers. 

Smith,  about  Michael- 
mas (September  29),  de- 
parted for  England,  or,  as  all  contemporary  accounts  other  than  his  own 
state,  was  sent  thither  "  to  answer  some  misdemeanors."  ^  These  were 
doubtless  of  a  venial  character;  but  the  important  services  of  Smith  in  the 
sustenance  of  the  colony  appear  not  to  have  been  as  highly  esteemed  by 
the  Company  as  by  Smith  himself.  He  complains  that  his  several  petitions 
for  reward  were  disregarded,  and'  he  never  returned  to  Virginia'  Modern 
investigation  has  discredited  many  of  the  so-long-accepted  narratives  in 
which  he  records  his  own  achievements  and  judges  so  harshly  the  motives 

1  Sainsbury's  Calendar  of  State  Papers  (i  574-1 660),  p.  8. 


^^ 


VIRGINIA.  135 

and  conduct  of  all  others  of  his  companions ;  and  the  glamour  of  romance 
with  which  he  invested  his  own  exploits  has  been  somewhat  dissipated. 
But  whatever  may  have  been  the  fervor  of  his  imagination  as  a  historian, 
it  was  more  than  equalled  by  his  fertility  of  resource  in  vital  emergencies, 
and  there  is  ample  evidence  that  his  services  in  the  preservation  of  the 
infant  colony  were  momentous.  After  his  return  to  England  but  little  is 
recorded  of  him  until  the  year  1614,  during  which  he  made  a  successful 
voyage  to  New  England,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Plymouth  Company, 
which  gained  for  him  the  title  of  Admiral  of  New  England.^  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  defects  of  Smith,  the  greatness  of  his  deeds  has  im- 
pressed him  enduringly  on  the  pages  of  history  as  one  of  the  most  prom- 
inent figures  of  his  period.  At  the  time  of  his  departure  for  England  he 
left  at  Jamestown  three  ships,  seven  boats,  a  good  stock  of  provisions, 
nearly  five  hundred  settlers,  twenty  pieces  of  cannon,  three  hundred  guns, 
with  fishing-nets,  working-tools,  horses,  cattle,  swine,  etc. 

*Jamestown  was  strongly  fortified  with  palisades,  and  contained  between 
fifty  and  sixty  houses.  The  favorable  prospects  of  the  colony  were  soon 
threatened  by  the  renewal  of  Indian  hostilities.  Provisions  becoming  scarce. 
West  and  Ratclifife  embarked  in  small  vessels  to  procure  corn.  The  latter, 
deceived  by  the  treachery  of  Powhatan,  was  slain  with  thirty  of  his  com- 
panions, two  only  escaping,  —  one  of  whom,  Henry  Spelman,  a  young 
gentleman  well  descended,  was  rescued  by  Pocahontas,  and  lived  for  many 
years  among  the  Patowomekes.  He  acquired  their  language,  and  was 
afterwards  highly  serviceable  to  his  countrymen  as  an  interpreter.  He  was 
slain  by  the  savages  in  1622.  "No  effort  by  tillage  being  made  to  replenish 
their  provisions,  the  stock  was  soon  consumed,  and  the  horrors  of  famine 
were  added  to  other  calamities.  The  intense  sufferings  of  the  colonists 
were  long  remembered,  and  this  period  is  referred  to  as  "the  starving  time." 
In  six  months  their  number  was  reduced  to  sixty,  and  such  was  the  ex- 
tremity of  these  that  they  must  soon  have  perished  but  for  speedy  succor.* 
The  passengers  of  the  wrecked  "Sea  Venture,"  though  mourned  for  as  lost, 
had  effected  a  safe  landing  at  the  Bermudas,  where,  favored  by  the  tropical 
productions  of  the  islands,  they,  under  the  direction  of  Gates  and  Somers, 
constructed  for  their  deliverance  two  vessels  from  the  materials  of  the 
wreck  and  cedar-wood,  the  largest  of  the  vessels  being  of  eighty  tons  bur- 
den. The  Sabbath  was  duly  observed  by  them  under  the  faithful  ministry 
of  Mr.  Bucke.  Among  the  passengers  was  John  Rolfe  and  wife,^  to  whom 
a  male  child  was  born  on  the  island,  who  was  christened  Bermuda;  a 
girl  also  born  there  was  named  Bermudas.  Six  of  the  company,  includ- 
ing the  wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  died  on  the  island.  The  company 
of  one   hundred   and  forty  men   and  women  embarked  on  the  completed 

^  [See  chapter  vi. — 5^D.]  as]    he    had    by   Pocahontas,"   for   whose   ben- 

2  This  was   the   first  wife  of   Rolfe,  whom  efit  his  l^rother,  Henry  Rolfe,  in  England,  pe- 

history    records    in    1614   as    the    husband    of  titioned    the    Company,    Oct.    7,    1622,    for    a 

Pocahontas.      He    died    in    1622,    leaving    "a  settlement   of    the    estate    of    the    deceased   in 

wife    and   children,   besides    the    child    [Thorn-  Virginia, 


136  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

vessels  —  which  were  appropriately  named  the  '^  Patience  "  and  the  ''  De- 
*  liverance" — on  the  loth  of  May,  1610,  and  on  the  23d  they  landed  at 
Jamestown,  Here  the  church  bell  was  immediately  rung,  and  such  of 
the  famished  colonists  as  were  physically  able  repaired  to  the  sanctuary, 
where  "  a  zealous  and  sorrowful  prayer  "  was  offered  by  Mr.  Bucke.  *  The 
new  commission  being  read,  Percy,  the  acting  president,  surrendered  the 
former  charter  and  his  credentials  of  office,  •  The  fort  was  in  a  dismantled 
condition,  and  most  of  the  habitations  had  been  consumed  for  fire-wood. 
So  forlorn  was  the  condition  of  the  settlement  that  Gates  reluctantly  re- 
solved to  abandon  it  and  to  return  to  England  by  way  of  Newfoundland, 
where  he  expected  to  receive  succor  from  trading-vessels.  Some  of  the 
colonists  were  with  difficulty  restrained  from  setting  fire  to  the  town.  Gates, 
with  a  guard  to  prevent  it,  remaining  on  shore  until  all  others  had  em- 
barked. A  farewell  volley  was  fired ;  but  the  leave-taking  of  a  spot  asso- 
ciated with  so  much  suffering  was  tearless. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  repeated  ill  tidings  brought  by  returning  ships 
to  England,  and  the  supposed  loss  of  the  *'  Sea  Venture  "  had  so  dismayed 
the  members  of  the  Company  in  London  that  many  of  them  withdrew 
their  subscriptions.  Lord  Delaware  —  who  is  characterized  in  the ''Dec- 
laration" of  the  Council,  in  1610,  as  '*  one  of  approved  courage,  temper, 
and  experience  "  —  determined  to  go  in  person  as  Governor  and  Captain- 
General  of  Virginia  (the  first  of  such  title  and  authority),  and,  disregard- 
ing the  comforts  of  home  and  noble  station,  "  did  bare  a  grate  part  upon 
his  owne  charge."  By  his  example,  constancy,  and  resolution,  '*  that 
which  was  almost  Hfeless  "  was  revived  in  the  Company.  On  Feb.  21, 
1609-10,  William  Crashaw,  a  preacher  at  the  Temple  (the  father  of  the 
poet  eulogized  by  Cowley),  in  view  of  the  departure  of  Lord  Delaware, 
delivered  before  the  Council  and  Adventurers  in  London  a  stirring  ser- 
mon, which  was  the  first  preached  in  England  to  any  embarking  for  Vir- 
ginia in  a  missionary  cause.^  Distinct  and  unequivocal  testimony  is  given 
by  the  Company,  in  the  "  Declaration  "  already  cited,  as  to  the  reputation 
of  settlers  for  the  colony,  none  being  desired  but  those  of  blameless 
character.  Five  weeks  later  Lord  Delaware  sailed  with  three  vessels  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  settlers,  and  arrived  in  Virginia  providentially  to 
intercept,  off  Mulberry  Island,  Gates  and  his  disheartened  companions  as 
they  were  descending  the  river,  who  returned  at  once  to  Jamestown. 
The  fleet,  following,  arrived  there  on  Sunday,  the  lOth  of  June.  The 
first  act  of*  Lord  Delaware  upon  landing  was  to  fall  devoutly  upon  his 
knees  and  offer  up  a  prayer,  after  which  he  repaired  with  the  company 
to  the  church,  to  listen  to  a  sermon  by  Mr.  Bucke.  •  Two  days  later  a 
council  was  organized,  consisting  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  lieutenant-general, 
Sir  Thomas  Somers,  admiral.  Sir  Ferdinando  Wenman,  master  of  ordnance 
(who   soon  died),  Captain  Newport,  vice-admiral.  Captain  George  Percy 

1  The  text  was,  Daniel  xii.  3:  *'  They  that  turn  many  to  righteousness  shall  shine  as  the  stars 
for  ever  and  ever."     The  sermon  was  published  by  William  Welby,  London,  1610. 


VIRGINIA.  137 

* 

and  William  Strachey,  secretary  and  recorder.  Captain  John  Martin  was 
made  master  of  the  steel  and  iron  works.  The  restoration  of  the  settle- 
ment was  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and  the  church,  a  building  sixty  feet  in 
length  by  twenty-four  in  breadth,  was  repaired,  and  services  were  held 
regularly  twice  on  Sunday,  and  again  on  Thursday.  Two  forts  were  also 
built  on  Southampton  River,  and  called  after  the  King's  sons,  Henry  and 
Charles,  respectively. 

The  administration  of  Delaware,  though  ludicrously  ostentatious  for  so 
insignificant  a  dominion,  was  yet  highly  wholesome,  and  under  his  judicious 
discipline  the  settlement  was  restored  to  order  and  contentment.  On  the 
19th  of  June  Sir  George  Somers,  in  his  cedar  pinnace,  accompanied  by 
Argall  in  another  vessel,  re-embarked  to  seek  for  provisions.  The  vessels 
separating,  Argall  on  the  27th  of  August  '*  came  to  anchor  in  nine  fathoms, 
in  a  very  great  bay,"  called  by  him  Delaware,^  and  on  the  ninth  of  the 
month  reached  Cape  Charles.  Somers,  soon  after  parting  from  Argall, 
reached  the  Bermudas,  where,  dying  from  the  effects  of  the  hardships  he 
had  undergone,  his  body  was  embalmed  and  conveyed  to  England  by  his 
nephew.  Captain  Matthew  Somers.  About  Christmas,  Captain  Argall  sailed 
in  the  ''  Discovery  "  up  the  Potomac  for  supplies  of  corn,  and  rescued 
the  captive  English  boy  Henry  Spelman  from  Jopassus,  the  brother  of 
Powhatan.  In  the  month  of  February  following,  Argall,  aided  by  a  small 
land  force  under  Captain  Edward  Brewster,  attacked  the  chief  of  the  War- 
raskoyacks  for  a  breach  of  contract  and  burned  two  of  his  towns.  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  being  despatched  to  England  to  report  to  the  Company  the 
condition  of  the  colony,  succeeded  by  strenuous  appeals  in  inducing  it  to 
send  a  fresh  supply  of  settlers  and  provisions.  During  his  absence,  the 
health  of  Lord  Delaware  failing,  on  the  28th  of  March,  161 1,  accompanied 
by  Dr.  Bohune  and  Captain  Argall,  he  sailed  for  England  by  way  of  the 
Isle  of  Mevis,  leaving  Percy  in  authority.  On  the  17th  of  March  Sir 
Thomas  Dale,  with  the  appointment  of  "  high  marshall,"  had  sailed  with 
three  vessels  for  the  colony,  with  settlers  (among  whom  was  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Whitaker)  and  cattle.  He  reached  Point  Comfort  May  the  12th, 
and  spent  several  days  in  provisioning  and  disciplining  that  station  and 
the  forts  Henry  and  Charles  on  the  Southampton  River,  and  in  planting 
corn.  ^^„ 

Sir  Thomas  landed  at  Jamestown  on  Sunday  the  19th,  where,  first  repair- 
ing to  the  church,  he  listened  to  a  sermon  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Poole,  after 
which,  his  commission  being  read  by  Secretary  Strachey,  Percy  surrendered 
the  government  to  him.  Under  an  extraordinary  code  of  '*  Lawes,  Divine, 
Morall,  and  Martiall,"  compiled  by  William  Strachey  for  Sir  Thomas  Smith, 
and  based  upon  those  observed  in  the  wars  in  the  Low  Countries,  Dale 
inaugurated  vigorous  measures  for  the  government  and  advancement  of 
the  colony.     The  church  was  repaired,  and  store,  powder,  and  block  houses 

1  Strachey,  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  Publications,  vi.  39. 
VOL.   III.  —  18. 


138  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

severally  were  built,  while  pales  and  posts  were* prepared  for  a  new  settle- 
ment. The  site  selected  for  the  last  was  a  peninsula  in  Varina  Neck  on 
James  River,  known  as  Farrar's  Island,"  which  is  formed  by  an  extraor- 
dinary curve  resembling  that  of  a  horseshoe,  where  the  river,  after  a  sweep 
of  seven  miles,  returns  to  a  point  within  a  hundred  and  twenty  yards  from 
that  of  its  deviation.  The  name  of  the  bend,  Dutch  Gap,^  by  the  events 
of  the  late  civil  war  attained  a  historic  notoriety.  The  building  of  the  new 
town  was  delayed  by  insubordination  among  the  colonists,  which  however, 
under  the  rigors  of  the  martial  code  in  force,  was  promptly  quelled,  eight 
of  the  ringleaders  being  executed.  The  pernicious  system  of  a  commu- 
nity of  property  was  now  to  some  extent  remedied  by  Dale,  in  the  allot- 
ment to  each  settler  of  three  acres  of  land  to  be  worked  for  his  individual 
benefit.  **  Comon  gardens  for  hemp  and  flaxe,  and  such  other  seedes," 
were  also  laid  out.^ 

*  In  June,  161 1,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  accompanied  by  his  wife  (who  died 
on  the  passage)  and  daughters  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Glover  (who  lived  but  a 
short  time  after  his  arrival  in  the  colony),  followed  Dale  with  six  ships, 
three  hundred  settlers,  and  one  hundred  cows,  besides  other  cattle  and  an 
abundant  supply  of  provisions.  He  arrived  at  Jamestown  early  in  August, 
and  thus  increased  the  number  of  the  colonists  to  seven  hundred  persons. 
Gates  established  himself  at  Hampton,  deputed  the  command  of  Jamestown 
to  Percy,  and  sent  Dale,  early  in  September,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  to  found  the  projected  town  of  Henrico,  at  which,  among  the  '*  three 
streets  "  of  buildings  erected,  was  a  handsome  church.  The  foundation  of 
another,  to  be  of  brick,  was  laid.^  In  December,  the  Appomattox  Indians 
having  committed  some  depredations,  Dale  captured  their  town  on  the  south 
side  of  the  James,  near  the  mouth  of  Appomattox  River  (and  about  five 
miles  distant  from  Henrico),  and  upon  its  site  established  a  third  town, 
which  he  called  Bermuda.*  Here  the  pious  apostle  Alexander  VVhitaker 
fixed  his  residence,  serving  as  the  minister  both  of  Bermuda  and  Henrico.^ 
Several  plantations  were  laid  out  near  Bermuda,  —  Upper  and  Lower  Roch- 
dale, West  Shirley,  and  Digges'  Hundred.  In  conformity  with  the  code  of 
martial  law,  each  hundred  was  subjected  to  the  control  of  a  captain.  In 
December,  also,  Newport  arrived  at  London  from  Jamestown,  in  the  ship 
"  Star,"  with  a  cargo  of  "  forty  fine  and  large  pines  for  masts,"  and  with  the 
daughters  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates  as  passengers.     Newport's  name  does  not 

1  The  tradition  is  that  Dutch  Gap  derived  leian  Library,  Oxford,  England,  communicated 
its  name  from  the  German  artisans  brought  over  by  G.  D.  Scull,  Esq.,  and  published  by  the 
by  Newport  in  1608, and  that  the  "glass  house"  present  writer  in  the  Richmond  Standard,  Jan. 
was  located  here.     A  navigable  canal  across  its  28,  1882. 

narrowest   breadth,   the   digging   of  which,   for  ^  Fragments  of  brick,  memorials  of  this  town, 
military  advantages,  was  begun  by  the  Federal  are  still  numerously  scattered  over  its  site. 
Genera],  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  has  since  (in  1873)  *  In  a  letter  of  Governor  Argall  to  the  Gom- 
been completed.  pany  in  161 7,  the  Rev.  Alexander  Whitaker  is 

2  Letter  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  dated  "James  said  to  have  been  recently  drowned  in  crossing 
Towne,  the  25th  of  May,  161  r,"  preserved  in  James  River,  and  another  minister  is  desired  to 
the  Ashmole  Collection  of  MSS.  in    the   Bod-  be  sent  to  the  colony  in  his  stead. 


VIRGINIA.  139 

again  appear  in  connection  with  Virginia/  The  reinforcements  for  the 
colony  for  some  months  were  insignificant,  the  only  ships  sent  over  being 
the  "John  and  Francis  "  and  the  "  Sarah,"  with  few  settlers  and  less  provi- 
sions, and  the  *'  Treasurer  "  with  fifty  persons,  under  the  bold  and  unscru- 
pulous Captain  Samuel  Argall,  who,  sailing  from  England  in  July,  161 2, 
arrived  at  Point  Comfort,  September  17.^  'This  year  was  a  marked  one 
in  the  inauguration  by  John  Rolfe  of  the  systematic  culture  of  tobacco, — 
a  staple  destined  to  exert  a  controlling  influence  in  the  future  welfare 
and  progress  of  the  colony,  and  soon,  by  the  paramount  profit  yielded  by 
its  culture,  to  subordinate  all  other  interests,  agricultural  as  well  as  manu- 
facturing. This  influence  permeated  the  entire  social  fabric  of  the  colony, 
directed  its  laws,  was  an  element  in  all  its  political  and  religious  disturb- 
ances, and  became  the  direct  instigation  of  its  curse  of  African  slavery.*  It 
may  be  added,  however,  as  an  indisputable  fact,  that  the  culture  of  tobacco 
constituted  the  basis  of  the  present  unrivalled  prosperity  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  this  staple  is  still  one  of  the  most  prolific  factors  in  the 
revenue  of  the  General  Government. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  161 3,  the  colonists  needing  food,  Argall  determined 
on  a  bold  stroke,  and  with  the  bribe  of  a  copper  kettle  induced  Jopassus, 
the  king  of  Potomac,  in  whose  domain  Pocahontas  was  sojourning,  to  betray 
her  into  his  hands.  Having  sent  a  messenger  to  Powhatan,  demanding  as 
a  ransom  the  restoration  of  all  English  captives  held  by  him,  and  of  all  arms 
and  tools  stolen  from  the  settlement,  Argall  returned  with  his  captive  to 
Jamestown.  There  was  a  protracted  struggle  in  the  breast  of  the  savage 
chieftain  between  avarice  and  parental  afl'ection. 

Some  months  later  Dale,  with  a  command  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
sailed  up  York  River  to  VVerowocomico,  the  seat  of  Powhatan,  carrying 
Pocahontas  with  him.  Meeting  with  defiance,  he  landed  and  destroyed  the 
settlement,  and  then  returned  to  Jamestown.  The  ship  '*  Elizabeth  "  arriv- 
ing in  March  with  thirteen  settlers.  Sir  Thomas  Gates  departed  in  her  for 
England  finally,  leaving  the  government  to  Dale.  An  event  most  aus- 
picuous  for  the  future  welfare  of  the  colony  soon  occurred.  A  mutual 
attachment  springing  up  between  John  Rolfe  and  Pocahontas,  with  the 
consent  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale  they  were  united  in  marriage  by  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Whitaker,  about  the  5th  of  April,  1614.  This  was  a  politic  ex- 
ample, which  Dale  himself  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  follow,  although  he 
had  then  a  wife  in  England.  Sending  Ralph  Hamor  (who  had  been  secre- 
tary of  the  Council  under  Lord  Delaware)  to  Powhatan,  with  a  request  for 
the  younger  sister  of  Pocahontas,  a  girl  scarce  twelve  years  of  age,  his  over- 
tures were  disdainfully  rejected.  'The  results  of  the  union  of  Rolfe  and 
Pocahontas  were  the  goodwill  of  Powhatan  during  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
and  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  formidable  Chickahominy  tribe,  by  which 

1  Newport  was  after  this  appointed  one  of     Robert  Shirley  to  Persia.    Chamberlain,  in  Court 
the  six  Masters  of  the  Royal  Navy,  and  was  en-     and  Times  of  James  I.,  \.  154. 
gaged  by  the  East  India  Company  to  escort  Sir  2  Neill's  Virginia  Company,  p.  75. 


140 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


the  natives  agreed  ever  to  be  called  Englishmen,  and  to  be  true  subjects 
to  the  British  crown.*  With  the  immunity  of  peace,  and  under  the  whole- 
some discipline  of  Dale,  industry  was  stimulated,  property  accumulated, 
and  famine  was  no  longer  feared.  Prosperity  being  now  seemingly  assured 
to  the  colony,  the  martial  spirit  of  Dale  sought  other  modes  of  manifest- 
ing itself  As  early  as  1605  the  French  had  sent  settlers  to  Acadia,  and 
planted  a  colony  at  Port  Royal,  which  had  now  attained  some  prominence. 
This  being  deemed  by  Dale  an  invasion  of  the  territory  of  Virginia,  which 
by  charter  extended  to  the  forty-fifth  degree  of  latitude,  he  sent  Argall  to 
dislodge  the  settlers,  which  was  summarily  accomplished.^  Stimulated  to 
new  conquests,  Argall  on  his  return  visited  the  Dutch  settlement  near  the 
site  of  Albany,  on  the  Hudson,  and  compelled  its  governor  to  capitulate.^ 


SEAL    OF    THE   VIRGINIA    COMPANY.^ 


It  was  however  soon  after  reclaimed  by  the  Dutch.  Argall  now  sailed  for 
England,  where  he  and  Gates  both  arrived  in  June,  1614.  'In  March,  1612, 
a  third  charter  had  been  granted  to  the  Virginia  Company,  extending  the 
boundaries  of  the  colony  so  as  to  include  all  islands  lying  within  three  hun- 
dred leagues  of  the  continent,  —  one  object  of  which  was  to  embrace  the 
Bermuda  or  Summer  Islands,  of  the  fertility  of  which  extravagant  accounts 
had  been  given ;  but  these  last  were  soon  after  sold  by  the  Company  to  one 
hundred  and  twenty  of  its  members,  who  became  a  distinct  corporation.* 


1  [SeeVol.  IV.  — Ed] 

2  [This  statement  is  disputed  by  some.  —  Ed.] 
8  This  is  a  fac-simile  of  the  engraving  used 

in  the  publications  of  the  Company.  Cf.  Cal- 
endar of  Virginia  State  Papers,  i.  p.  xxxix ;  Neill's 
Virginia  Company,  p.  1 56.  An  example  of  this 
seal  with  the  same  dimensions  and  devices,  but 
with  the    differing    legend    on   the   reverse   of 


"CoLONTA  Virgins  —  Consilio  Prima,"  is  in 
the  collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 
It  is  of  red  wax  between  the  leaves  of  a  foolscap 
sheet  of  paper,  and  is  affixed  to  a  patent  for  land 
issued  by  Sir  John  Harvey,  governor,  dated 
March  4,  1638. 

4  See  Hening's  Statutes^  i.  98;  Stith,  126,  and 
Appendix  no.  3. 


VIRGINIA.  .141 

The  privilege  of  holding  lotteries  for  the  benefit  of  the  Company  was  also 
secured.*^  Gates  reporting  that  the  colony  in  Virginia  would  perish  unless 
better  provided,  the  Company  held  for  its  relief  a  grand  lottery,  by  which 
the  sum  of  ^29,000  was  secured.  'The  year  161 5  is  remarkable  in  the 
history  of  Virginia  for  the  first  establishment  of  a  fixed  property  in  the 
soil,  in  the  granting  by  the  Company  of  fifty  acres  to  every  freeman  in 
absolute  right* 

Good  order  being  established,  and  the  colony  prosperous,  in  April,  16 16, 
Sir  Thomas  Dale,  leaving  the  government  to  Captain  George  Yeardley  as  his 
deputy,  accompanied  by  Rolfe,  Pocahontas,  and  several  Indians  of  both 
sexes,  sailed  for  England,  where  he  arrived  on  the  12th  of  June.  The  set- 
tlements in  Virginia  at  this  time  were  Henrico,  the  seat  of  the  college  for 
the  education  of  the  natives  (of  whom  children  of  both  sexes  were  already 
being  taught),  and  of  which  the  Rev.  William  Wickham  was  the  minister, — 
its  limits  being  Bermuda,  Nether  Hundred,  or  Presquile,  the  residence  of 
the  Deputy-Governor  Yeardley  and  of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Whitaker ;  West 
and  Shirley  Hundred,  Captain  Isaac  Madison,  commander;  Jamestown, 
Captain  Francis  West,  Mr.  Mease,  minister;  Kiquotan;  and  Dale's  Gift,  on 
the  sea-coast  near  Cape  Charles,  Lieutenant  Cradock,  commander.  The 
total  population  of  the  colony  was  three  hundred  and  fifty-one. 

Pocahontas  was  the  object  of  much  kindly  attention  in  London,  where 
she  was  presented  at  court  by  Lady  Delaware,  attended  by  Lord  Delaware, 
her  husband,  and  other  persons  of  quality.  In  March,  161 7,  John  Rolfe  pre- 
pared to  return  to  Virginia  with  Pocahontas  and  their  infant  child  Thomas, ^ 
but  on  the  eve  of  embarkation  Pocahontas  was  stricken  with  the  small-pox, 
of  which  she  died  on  the  21st  instant,  aged  twenty-two  years,  and  was  buried 
at  Gravesend,  in  the  county  of  Kent.^  'Tobacco  proving  the  most  salable 
commodity  of  the  colony,  in  16 16  Yeardley  directed  general  attention  to  its 
culture,  the  profit  of  which  speedily  became  so  alluring  that  all  other  occu- 
pations were  forsaken  for  it. 

'  Through  the  influence  of  the  court  faction  of  the  Company,  in  161 7, 
Captain  Samuel  Argall  was  elected  Deputy-Governor  of  Virginia.  He  arrived 
in  the  colony  on  the  15th  of  May,  with  one  hundred  settlers,  accompanied  by 
Ralph  Hamor  as  Vice-Admiral,  and  John  Rolfe  as  "  Secretary  and  Re- 
corder-General."    They   found   ''  the    market-place,   streets,   and   all   other 

1  It  has  been  assumed  in  America  that  the  -  The  parish  register  of  Gravesend  contains 

descendants   in   Virginia    of    Pocahontas ,  were  this  entry,  which  has  been  assumed  as  that  of  the 

limited  to   those   springing   from   the   marriage  burial   of   Pocahontas:    "  1616,    March    21,    Re- 

of  Robert  Boiling  with  Jane,   the   daughter   of  becca  Wrothe,  wyffe  of  Thomas  Wrothe,  Gent. 

Thomas  Rolfe ;  but  it  appears  that  the  last  left  A  Virginia  Lady  borne,  was  buried  in  the  Chan- 

a  son,  Anthony,   in  England,  whose  daughter,  cell."    Its  relevancy  has  recently  been  questioned 

Hannah,  married  Sir  Thomas  Leigh,  of  County  by  the  Rev.  Patrick  G.  Robert,  of  St.  Louis,  in 

Kent,  and  that    their   descendants  of    that  and  the  Richmond  Daily  Despatch  of  Sept.  10,  1881, 

of   the  additional  highly  respectable    names  of  and  by  Mr.  J.  M.  Sinyanki,  of  London,  in  the 

Bennet  and  Spencer  are  quite  numerous.     See  Richmond  Standard  of  Nov.  12,  1881,  both  of 

Deduction  in  the  Richmond  Standard,  Jan.  21,  whom  claim  upon  tradition  that  the  interment 

1882.  was  in  a  corner  of  the  churchyard. 


142 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


spare  places"  in  Jamestown  planted  with  tobacco.^*  In  a  few  days  there- 
after Captain  Martin  also  arrived  in  a  pinnace,  after  a  passage  of  five  weeks. 
The  whole  number  of  the  colonists  was  now  about  four  hundred.  To 
reinforce  the  languishing  colony,  the  Company,  in  April,  1618,  sent  thither 
Lord  Delaware,  the  Governor-General,  in  the  ship  ''Neptune,"  with  two 
hundred  men,  and  supplies.  After  his  departure  the  ship  "George"  ar- 
rived from  Virginia  with  such  complaints  of  the  malfeasance  of  Argall,  who 
under  martial  law  had  loaded  the  colonists  with  oppressive  exactions  and 
robbed  them  of  their  property,  that  letters  were  despatched  to  Lord  Dela- 
ware to  seize  upon  all  goods  and 
property  in  Argall's  possession. 
Lord  Delaware  dying  on  the  pas- 
sage, these  letters  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Argall,  who,  to  make 
the  most  of  his  remaining  time, 
grew  yet  more  tyrannical.  For 
seizing  one  of  the  servants  of 
the  estate  of  Lord  Delaware,  on 
the  complaint  of  Edward  Brew- 
ster, the  son  of  its  manager,  Ar- 
gall was  arrested,  and  on  the 
15th  of  October,  1618,  tried  and 
sentenced  to  death  ;  but  the  pen- 
alty was  commuted  to  perpetual 
banishment.  He  secretly  stole 
away  from  the  colony  April  the 
9th,  1 6 19,  leaving  Captain  Na- 
thaniel Powell  in  authority.  Up- 
on the  intelligence  of  the  death 
of  Lord  Delaware,  Captain 
George  Yeardley,  who  was 
knighted  on  the  occasion,  was  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him.  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  also  displaced  Sir  Thomas 
Smith  as  treasurer  of  the  Company. 

Yeardley  arrived  in  the  colony  April  the  19th  with  a  new  authority  under 
the  charter,  by  which  the  authority  of  the  governor  was  limited  by  a  council 
and  an  annual  general  assembly,  to  be  composed  of  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil, and  two  burgesses  from  each  plantation,  to  be  freely  elected  by  the  in- 


LORD    DELAWARE.'^ 


1  Stith,  p.  146. 

2  His  portrait  is  preserved  at  Bourne,  the 
seat  of  his  descendant  the  present  Earl  de 
la  Warr,  in  Cambridgeshire,  England.  There 
is  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Library  of  the  State  of 
Virginia  at  Richmond,  which  was  made  by 
William  I>.  Sheppard,  an  artist  of  that  city 
in  July,   1877.     He  is   represented   as   a  stout, 


ruddy-visaged  Saxon,  with  a  most  benevolent 
expression  of  countenance.  King  James  granted 
a  pension  to  the  widow  of  Lord  Delaware,  who 
was  alive  in  1644,  and  is  called  Dame  Cecily 
Dowager  de  la  Warre  in  the  sixth  Report  of  the 
Historical  Commission  to  Parliament,  in  a  paper 
in  which  the  continuance  of  her  pension  is  asked 
for. 


VIRGINIA.  143 

habitants  thereof.  John  Rolfe,  who  was  succeeded  in  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Colony  by  John  Pory,  a  graduate  of  Cambridge,  a  great  traveller  and 
a  writer,  was,  with  Captain  Francis  West,  Captain  Nathaniel  Powell,  William 
Wickham,  and  Samuel  Macock,  added  to  the  Council.  •  On  Friday,  July  30, 
1619,  in  accordance  with  the  summons  of  Governor  Yeardley  in  June,  the 
first  representative  legislative  assembly  ever  held  in  America  was  convened 
in  the  chancel  of  the  church  at  James  City  or  Jamestown,  and  was  composed 
of  twenty-two  burgesses  from  the  eleven  several  towns,  plantations,  and 
hundreds,  styled  boroughs.  The  proceedings  were  opened  with  prayer 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bucke,  and  each  burgess  took  the  oath  of  supremacy.* 
John  Pory  was  elected  speaker,  and  sat  in  front  of  Governor  Yeardley, 
and  next  was  John  Twine,  the  clerk,  and  at  the  bar  stood  Thomas  Piersc, 
sergeant-at-arms.  The  delegates  from  Captain  John  Martin's  plantation 
were  excluded,  because  by  his  patent,  granted  according  to  the  unequal 
privilege  of  the  manors  of  England,  he  was  released  from  obeying  any 
order  of  the  colony  except  in  time  of  war;  and  the  Company  was 
prayed  that  the  clause  in  the  charter  guaranteeing  equal  immunities 
and  liberties  might  not  be  violated,  so  as  to  "  divert  out  of  the  true 
course  the  free  and  public  current  of  justice."  The  education  and  re- 
ligious instruction  of  the  children  of  the  natives  was  enjoined  upon  each 
settlement.  *  Among  the  enactments,  tobacco  was  authorized  as  a  currency, 
and  the  treasurer  of  the  colony  (Abraham  Percy)  was  directed  to  receive  it 
at  the  valuation  of  three  shillings  per  pound  for  the  best,  and  eighteen- 
pence  for  the  second  quality.  The  government  of  ministers  was  prescribed 
according  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  a  tax  of  tobacco  laid  for  their 
support.  It  was  also  enacted  that  "  all  persons  whatsoever  upon  the  Sab- 
bath days  shall  frequent  divine  service  and  sermons,  both  forenoon  and 
afternoon."  To  compensate  the  officers  of  the  Assembly,  a  tax  of  a  pound 
of  tobacco  was  laid  upon  every  male  above  sixteen  years  of  age. 

^The  introduction  of  negro  slavery  into  the  colony  is  thus  noted  by  John 
Rolfe  :  "About  the  last  of  August  [1619]  came  in  a  Dutch  man  of  warre, 
that  sold  us  twenty  Negars."  ^  During  this  year  there  were  sent  to  the  colony 
more  than  twelve  hundred  settlers,  and  one  hundred  "  disorderly  persons  " 
or  convicts,  by  order  of  the  King,  to  be  employed  as  servants.  Boys  and 
girls  picked  up  in  the  streets  of  London  were  also  sent,  and  were  bound 
as  apprentices^  to  the  planters  until  the  age  of  majority.  In  June  twenty 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco,  the  crop  of  the  preceding  year,  was  shipped  to 
England.'  In  November  the  London  Company  adopted  a  coat-of-arms,  and 
ordered  a  seal  to  be  engraved.^     The  Company  appears  ever  to  have  held 

1  Smith,  Genera// /i/isfof'ie,  ed.  162J,  p.  126.  were   an   escutcheon   quartered   with  the   arms 

2  One  of  these  indentures  from  the  origi-  of  England  and  France,  Scotland  and  Ireland, 
nal,  dated  July  i,  1628,  was  published  by  the  crested  by  a  maiden  queen  with  flowing  hair 
writer  in  the  Richmond  Standard  of  Nov.  16,  and  an  eastern  crown.  Supporters  :  Two  men 
1878.  in  armor  having  open  helmets  ornamented  with 

8  The  engraver  was  William  Hole,  engraver  three  ostrich  feathers,  each  holding  a  lance. 
of  Smith's  map  of  Virginia.     The  arms  adopted     Motto:   En  dat  Virginia  qiiintnm, —  a  compli- 


144  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 

in  due  regard  the  importance  of  education  as  intimately  connected  with 
the  preservation  and  dissemination  of  Christianity  in  the  colony.  Under  an 
order  from  the  King,  nearly  ;^i,500  were  collected  by  the  bishops  of  the 
realm  to  build  the  college  at  Henrico,  and  fifteen  thousand  acres  of  land 
were  appropriated  for  its  support.^  To  cultivate  it  during  the  years  1619 
and  1620  one  hundred  laborers  were  sent  over  under  the  charge  of  Mr. 
George  Thorpe  (a  kinsman  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale)  and  Captain  Thomas 
Newce  as  agents.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Company  held  June  28,  1620, 
the  Earl  of  Southampton  was  elected  to  succeed  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  as 
treasurer. 

The  population  of  the  colony  in  July  was  estimated  at  four  thousand, 
and  during  the  year  forty  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  were  shipped  to 
England.  The  freedom  of  trade  which  the  Company  had  enjoyed  for  a 
brief  interval  with  the  Low  Countries,  where  they  sold  their  tobacco,  was  in 
October,  1621,  prohibited  in  Council,  and  thenceforward  England  claimed 
a  monopoly  of  the  trade  of  her  plantations.  The  planters  at  length  were 
absolved  from  service  to  the  Company,  and  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  prop- 
erty in  the  soil  and  of  domestic  felicity.  In  the  autumn  of  162 1  the 
practice  was  begun  by  the  Company  of  shipping  to  the  colony  young 
women  of  respectability  as  wives  for  the  colonists,  who  were  chargeable 
with  the  cost  of  transportation.  This  charge  was  at  first  one  hundred  and 
twenty,  afterwards  one  hundred  and  fifty,  pounds  of  tobacco.  A  wind- 
mill, the  first  in  America,  was  about  this  time  erected  by  Sir  George  Yeard- 
ley,  and  iron-works  (the  primal  inauguration  of  this  essential  manufacture 
in  this  country)  were  established  at  Falling  Creek  on  James  River,  under 
the  management  of  Mr.  John  Berkeley.^ 

Upon  the  request  of  Sir  George  Yeardley  to  be  relieved  of  the  cares  of 
office.  Sir  Francis  Wyatt  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  upon  the  expiration 
of  his  term  of  government  on  the  i8th  of  November,  1621.  Sir  Francis, 
with  a  fleet  of  nine  sail,  arrived  in  October,  accompanied  by  his  brother, 
the  Rev.  Haut  Wyatt,  Dr  John  Pott  as  physician,  William  Claiborne  (des- 
tined  to  later  prominence  in  the  colony)   as    surveyor  of  the  Company's 

mentary   acknowledgment   of    Virginia    as    the  vants    and    an   overseer,   were   allotted   by   the 

fifth  kingdom.     After  the  union  of  England  and  Company. 

Scotland  in  1707,  the  motto,  to  correspond  with  The  advantage  of  private  education,  in  the 

the  altered   number  of  kingdoms,  was  En  dat  families  at  least  of  the  more  provident  of  the 

Virginia  qnartam,  the  adjective  agreeing  with  planters,  was   increasingly   secured  by  the  em- 

coronain   understood,   and   it   appeared    on   the  ployment  as  tutors  of  poor  young  men  of  educa- 

titlepage  of   all  legislative  publications   of   the  tion,  who  came  over  from  time  to  time,  and  by 

colony   until    the    Revolution.     Neill's   London  indenture  served  long  enough  to  pay  the  cost  of 

Company,  \)Tp.  155-56.  their  transportation.     Later  in  the  seventeenth 

1  This  was  not  the  only  material  effort  made,  century,  all  whose  means  enabled  them  to  do 

In  1621,  under  the  zealous  efforts  of  the  Rev.  so  educated  their  sons  in  England,  —  a  custom 

Patrick  Copland  (the  chaplain  of  an  East  India  which   largely   continued   during    the  following 

ship),  funds  were  collected  for  the  establishment  century,  though  William  and  Mary  College  had 

of  a  free  school  in  Charles  City  County,  to  be  been  established  in  1692. 

called  the  East  India  School.      For  its  mainten-  2  a  gentleman  of  the   honorable   family  of 

ance  one  thousand  acres  of  land,  with  five  ser-  Beverstone  Castle,  County  Gloucester. 


VIRGINIA.  145 

lands,  and  George  Sandys  ^  as  treasurer,  who  during  his  stay  translated  the 
Metamorphoses  of  Ovid  and  the  First  Book  of  Virgil's  ^neid.  This  first 
Anglo-American  poetical  production  was  published  in  1626.  Sir  Francis 
Wyatt  brought  with  him  a  new  constitution  for  the  colony,  granted 
July  24,  by  which  all  former  immunities  and  franchises  were  confirmed, 
trial  by  jury  was  secured,  :i.nd  the  Assembly  was  to  meet  annually  upon 
the  call  of  the  Governor,  who  was  vested  with  the  right  of  veto.  No  act  of 
this  body  was  to  be  valid  unless  ratified  by  the  Company;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  no  order  of  the  Company  was  to  be  obligatory  without  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Assembly.  This  famous  ordinance  furnished  the  model  of 
every  subsequent  provincial  form  of  government  in  the  Anglo-American 
colonies.^  In  November  Daniel  Gookin  arrived  from  Ireland  with  fifty 
settlers  under  his  control  and  thirty-six  passengers,  and  planted  himself 
in  Elizabeth  City  County,  at  Mary's  Mount,  just  above  Newport  News.^ 
There  arrived  during  the  year  twenty-one  vessels,  bringing  over  thirteen 
hundred  men,  women,  and  children.  The  aggregate  number  of  settlers 
arriving  during  the  years  1619,  1620,  and  1 621  was  thirty-five  hundred  and 
seventy. 

Deluded  by  long  peace,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1622,  the  unsuspecting 
colonists  fell  easy  victims  to  a  frightful  Indian  massacre  of  men,  women, 
and  children,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  and  forty-seven.  Among  the 
slain  were  Mr.  George  Thorpe,  the  agent  for  the  college  at  Henrico,  and 
Mr.  John  Berkeley,  master  of  the  iron-works  at  Falling  Creek.'^  Their 
death  and  the  destruction  of  their  charges  terminated  the  prosecution  of 
these  material  measures  for  the  good  of  the  colony.  The  future  policy 
with  the  savages  was  aggressive  until  the  peace  of  1632.  At  an  Assembly 
held  in  March,  1623,  monthly  courts  to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor 
w^ere  authorized.  The  Virginia  Company,  in  their  opposition  to  the  King 
in  the  nomination  of  their  officers,  had  already  incurred  his  ill-will,  which 
was  increased  by  the  freedom  with  which  they  discussed  public  measures 

1  He  was  the  brother  of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  *  In  1687,  and  again  in  1696,  Colonel  Wil- 
the  late  Treasurer  of  the  Company.  He  was  born  liam  Byrd,  the  first  of  the  name  in  Virginia, 
in  1577,  and  in  1610  visited  Turkey,  Palestine,  undertook  the  revival  of  the  iron-works  at  Fall- 
and  Egypt.  An  account  of  his  travels  was  pub-  ing  Creek ;  but  there  is  no  record  preserved  of 
lished  at  Oxford  in  161 5.                                          '  his  plans  having  been  successfully  carried  out. 

2  Chalmers'  Iiitrodiiction,  i.  13-16.  The  Or-  New  iron-works  were,  however,  erected  here  by 
dinance  and  Wyatt's  Commission  may  be  seen  Colonel  Archibald  Cary  prior  to  1760,  which 
in  Hening's  Statutes,  i.  110-113.  he  operated  with   pig-iron  from  Maryland,  but 

^  In  the  Indian  massacre  of  March  22,  1622,  in  the  year  named  he  abandoned  the  forge  be 

Daniel   Gookin  bravely  maintained   his  settle-  cause  of  its  lack  of  profit,  and  converted  his 

ment.     He  served  as  a  burgess  from  Elizabeth  pond  to  the  use  of  a  grist-mill.     The  site  of  the 

City,  and  later  returned  to  Ireland.      His  son,  works  of  1622  on  the  western  bank  of  the  creek, 

of  the  same  name,  becoming  a  convert  to  the  and  that  of  Cary's  forge  of  1760  on  the  oppo- 

missionaries  sent  from  New  England  in  1642,  site  side  of  the   same  water,  have   both   been 

and  declining  to  take  the  oath  of   conformity,  identified    by   the    present   writer    by   the    sco- 

removed  in  May,   1644,  to  Boston.      He  after-  riae  remaining   about  the  ground'.     The  manu- 

wards  became  eminent   in   New  England,  was  facture  of  iron  in  Virginia  was  revived  by  Gov- 

the  author  of  several  historical  works,  and  held  ernor  Alexander  Spotswood  at  Germanna  about 

various  offices  of  dignity  and  importance.  17 16. 

VOL.  m.  — 19. 


146  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

SO  as  to  invoke  his  denunciation  of  them  as  "  but  a  seminary  to  a  seditious 
parliament."  Violent  factions  divided  them,  and  the  massacre  came  at 
a  juncture  to  fan  discontent.  Commissioners  were  sent  to  Virginia  by  the 
King  to  gather  materials  for  the  ruin  of  the  Company.  The  result  was 
the  annulling  of  its  charter  by  the  King's  Bench  on  the  i6th  of  June,  1624. 
Sir  Francis  Wyatt  was  continued  as  governor  by  commission  from  King 
James,  dated  Aug.  26,  1624,  and  again  in  May,  1625,  by  the  young  mon- 
arch, Charles  I.,  who  appointed  as  councillors  for  the  colony,  during  his 
pleasure,  Francis  West,  Sir  George  Yeardley,  George  Sandys,  Roger  Smith, 
Ralph  Hamor,  John  Martin,  John  Harvey,  Samuel  Matthews,  Abraham 
Percy,  Isaac  Madison,  and  William  Claiborne.  He  omitted  all  mention 
of  an  assembly,  and  there  is  no  preserved  record  of  the  meeting  of  this 
body  again  until  1629.  The  administration  of  Wyatt  was  wise  and  pacific. 
The  death  of  his  father.  Sir  George  Wyatt,  calling  him  to  Ireland,  he  was 
succeeded,  in  May,  1626,  by  Sir  George  Yeardley,  who  dying  Nov.  14, 
1627,  the  Council  elected  as  his  successor,  on  the  following  day,  Francis 
West,  a  younger  brother  of  Lord  Delaware.  West,  departing  for  England 
on  the  5th  of  March,  1628,  was  succeeded  by  Dr.  John  Pott.  The  export 
of  tobacco  in  1628  was  five  hundred  thousand  pounds.  Charles,  desiring 
a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  directed  an  assembly  to  be  called  to  grant  it. 
That  body,  replying  the  26th  of  March,  demanded  a  higher  price  and  more 
favorable  terms  than  his  Majesty  was  disposed  to  yield.  The  colony 
rapidly  increased  in  strength  and  prosperity,  the  population  in  1629  being 
five  thousand.  Pott  was  superseded  as  governor  in  March,  1630,  by  Sir 
John  Harvey,  who  had  been  one  of  the  commissioners  sent  in  1623  to  pro- 
cure evidence  to  be  used  against  the  Virginia  Company.  Between  him 
and  the  colonists  there  was  but  little  good-will,  and  his  arbitrary  rule  soon 
rendered  him  odious.     In  July,  by  a  strange  mutation  of  fortune,  Pott,  the 

late  governor,  was  tried 
for  cattle-stealing,  and 
"^  Cj  ^-  /^  convicted.  This  was  the 
^^^^yCyr/^^^^^^yfy^  first  trial  by  jury  in  the 
colony.  It  was  in  1630 
that  George  Calvert, with 
his  followers,  arrived  in 
the  colonies ;  but  the  details  of  his  experience  here  and  of  the  disputes 
about  jurisdiction  arising  out  of  the  grant  of  the  present  territory  of  Mary- 
land, made  to  him  and  confirmed  to  his  son  in  1632,  are  given  in  another 
chapter.!  It  was  under  successive  grants  from  the  governors  in  1627,  1628, 
and  1629,  and  from  Charles  I.  in  1631,  that  William  Claiborne  had  estab- 
lished his  trading-posts  in  the  disputed  territory,  from  which  he  was  driven 
^with  bloodshed,  and  by  the  final  decree  of  the  King  in  1639  despoiled  of 
^6,000  of  property.  Harvey  —  actuated,  it  has  been  charged,  by  motives 
of  private  interest  —  sided  with  Maryland  in  the  disputes,   and  rendered 

^  [See  chapter  xiii.  —  Ed.] 


VIRGINIA.  147 

himself  so  obnoxious  that  an  assembly  was  called  for  the  7th  of  May, 
1635,  to  hear  complaints  against  him.  Before  it  met,  however,  he  con- 
sented to  go  to  England  to  answer  the  charges,  and  was  ''  thrust  out  of 
his  government"  by  the  Council  on  the  28th  of  April,  and  Captain  John 
West,  a  brother  of  Lord  Delaware,  was  authorized  to  act  as  his  successor 
until  the  King's  pleasure  might  be  known.  In  1634  the  colony  was 
divided  into  eight  shires,^  subject,  as  in  England,  to  the  government  of 
a  lieutenant.2  The  election  of  sheriffs,  sergeants,  and  baiHffs  was  similarly 
provided  for.  The  King,  intolerant  of  opposition,  reinstated  the  hated 
Harvey  as  governor,  by  commission  dated  April  2,  1636.2  During  his 
rule  of  three  years  thereafter,  no  assembly  was  held.  Charles  gradually 
relaxed  his  policy,  and  in  November,  1639,  displaced  Harvey  with  Sir 
Francis  Wyatt,  who  in  turn  was 
succeeded  by  Sir  William  Berke- 
ley as  governor  in  February, 
1642.  During  the  year  three 
Congregational  ministers  came  from  Boston  to  Virginia  to  disseminate 
their  doctrines.  Their  stay,  however,  was  but  short;  for  by  an  enact- 
ment of  the  Assembly  all  ministers  other  than  those  of  the  Church  of 
England  were  compelled  to  leave  the  colony.  It  will  be  shown  that  their 
success  was  limited.  On  the  i8th  of  April,  1644,  a  second  Indian  massacre 
occurred.  The  number  of  victims  has  been  differently  stated  as  three  and 
five  hundred.  During  a  visit  by  Berkeley  to  England,  from  June,  1644,  to 
June,  1645,  his  place  was  filled  by  Richard  Kemp.  In  1642  the  ship  of 
Richard  Ingle,  from  London,  had  been  seized  by  Governor  Brent,  of 
Maryland,  acting  under  a  commission  from  Charles  I.,  and  an  oath  against 
Parliament  tendered  the  crew.  Ingle  escaped,  and,  securing  a  commission 
from  Parliament  to  cruise  in  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  against  Malig- 
nants,  as  the  friends  of  the  King  were  called,  reappeared  in  February,  1645, 
in  the  ship  "  Reformation,"  near  St.  Inigo  Creek,  where  there  was  a  popular 
uprising,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  insurgents  and  forces  from  Virginia  ex- 
pelled.  Leonard  Calvert  and  installed  Colonel  Edward  Hill  as  governor. 
Calvert  regained  authority  in  August,  1646.  The  colony  of  Virginia  con- 
tinued to  prosper.  In  1648  the  population  consisted  of  fifteen  thousand 
whites  and  three  hundred  negro  slaves.  Domestic  animals  were  abundant ; 
corn,  wheat,  rice,  hemp,  flax,  and  many  vegetables  were  cultivated ;  there 
were  fifteen  varieties  of  fruit,  and  excellent  wine  was  made.  The  average 
export  of  tobacco  for  several  years  had  been  1,500,000  pounds.  Besides 
the  ''  old  field  schools,"  there  was  a  free  school  endowed  by  Benjamin 
Symmes  with  two  hundred  acres  of  land,  a  good  house,  forty  milch  cows, 
and  other  appurtenances. 

1  These  were  James  City,  Henrico,  Charles     functions    were    magisterial    as    well   as    mili 
City,  Elizabeth   City,  Warwick   River,    Warro-     tary. 

squoyoke,  Charles  River,  and  Accomac.  ^  Hening    states    that  "  there  is   a  patent 

2  These  magnates,  who  were  called  colonels     granted  by  Harvey  13th  April,  1636."  —  Statutes 
were  usually  members  of  the  Counjcil,  and  their     at  Large,  i.  4. 


X 

K 

A 


148  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

The  Dissenters,  who  had  increased  in  number  to  one  hundred  and 
eighteen,  now  encountered  the  rigors  of  colonial  authority  in  imprison- 
ment and  banishment,  and  all  opposition  to  the  Established  Church  was 
decisively  quelled.^ 

With  the  beheading  of  Charles  I.  on  the  30th  of  January,  1649,  the 
Commonwealth  of  England  was  inaugurated ;  but  Virginia  still  continued 
its  allegiance  to  his  son,  the  exiled  prince,  and  offered  an  asylum  to  his 
fugitive  adherents.  Three  hundred  and  thirty  of  these,  including  Colonel 
Henry  Norwood  and  Majors  Francis  Morrison  and  Richard  Fox,  arrived 
near  the  close  of  1649  i^  the  **  Virginia  Merchant." 

Norwood  was  sent  the  following  year  by  Berkeley  to  Holland  to  invite 
the  fugitive  King  to  Virginia  as  its  ruler,  and  returned  from  Breda  with 
a  new  commission  for  Berkeley  as  governor,  dated  June  3,  and  another  for 
himself  as  treasurer  of  the  colony,  in  approbation  of  the  loyalty  manifested. 
Charles  H.  was  crowned  by  the  Scotch  at  Scone  in  1651,  and,  invading 
England  with  his  followers,  was  utterly  overthrown  and  defeated  at  Wor- 
cester, September  3.  In  the  same  month  the  Council  of  State  issued 
instructions  to  Captain  Robert  Dennis,  Richard  Bennet,  Thomas  Steg,^  and 
William  Claiborne,  as  commissioners  for  the  reduction  of  Virginia  to  the 
authority  of  the  Commonwealth.  Captain  Dennis  arrived  at  Jamestown 
in  March,  1652,  and  the  capitulation  of  the  colony  was  ratified  on  the 
1 2th  instant  upon  liberal  terms,  which  confirmed  the  existing  privileges 
of  the  colonists  and  granted  indemnity  for  all  offences  against  Parliament. 
The  commissioners  Bennet  and  Claiborne  soon  after  effected  the  reduction 
of  Maryland,  but  with,  singular  moderation  allowed  its  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil to  retain  their  offices  upon  the  simple  condition  of  issuing  all  writs  in  the 
name  of  the  Commonwealth.  A  provisional  government  was  organized  in 
Virginia,  on  the  30th  of  April,  by  the  election  by  the  House  of  Burgesses 
of  Richard  Bennet  as  governor  and  William  Claiborne  as  secretary  of  state, 
and  a  council  of  twelve,  whose  powers  were  to  be  defined  by  the  Grand 
Assembly,  of  which  they  were  ex-offfcio  members'. 

A  remarkable  instance  of  individual  enterprise  was  given  in  the  early 

1  It  was  fully  three  quarters  of  a  century  senters  than  any  other  of  her  Majesty's  planta- 
thereafter  before  Dissent  became  appreciable  in  tions ; "  and  to  the  Earl  of  Rochester,  July  30, 
the  colony.  Governor  Spotswood  wrote  the  171 1,  in  ample  confirmation  of  his  earlier  judg- 
Bishop  of  London,  Oct.  24,  1710:  "  It  is  a  pecu-  ment,  he  wrote:  "This  Government,  I  can  joy- 
liar  blessing  to  this  Country  to  have  but  few  of  fully  assure  your  Lordship,  is  in  perfect  peace 
any  kind  of  Dissenters ; "  and  adds  the  follow-  and  tranquility  under  a  due  Obedience  to  the 
ing,  which  may  be  taken  in  refutation  of  many  Royal  Authority  and  a  Gen".  Conformity  to  the 
gross  misrepresentations  of  the  moral  and  social  Established  Church  of  England."  See  The  Offi- 
condition  of  the  colonists  at  the  period  :  "  I  have  cial  Letters  of  Governor  Alexander  Spotswoody 
observed  here  less  Swearing  and  Prophaneness,  17 10-1722,  published  by  the  Virginia  Historical 
less  Drunkenness  and  Debauchery,  less  unchari-  Society,  with  Introduction  and  Notes  by  R.  A. 
table  feuds  and  animositys,  and  less  Knaverys  Brock,  vol.  i.  pp.  27  and  108. 
and  Villanys  than  in  any  part  of  the  world  2  His  signature  is  Stegge.  He  was  the  ma« 
where  my  Lot  has  been."  He  also  wrote  to  the  ternal  uncle  of  Colonel  William  Byrd,  the  first 
Council  of  Trade,  Dec.  15,  17 10:  "That  happy  of  the  name  in  the  colony,  who  came  thither  a 
Establishment  of  the  Church  of  England,  which  youth,  as  the  heir  of  his  large  landed  estate, 
the   Colony  enjoys  with  less   mixture  of  Dis-  which  included  the  present  site  of  Richmond. 


VIRGINIA.  149 

part  of  1654  by  Francis  Yeardley,^  who  efifected  discoveries  in  North 
CaroHna,  and  at  the  cost  of  ;^300  purchased  from  the  natives  ''three 
great  rivers  and  all  such  others  as  they  should  like  southerly,"  and  took 
possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth.^  In  March, 
1655,  Richard  Bennet  was  appointed  the  agent  of  the  colony  at  London, 
and  was  succeeded  as  governor  by  Edward  Digges.  In  1656  Colonel 
Edward  Hill  the  elder,  in  endeavoring  with  one  hundred  men  to  dislodge 
seven  hundred  Ricahecrian  Indians  who  had  seated  themselves  at  the 
Falls  of  James  River,  was  utterly  routed.  Bloody  Run,  near  Richmond, 
significantly  derives  its  name  from  this  encounter.  On  the  13th  of  March, 
1657,  Edward  Digges  was  sent  to  London  as  the  agent  of  the  colony, 
and  was  succeeded  as  governor  by  Samuel  Matthews.  The  government 
of  the  colony  under  the  Commonwealth  was  beneficent,  and  the  people 
were  prosperous. 

Upon  the  reception  of  the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Oliver  and  of  the 
accession  of  Richard  Cromwell  as  Protector,  obedience  was  acknowledged 
by  the  Assembly  on  the  9th  of  March,  1658.  Richard  Cromwell  resigned 
on  the  22d  of  April,  1659,  and  Matthews  had  died  in  January  previously. 
England  was  for  a  time  without  a  monarch,  and  Virginia  without  a  governor. 
The  Virginia  Assembly,  convening  on  the  23d  of  March,  1660,  elected  Sir 
William  Berkeley  as  governor,  and  declared  that  all  writs  should  be  issued 
in  the  name  of  the  Grand  Assembly.^  On  the  8th  of  May  Charles  11. 
was  proclaimed  as  King  in  England,  and  on  the  31st  of  July  following 
he  transmitted  a  new  commission  to  his  faithful  adherent.  Sir  William 
Berkeley.  In  March,  1661,  44,000  pounds  of  tobacco  were  appropriated 
by  the  Assembly  to  defray  the  cost  of  an  address  to  the  King,  praying  him 
to  pardon  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  for  having  yielded  during  the  Com- 
monwealth to  a  force  they  could  not  resist.  And  in  contrition  for  their 
tacit  submission  to  the  "  execrable  power  that  so  bloodily  massacred  the 
late  King  Charles  the  First  of  blessed  and  glorious  memory,"  it  was 
enacted  that  *'  the  30th  of  January,  the  day  the  said  King  was  beheaded, 
be  annually  solemnized  with  fasting  and  prayer,  that  our  sorrows  may 
expiate  our  crime,  and  our  tears  wash  away  our  guilt."  ^  A  little  later,  the 
29th  of  May,  the  date  of  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  was  decreed  to  be 
celebrated  annually  as  a  "  holy  day."  ^ 

Berkeley  being  sent  on  the  30th  of  April,  1661,  by  the  colony  to  Eng- 
land to  protest  against  the  enforcement  of  the  Navigation  Act,  Colonel 
Francis  Morrison  was  elected  in  his  stead.  Berkeley  returned  in  the  fall 
of  1662  with  advantageous  patents  for  himself,  but  without  relief  for  the 
colony.  Colonel  William  Claiborne,  secretary  of  state,  was  displaced  by 
Thomas  Ludwell,  commissioned  by  the  King.     Colonel  Francis  Morrison 

1  A  son  of  Sir  George  Yeardley,  a  former  Papers,  ii.  273,  and  is  republished  in  the  Rich- 
governor  of  Virginia,  and  Lady  Temperance,  his  mond  Standard  oi  Feb.  ii,  1882,  by  the  present 
wife,  who  was  born  in  Virginia.  writer. 

2  The  letter  is  given  in  full  in  Thurloe's  State  ^  Hening,  ii.  24.  *  Ibid.  ii.  49. 


i. 


150  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

and  Henry  Randolph,  clerk  of  the  Assembly,  were  appointed  to  revise  the 
laws,  and  it  was  ordered  that  all  acts  which  "  might  keep  in  memory  our 
forced  deviation  from  his  Majesty's  obedience "  should  be  "  expunged." 
A  satisfactory  account  of  the  condition  of  the  colony  in  1670  is  afforded 
in  a  report  made  by  Governor  Berkeley  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  of 
Foreign  Plantations.  The  executive  consisted  of  the  Governor  and  sixteen 
councillors  commissioned  by  the  King,  who  determined  all  causes  above 
jCiS)  causes  of  less  amount  were  tried  by  the  county  courts,  of  which 
there  were  twenty.  The  Assembly,  composed  of  two  burgesses  from  each 
county,  met  annually ;  it  levied  the  taxes,  and  appeals  lay  to  it.  The  legis- 
lative and  executive  powers  rested  in  the  Governor,  Council,- Assembly, 
and  subordinate  officers.  The  Acts  of  the  Assembly  were  sent  by  the 
secretary  of  the  colony  to  the  Lord  Chancellor.  All  freemen  were  bound 
to  muster  monthly  in  their  own  counties.  The  force  of  the  colony 
numbered  upwards  of  eight  thousand  horsemen.  There  were  five  forts, 
mounted  with  thirty  cannon. 

The  whole  population  was  forty  thousand,  of  which  two  thousand  were 
negro  slaves,  and  six  thousand  white  servants.  Eighty  vessels  arrived 
yearly  from  England  and  Ireland  for  tobacco ;  a  few  small  coasters  came 
from  New  England.  The  annual  exportation  of  tobacco  was  15,000  hogs- 
heads (about  12,000,000  pounds),  upon  which  a  duty  of  two  shillings  a 
hogshead  was  levied.  Out  of  this  revenue  the  Governor  receive'd  as  salary 
;^i,200.  The  King  had  no  revenue  from  the  colony  except  the  quit-rents.^ 
There  were  forty-eight  parishes,  the  ministers  of  which  were  well  paid.  Un- 
der the  monopoly  of  the  Navigation  Act  the  price  of  tobacco  was  greatly 
depressed,  the  cost  of  imported  goods  enhanced,  and  the  trade  of  the  colony 
almost  extinguished ;  yet  the  profligate  King  oppressed  the  colonists  still 
further,  and  by  a  grant  of  the  whole  territory  of  Virginia  to  Lords  Arlingt6n 
and  Culpeper  they  found  themselves  deprived  of  the  very  titles  to  the  lands 
they  owned.  4  The  privilege  of  franchise  was  even  virtually  withheld,  for 
there  had  been  no  election  of  burgesses  since  the  Restoration  in  i66c,  the 
same  legislature  having  continued  to  hold  its  sessions  by  prorogation.  The 
colonists  grew  so  impatient  under  their  accumulated  grievances  that  a 
revolt  was  near  bursting  forth  in  1674.  It  was  quieted  for  a  time  by  some 
pacific  concessions;  but  the  fires  only  slumbered,  and  an  immediate 
grievance  and  a  popular  leader  were  alone  required  to  produce  revolution- 
ary measures.  The  severity  of  the  policy  against  the  Indians  incensed 
them  to  hostility,  and  the  lives  of  the  colonists  were  in  constant  jeopardy. 
They  petitioned  the  Governor  for  protection,  and  on  the  meeting  of  the 

1  The  quit-rent  was  one   shilling  for  every  acres.      Later,   each   person    removing    to   the 

fifty  acres  of  land,  the  latest  consideration  in  its  colony  at  his  own  expense,  with  the  intention  to 

acquirement.     It  was  first  granted  to  the  Adven-  settle  and  remain,  was  entitled  to  fifty  acres  of 

turers,  by  the  Company,  in  tracts  of  one  hun-  land.     The  right  extended  also  to  every  mem- 

dred  acres,  after  five  years'  service  in  the  colony,  ber  of  his  family  or  person  whose  passage-money 

If  planted  and   seated  within  three  years,  the  he  defrayed.     These  rights  upon  "  transports  ** 

quantity  was  augmented  by  another^hundred  were  called  "  head-rights,"  and  were  assignable. 


VIRGINIA.  151 

Assembly  in  March,  1676,  war  was  declared  against  the  Indians,  and 
a  force  of  five  hundred  men  raised  and  put  under  the  command  of  Sir 
Henry  Chicheley  to  subdue  them ;  but  when  he  was  about  to  march  he 
was  suddenly  and  without  apparent  cause  ordered  by  Berkeley  to  disband 
his  forces.  The  Indians  continued  their  murders  until  sixty  lives  had  been 
sacrificed.  The  alarmed  colonists,  having  in  vain  petitioned  the  Governor 
for  protection,  rose  tumultuously  in  self-defence,  including  quite  all  the 
civil  and  military  officers  of  the  colony,  and  chose  Nathaniel  Bacon,  Jr.,  as 
their  leader.  Bacon,  who  was  of  the  distinguished  English  family  of  that 
name,  had  been  but  a  short  time  in  the  colony ;  but  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Council,  brave,  rich,  eloquent,  and  popular.  He  had  an  immediate  stimu- 
lant, too,  in  the  murder  at  his  plantation,  near  the  site  of  Richmond,  of  his^ 
overseer  and  a  favorite  servant.^  Bacon,  fruitlessly  applying  for  a  commis- 
sion, marched  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  men  against  the  savages ;  and 
in  the  mean  time  Berkeley  proclaimed  them  as  traitors  and  ineffectually 
pursued  them  with  an  armed  force.  Bacon  replied  in  a  declaration  de- 
nouncing the  Governor  as  a  tyrant  and  traitor  to  his  King  and  the  country. 
During  Berkeley's  absence  the  planters  in  the  lower  counties  rose,  and,  the 
revolt  becoming  general,  he  was  forced  to  return,  when  he  endeavored  to 
quiet  tlje  storm.  Writs  for  a  new  Assembly  were  issued,  to  which  Bacon 
was  elected.  He,  having  punished  the  savages,  while  on  his  way  to  the 
Assembly  was  arrested  in  Jaines  River  by  an  armed  vessel,  but  was  soon 
released  on  parole.  When  the  Assembly  met  on  the  5th  of  June,  he  read  at 
the  bar  a  written  confession  and  apology  for  his  conduct,  and  was  thereupon 
pardoned  and  readmitted  to  his  seat  in  the  Council.  He  was  also  promised 
a  commission  to  proceed  against  the  Indians ;  but,  being  secretly  informed 
of  a  plot  by  the  Governor  against  his  life,  he  fled,  returning  however  to 
Jamestown  in  a  few  days  with  a  large  force,  when,  appealing  to  the  Assembly, 
they  declared  him  their  general,  vindicated  his  course,  and  sent  a  letter  to 
England  approving  it.  They  also  passed  salutary  laws  of  reform.  Berke- 
ley resisted,  dissolved  them,  and  in  turn  addressed  the  King.  Bacon, 
all-powerful,  having  extorted  a  commission  from  the  Governor,  marched  r 
against  the  Indians.  Berkeley  once  more  proclaimed  him  as  a  traitor. 
Bacon,  on  hearing  it,  in  the  midst  of  a  successful  campaign  returned ;  and 
Berkeley,  deserted  by  his  troops,  fled  to  Accomac.  Bacon,  now  supreme, 
called  together,  by  an  invitation  signed  by  himself  and  four  of  the  Council, 
a  convention  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  colony,  at  the  Middle 
Plantation,  to  consult  for  defence  against  the  savages  and  protection  against 
the  tyranny  of  Berkeley.  He  also  issued  a  reply  to  the  proclamation  of 
Berkeley,  in  which  he  vindicates  himself  in  lofty  strains.^     He  now  again 

1  The  locality  of  the  murder  is  indicated  by  for  the  Service  of  his  Prince  and  Country.  By 
a  small  stream  known  as  Bacon  Quarter  Branch.  S'"  Thomas   Grantham,    K'    [Motto].     London  : 

2  It  is  given  in  a  rare  little  tract :  An  His-  printed  for  J.  Roberts,  near  the  Oxford  Arms  in 
torical  Account  of  some  Memorable  Actions,  Par-  Warwick  Lane,  MDCCVI.  i8mo.  The  copy 
Ocularly  in   Virginia;  Also  Against  the  Admiral  in  the  Virginia  State  Library  is  thought  to  be 

/  Algier,  and  in  the  East  Indies:  Perform'' d    the  only  one  in   this   country,  pp.  12,  13:    "If 


152  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

marched  against  the  Indians ;  but  in  his  absence  a  fleet  which  he  had  sent  ^ 
to  capture  Berkeley  was  betrayed,  and  the  Governor  returned  to  James- 
town at  the  head  of  the  forces  sent  to  capture  him.  Bacon  now  returned, 
and  Berkeley,  deserted  by  his  men,  fleeing  again  to  Accomac,  Bacon 
triumphantly  entered  Jamestown  and  burned  the  State  House.  He  died 
shortly  afterwards  from  disease  contracted  by  exposure,  and  his  followers, 
left  without  a  leader,  dispersed,  and  Berkeley  was  finally  dominant.  On 
the  29th  of  February,  1677,  a  fleet  with  a  regiment  of  soldiers,  commanded 
by  Colonels  Herbert  Jeffreys  and  Francis  Morrison,  arrived  in  the  colony 
to  quell  the  rebellion.  Jefl*reys,  Morrison,  and  Berkeley  sat  as  a  commis- 
sion to  try  the  insurgents.  They  were  vindictively  punished  :  the  jails  were 
filled,  estates  confiscated,  and  twenty-three  persons  executed.  At  length 
the  Assembly,  in  an  address  to  the  Governor,  deprecated  any  further 
sanguinary  punishments,  and  he  was  prevailed  upon,  reluctantly,  to  desist. 
All  the  acts  of  the  Assembly  of  June,  1676,  called  Bacon's  Laws,  were 
repealed,  though  many  of  them  were  afterwards  re-enacted,  Berkeley, 
being  recalled  by  the  King,  sailed  for  England  on  the  27th  of  April, 
1677,  ^rid  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Herbert  Jeffreys  as  governor.  Jeffreys 
effected  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  but  dying  in  December,  1678,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Sir  Henry  Chicheley,  who  in  turn  gave  place,  on  the  loth  of 
May,  1680,  to  Lord  Culpeper,  who  had  been  appointed  in  July,  1675, 
governor  of  Virginia  for  life.  Virginia  was  now  tranquil.  The  resources 
of  the  country  continued  to  be  developed.  The  production  and  export 
of  tobacco  —  the  chief  staple  —  steadily  increased,  and  with  it  the  pros- 
perity of  the  colony.  The  ease  with  which  wealth  was  acquired  fostered 
the  habits  of  personal  indulgence  and  ostentatious  expenditure  into  which 
the  Virginia  planter  was  led  by  hereditary  characteristics. 

Undue  stress  has  been  laid  by  many  historians  upon  the  transportation 
of  "  convicts  "  to  the  colony.  Such  formed  but  a  small  proportion  of  the 
population,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  offence  of  a  majority  of  them  was  of 
a  political  nature.  Be  it  as  it  may,  all  dangerous  or  debasing  effect  of  their 
presence  was  effectually  guarded  against  by  rigorous  enactments.  The  vile 
among  them  met  the  fate  of  the  vicious,  while  the  simply  unfortunate  who 

Virtue  be  a  Sin,  if  Piety  be  Guilt,  if  all  the  Prin-  great  Part  of   His  Majesty's  Colony,  deserted 

ciples  of  Morality  and  Goodness  and  Justice  be  and  dispeopl'd,  and  freely  to  part  with  our  Lives 

perverted,  we  must  confess  that  those  who  are  and  Estates  to  endeavor  to  save  the  Remainder, 

called  Rebels  may  be  in  Danger  of  those  high  be  Treason,  —  Let  God  and  the  World  judge, 

Imputations,  those  loud  and  severe  Bulls,  which  and  the  Guilty  die.     But  since  we  cannot  find  in 

would  affright  Innocency,  and  render  the  De-  our  Hearts   One  single  Spot  of  Rebellion  and 

fence  of  our  Brethren  and  the  Enquiry  into  our  Treason,  or  that  we  have  in  any  manner  aimed 

sad  and   heavy  Oppressions   Treason.      But  if  at  the  Subversion  of  the  Settl'd  Government,  or 

there  be  (as  sure  there  is)  a  just  God  to  appeal  attempting  the  Person  of  any,  either  Magistrate 

to ;  if  Religion  and  Justice  be  a  Sanctuary  here ;  or  Private  Man,  —  notwithstanding  the  several 

if    to   plead    the    Cause   of    the   Oppress'd ;    if  Reproaches  and  Threats  of  some  who  for  sinis- 

sincerely  to  aim  at  the  Publick  Good,  without  ter  Ends  were  disaffected  to  Us,  and  censure  our 

any  Reservation  or  By-Interest ;  if  to  stand  in  Just  and  Honest  Designs,  —  Let  Truth  be  bold 

the   Gap,   after   so   much   Blood  of   our   Dear  and  all  the  World  Know  the  Real  Foundation 

Brethren  bought  and  sold ;  if  after  the  Loss  of  a  of  our  Pretended  Guilt." 


VIRGINIA.  153 

were  industrious  throve  and  became  good  citizens.     It  is  clearly  indicated 
that  the  aristocratic  element  of  the  colony  preponderated. 

The  under  stratum  of  society,  formed  by  the  "survival  of  the  fittest" 
of  the  *'  indentured  servant"  and. the  ''  convict"  classes,  as  they  improved 
in  worldly  circumstances,  rose  to  the  surface  and  took  their  places  socially 
and  politically  among  the  more  favored  class.  The  Virginia  planter  was 
essentially  a  transplanted  Englishman  in  tastes  and  convictions,  and  emu- 
lated the  social  amenities  and  the  culture  of  the  mother  country.^  Thus 
in  time  was  formed,  a  Society  distinguished  for  its  refinement,  executive 
ability,  and  a  generous  hospitahty,  for  which  the  Ancient  Dominion  is 
proverbial. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES    OF   INFORMATION. 

THERE  is  abundant  evidence,  as  instanced  by  Mr.  Deane  in  a  paper  in  the  Boston 
Dai/y  Advertiser,  July  2,^,  1^77,  that  the  name  of  Virginia  commemorates  Elizabeth, 
the  virgin  queen  of  England.  Mr.  Deane's  paper  was  in  answer  to  a  fanciful  belief,  ex- 
pressed by  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle  in  A^oUs  and  Queries,  1^77,  that  the  Indian  name  Wingina, 
mentioned  by  Hakluyt,  may  have  suggested  the  appellation. 2  The  early  patents  are  given 
in  Purchas  (abstract  of  the  first),  iv.  1683-84;  Stith ;  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  i.  50 
58,  72  ;  Popham  Memorial  (the  first),  App.  A;  and  Poor's  Gorges,  App. 

See  a  paper  by  L.  W.  Tazewell,  on  the  "  Limits  of  Virginia  under  the  Charters,"  in  Max- 
well's Virghtia  Historical  Register,  i.  12.  These  bounds  were  relied  on  for  Virginia's 
claims  at  a  later  day  to  the  Northwest  Territory.  Cf.  H.  B.  Adams's  Maryland's  Infljiejice 
in  Founditig  a  National  Commonwealth,  or  Maryland  Historical  Society  Pubhcation  Fund, 
no.  II.  See  also  Lucas's  Charters  of  the  Old  English  Colonies,  London,  1850.  Ridpath's 
United  States,  p.  86,  gives  a  convenient  map  of  the  grants  by  the  English  crown  from 
1606  to  1732.  Mr.  Deane  has  discussed  the  matter  of  forms  used  in  issuing  letters  patent 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xi.  166. 

The  earliest  printed  account  of  the  settlement  at  Jamestown,  covering  the  interval 
April  26,  1607-June  2,  1608,  is  entitled :  A  True  Relation  of  such  occurrences  and  acci- 
dents of  noate  as  hath  hapned  in  Virginia  since  the  first  planting  of  that  Collony  which 
is  now  resident  in  the  South  part  thereof,  till  the  last  returne  from  thence.  Written  by 
Captaine  Smith,  Coronell  of  the  said  Collony,  to  a  worshipfull  friend  of  his  in  Englarid. 
Small  quarto,  black  letter,  London,  1608.^ 

1  This  is  shown  by  the  preservation  of  books  ion,"  see  Historical  Magazine,  iii.  319  ;  and  J.  H. 
to  this  day  in  the  several  departments  of  litera-  Trumbull  on  Indian  names  in  Virginia  in  Histor- 
ture  which  are   identified,  by  ownership  in  in-     ical  Magazine,  x\u.  ^j .  —  Ed.] 

scribed  name  and  date,  with  the  homes  of  the  ^  xhe  editor  of   the  tract,  "J.    H.,"   in   his 

Virginia   planter   of    the   seventeenth   century,  preface,  says  :  "  Some  of  the  books  were  printed 

many  of  which  have  fallen  under  the  personal  under  the  name  of  Thomas  Watson,  by  whose 

inspection  of  the  present  writer,  who  has  some  occasion  I  know  not,  unlesse  it  were  the  ouer- 

examples   in  his  own   library.      A  little   later,  rashnesse  or  mistakinge  of  the  workmen." 
private  libraries  were  numerous  in  Virginia,  and  The  words  "  by  a  gentleman  "  got  also  through 

in  value,  extent,  and  variety  of  subject  embraced,  ignorance  of  the  real  authorship  into  the  titles  of 

the  exhibit  will  contrast  favorably  with  that  of  some  copies  as  author,  there  being  four  varieties 

any  of  the  English  colonies  in  America.  of  titles.    It  is  sometimes  quoted  (by  Purchas  for 

2  [On  the  later  designation  of  "OldDomin-  instance)  by  the  running  head-line  Newes  from 
VOL.   III.  —  20. 


154 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  second  contemporary  account  appears  in  Ptirchas  His  Pilgritnes,  iv.  1 685-1690, 
published  in  1625,  and  is  entitled,  "  Obseruations  gathered  out  of  a  Discourse  of  the 
Plantations  of  the  Southerne  Colonie  in  Virginia  by  the  English,  1606,  written  by  that 
Honorable  Gentleman  Master  George  Percy."  1  The  narrative  gives  in  minute  detail  the 
incidents  of  the  first  voyage  and  of  the  movements  of  the  colonists  after  their  arrival  at 
Cape  Henry  until  their  landing,  on  the  14th  of  May,  at  Jamestown.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  a  meagre  abridgment  only  of  so  valuable  a  narrative  should  have  been  preserved  by 
Purchas,  who  assigns  as  a  reason  for  the  omissions  he  made  in  it,  that  "the  rest  is 
more  fully  set  down  in  Cap.  Smith's  Relations." 

The  third  account  of  the  period,  "  Newport's  Discoveries  in  Virginia,"  was  published 
for  the  first  time  in  i860  in  ArchcBologia  Americana^  iv.  40-65.  It  consists  of  three 
papers,  the  most  extended  of  which  is  entitled  :  "A  Relatyon  of  the  Discovery  of  our 
river  from  James  Forte  into  the  Maine  ;  made  by  Captain  Christopher  Newport,  and  sin- 
cerely written  and  observed  by  a  Gentleman  of  the  Colony."  This  "  Relatyon  "  is  princi- 
pally confined  to  an  account  of  the  voyage  from  Jamestown  up  the  river  to  the  "  Falls," 
at  which  Richmond  is  now  situated,  and  back  again  to  Jamestown,  beginning  May  21  and 
ending  June  21,  the  day  before  Newport  sailed  for  England.  The  second  paper,  of  four 
pages,  is  entitled :  "  The  Description  of  the  new-discovered  river  and  country  of  Virginia, 
with  the  liklyhood  of  ensuing  riches,  by  England's  ayd  and  industry."  The  remaining 
paper,  of  only  a  little  more  than  two  pages,  is  :  "A  brief  description  of  the  People." 
These  papers  were  printed  from  copies  made  under  the  direction  of  the  Hon.  George 
Bancroft,  LL.D.,  from  the  originals  in  the  English  State  Paper  Office,  and  were  edited  by 
the  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale.^ 


Virginia.  Mr.  Deane  edited  an  edition  of  it  at 
Boston  in  1866.  There  are  eight  copies  of  it 
known  to  be  in  America  :  one  each  belonging 
to  Harvard  College,  S.  L.  M.  Barlow,  and  the 
Carter-Brown  Library  ;  two  in  the  New  York 
Historical  Society,  and  three  in  the  Lenox  Li- 
brary. {Magazine  of  American  History,  i.  251.) 
The  text  is  the  same  in  all  cases,  and  those 
copies  in  which  Smith's  name  is  given  have  an 
explanatory  preface  acknowledging  the  mistake. 
Mr.  Payne  Collier,  in  his  Rarest  Books  in  the  Eng- 
lish Lajtguage,  1865,  is  of  the  opinion  that  Watson 
was  the  true  author,  which  Mr.  Deane  shows  to 
be  an  error.  An  earlier,  very  inaccurate  reprint 
was  made  in  the  Southerjt  Literary  Messenger, 
February,  1845,  froi^  the  New  York  Historical 
Society's  copy.  Use  is  also  made  of  it  in  Pink- 
erton's  Voyages,  vol.  xiii.  [Mr.  Deane  suggests 
that  the  reason  Smith  omitted  this  tract  in 
his  Generall  Historic,  substituting  for  it  the 
Map  of  Virginia,  is  to  be  found  in  the  greater 
ease  with  which  the  narratives  of  others  in  the 
latter  tracts  would  take  on  the  story  of  Poca- 
hontas, which  his  own  words  in  the  True  Rela- 
tion might  forbid. 

Tyler,  History  of  American  Literature,  i.  26, 
calls  this  tract  of  Smith's  the  earliest  contribu- 
tion to  American  literature.  The  latest  copy 
sold  which  we  have  noted  was  in  the  Ouvry 
Sale,  London,  March,  1882,  no.  1,535  o^  ^^^ 
Catalogue,  which  brought  £1"].  —  Ed.] 

1  A  portrait  of  "Captaine  George  Percy," 
copied  in  1853  by  Herbert  L.  Smith  from  the 
original  at  Syon  House,  the  seat  of  the  Duke 


of  Northumberland,  at  the  instance  of  Conway 
Robinson,  Esq.,  then  visiting  England,  is  among 
the  valuable  collection  of  portraits  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Society  at  Richmond.  Its  frame, 
of  carved  British  oak,  was  a  present  to  the  So- 
ciety from  William  Twopenny,  Esq.,  of  London, 
the  solicitor  of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland. 
Percy  (born  Sept.  4,  1586,  died  unmarried  in 
March,  1632)  was  "  a  gentleman  of  honor  and 
resolution."  He  had  served  with  distinction  in 
the  wars  of  the  Low  Countries,  and  his  soldierly 
qualities  were  evidenced  in  the  colony,  as  well  as 
his  administrative  ability  as  the  successor  of  John 
Smith.  A  mutilated  hand  represented  in  the 
portrait,  it  is  said,  was  a  memorial  of  a  sanguin- 
ary encounter  with  the  savages  of  Virginia.  The 
head  from  this  portrait  is  given  on  an  earlier 
page. 

'■^  The  author  of  the  "  Relatyon,"  etc.,  was 
identified  by  the  late  Hon.  William  Green, 
LL.D.,  of  Richmond,  as  Captain  Gabriel 
Archer.  [Newport's  connection  with  the  col- 
ony is  particularly  sketched  in  Neill's  Virginia 
and  Virginiola,  1878.  Neill  describes  the  MS. 
which  is  in  the  Record  office  as  "a  fair  and 
accurate  description  of  the  first  Virginia  explo- 
rations." Mr.  Hale  later  made  some  additions 
to  his  original  notes  {Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc, 
Oct.  21,  1864),  where  some  supplemental  notes 
by  Mr.  Deane  will  also  be  found  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  name  Newport-News  as  connected  with 
Captain  Newport.  See  H.  B.  Grigsby  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  x.  23 ;  also  Hist.  Mag.  iii,  347. 
—  Ed.] 


VIRGINIA.  155 

The  next  account  to  be  noted,  "  A  Discourse  of  Virginia,"  by  Edward  Maria  Wing- 
field,  the  first  President  of  the  colony,  was  also  printed  for  the  first  time  in  ArchcEologia 
Americana,  iv.  ^'j-i^'t^^  from  a  copy  of  the  original  manuscript  in  the  Lambeth  Library, 
edited  by  Charles  Deane,  LL.D.,  who  also  printed  it  separately.  The  narrative  begins 
with  the  sailing  of  Newport  for  England,  June  22,  1607,  and  ends  May  21,  1608,  on 
the  author's  arrival  in  England.  The  final  six  pages  are  devoted  by  Wingfield  to 
a  defence  of  himself  from  charges  of  unfaithfulness  in  duty,  on  which  he  had  been 
deposed  from  the  Presidency  and  excluded  from  the  Council.  The  narrative  was  cited 
for  the  first  time  by  Purchas  in  the  margin  of  the  second  edition  of  his  Pilgri7nage,  1614, 
pp.  7S7~7^^'  He  also  refers  to  what  is  probably  another  writing,  "  M.  Wingfield's  notes," 
in  the  margin  of  p.  1706,  of  vol.  iv.  of  his  Pilgrimes.  Mr.  Deane  reasonably  conjectures 
that  the  narrative  of  Wingfield  as  originally  written  was  more  comprehensive,  and  that  a 
portion  of  it  has  been  lost.^  Chapter  I.  of  Neill's  English  Colonization  i7t  America  is 
devoted  to  Wingfield. 

Another  narrative  of  the  period  :  — 

A  Relation  of  Virginia,  written  by  Henry  Spelman,  "  the  third  son  of  the  Antiquary," 
who  came  to  the  colony  in  1609,  was  privately  printed  in  1872  at  London  for  James  Frothing- 
ham  Hunnewell,  Esq.,  of  Charlestown,  Mass.,  from  the  original  manuscript.^  Spelman, 
who  was  a  boy  when  he  first  came  to  Virginia,  lived  for  some  time  with  the  Indians, 
became  afterwards  an  interpreter  for  the  Colony,  and  was  killed  by  the  savages  in  1622 
or  1623. 

In  1609  there  were  four  tracts  printed  in  London,  illustrative  of  the  progress  of  the 
new  colony:  — 

1.  Sanies  Prohibition  staid,  a  reproof  to  those  that  traduce  Virginia. 

2.  Wilham  Symondes'  Sermon  before  the  London  Company,  April  25,  1609.^ 

3.  Nova  Britannia  :  offeringe  most  excellent  Fruites  by  Planting  in  Virginia.^ 

4.  A  Good  Speed  to  Virginia.  The  dedicator  is  R.  G.,  who  "neither  in  person  nor 
purse"  is  able  to  be  a  "partaker  in  the  business." f 

In  1610,  appeared  the  following  :  — 

I.  W.  Crashaw's  Sermon  before  Lord  Delaware  on  his  leaving  for  Virginia,  Feb.  21, 
1609. 

.    2.  A  true  and  sincere  declaration  of  the  purpose  and  ends  of  the  plantation  begun  in 
Virginia.^ 

3.  A  true  declaration  of  the  estate  of  the  Colonic  in  Virginia.'^ 

4.  The  mishaps  of  the  first  voyage  and  the  wreck  at  Bermuda  were  celebrated  in  a  little 
poem  by  R.  Rich,  one  of  the  Company,  called  N ewes  from  Virginia,  which  was  printed  in 
London  in  1610.^ 

1  Preface  to  Deane's  True  Relation,  p.  xxxiii.  *  This  was  reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts,  \., 
[Wingfield's  Discourse  was  first  brought  to  the  and  by  Sabin,  edited  by  F.  L.  Hawks,  New 
attention  of    students  in  1845  ^Y  ^^^  citations     York,  1867. 

from   the   original    MS.    at   Lambeth   made  by  ^  Sabin,  vii.  323 ;  Rich  (1832),  ^i  8j.";  Ouvry 

Mr.  Anderson  in  his  History  of  the  Church  of  Sale,  1882,  no.  1,582,  a  copy  with  the  autograph, 

England  in  the  Colonies.  —  Ed.]  "  W.  Ralegh,  Turr,  Lond." 

2  [The  MS.  was  bought  at  Dawson  Turner's  ^  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College 
Sale  in  1859  by  Lilly,  the  bookseller,  who  an-  Library.  (Rich,  1832,  no.  121,  £1  8j.)  It  was 
nounced  that  he  would  print  an  edition  of  fifty  an  official  document  of  the  Company. 

copies.      (Deane's  ed.   True  Relation,  p.  xxxv ;  7  Another   official   publication.      A  copy  in 

Hist.    Mag.,    July,    1861,    p.    224  ;     Aspinwall  Harvard  College  Library.     (Rich,  1832,  no.  122, 

Papers,  i.  21,  note.)     It  was  only  partly  put  in  £2  2s.)     It  is  reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts,  iii. 

type,   and   the   MS.   remained   in  the  printer's  ^  g^t  one  copy  is  now  known,  which  is  at 

hands    ten    years,   when    Mr.    Henry    Stevens  present  in  the    Huth   collection  {Catalogue,   iv. 

bought   it   for    Mr.   Hunnewell,  who   caused   a  1247),  having  formerly  belonged  to  Lord  Charle- 

small  edition  (two  hundred  copies)  to  be  printed  mont's    Library    at    Dublin,    where     Halliwell 

privately  at  the  Chiswick  Press.  —  Ed.]  found   it   in    1864,  bound  up  with  other  tracts. 

^  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  3,800.  The  volume  escaped  the  fire  in  London  which 


156 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


William   Strachey  was  not  an  actual  observer  of  events  in  the  colony  earlier  than 

May  23,  1610,  w^hen  he  first  reached  Jamestown.     The  incidents  of  his  letter,  July  15, 

,M^  •  /         1610,  giving  an  account  of   the  wreck   at   Bermuda  and 

'^l(JiJrC%a,Jri  Jtra.€rfLH    subsequent   events   (Purchas,  iv.    1734),  must,  so   far  as 

antecedent   Virginia   events   go,  have  been  derived  from 
others.  1 

In  161 2  Strachey  edited  a  collection  of  Lawes 
Divine  of  the  colony. ^ 

There  are  two  MS.  copies  of  his  Historic  of 
Travaile  into  Virginia  Britannia ;  expressing  the 
Cosmographie  and  Co7nodities  of  the  Country,  to- 
gether with  the  Manners  and  Customes  of  the  Peo- 
— '^j'     r*  pie,  —  one  pre- 

/^\//7   '-vx-  ^   /P\/  ^^.^-^   served    in    the 

//  ^^  Ji—.l/<^y  ^.^-"^'^  British  Muse- 
um among  the 
Sloane  Collec- 
tion,   and    the 

other  is  among  the  Ashmolean  MSS.  at  Oxford.  They  vary  in  no  important  respect. 
The  former  was  the  copy  used  by  R.  H.  Major  in  editing  it  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in 
T849.     This  copy  was  dedicated  to  Sir  Francis  Bacon. 

In  161 1  Lord  Delaware's  Httle  Relatio7t  appeared  in  London. ^  In  1612  the  Virginia 
Company,  to  thwart  the  evil  intentions  of  the  enemies  of  the  colony,  printed  by  authority 
a  second  part  of  Nova  Britannia,  called  The  New  Life  of  Virginia.  Its  authorship  is 
assigned  to  Robert  Johnson.* 

In  1 61 2  the  little  quarto  volume  commonly  referred  to  as  the  Oxford  Tract  was  printed, 
with  the  following  title :  A  Map  of  Virginia.  With  a  Description  of  the  Country,  the 
Co7n7nodities,  People,  Govern7nent,  a7id  Religion,  Writte7i  by  Captaine  S77tith,  so7neti7nes 
Gover7iour  of  the  Cou7itry.  Whereunto  is  annexed  the  proceedings  of  those  Colo7iies 
since  their  first  departure  fro7n  England,  with  the  discoveries,  Oratio7is,  a7td  relatio7is 
of  the  Salvages,  a7id  the  accide7its  that  befell  the77i  i7t  all  their  Iour7iies  a7id  discoveries. 
Taken  faithfully  as  they  were  writte7t  out  of  the  writings  of  Doctor  Rvssell,  Tho. 
Stvdley,  A 7ms  Todkill,  leffra  Abot,  Richard  Wiffin,  Will.  Phettiplace,  Natha7iiel 
Powell,  Richard  Potts.  And  the  relations  of  divers  other  intellige7it  observers  there 
present  the7i,  atid  7iow  7nany  of  the77i  in  England,  by  W.  S.  AtJJxford,  Printed  by 
Joseph  Bar7ies,  xdii.  As  the  title  indicates,  the  tract  consists  of  two  parts.  The  first, 
written  as  Smith  says,  in  the  Ge7ierall Historic,  "with  his  bwne  hand,"  is  a  topographical 
description  of  the  country,  embracing  climate,  soil,  and  productions,  with  a  full  account 
of  the  native  inhabitants,  and  has  only  occasional  reference  to  the  proceedings  of  the 


destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  Charlemont 
collection  in  1865,  and  at  the  sale  that  year 
brought  £(iy  In  the  same  year  Halliwell 
privately  printed  it  (ten  copies).  Winsor's  Halli- 
welliana,  p.  25  ;  Allibone's  Dictionary  of  Authors, 
vol.  ii.  p.  1788.  In  1874  it  was  again  privately 
reprinted  (twenty-five  copies)  in  London.  It 
once  more  appeared,  in  1878,  in  Neill's  Vir- 
ginia and  Virginiola.  Cf.  Lefroy's  History  of 
Bermuda. 

1  Tyler's  American  Literature,  i.  42.  Malone 
wrote  a  book  to  prove  that  this  description  by 
Strachey  suggested  to  Shakespeare  the  plot  of 
the  Tempest,  —  a  view  controverted  in  a  tract  on 
the  Tempest  by  Joseph  Hunter. 

2  Reprinted   in   Force's    Tracts,   iii.   no.    2. 


The  dedication  is  given  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.  1866,  p.  36. 

^  [There  is  a  copy  in  the  Lenox  Library ;  it 
was  reprinted  (50  copies)  in  1859,  and  again  by 
Mr.  Griswold  (20  copies)  in  1868.  A  letter  of 
Lord  Delaware,  July  7,  1610,  from  the  Harleian 
MSS.,  is  printed  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition 
of  Strachey,  p.  xxiii.  —  Ed.] 

4  [There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary. A  very  fine  copy  in  the  Stevens  Sale 
(188 1,  Catalogue,  no.  1,612)  was  afterward  held 
by  Quaritch  at  £2^^.  Fifty  years  ago  Rich  [Cata- 
logue 1832,  no.  131)  priced  a  copy  at  £2  zs.  (See 
Sabin,  xiii.  53249.)  It  was  reprinted  in  Force's 
Tracts^  vol.  i.  no.  7,  and  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 
vol.  viii.  —  Ed.1 


VIRGINIA. 


157 


colony  at  Jamestown.  The  second  part  of  the  Oxford  Tract  has  a  separate  titlepage  as 
follows:  "The  proceedings  of  the  English  Colonic  in  Virginia  since  their  first  beginning 
from  England  in  the  year  1606,  till  this  present  161 2,  with  all  their  accidents  that  befell  them 
in  their  iournies  and  Discoveries.  Also  the  Salvages'  discourses,  orations,  and  relations  of 
the  Bordering  Neighbours,  and  how  they  became  subject  to  the  English.  Vnfolding  even  the 
fundamentall  causes  from  whence  haue  sprang  so  many  miseries  to  the  vndertakers,  and 
scandals  to  the  businesse;  taken  faithfully  as  they  were  written  out  of  the  writings  of 
Thomas  Studley,  the  first  provant  maister,  Anas  Todkill,  Walter  Russell,  Doctor  of 
Phisicke,  Nathaniel  Powell,  William  Phettiface,  Richard  Wyffin,  Thomas  Abbay,  Tho. 
Hops,  Rich.  Potts,  and  the  labours  of  divers  other  diligent  observers,  that  were  residents  in 
Virginia.  And  pervsed  and  confirmed  by  diverse  now  resident  in  England  that  were 
actors  in  this  busines.     By  W.  S.  At  Oxford,  Printed  by  Joseph  Barnes.     i6i2."i 

Alexander  Whitaker's  Good  N ewes  from  Virginia  was  printed  in  161 3.  He  was  min- 
ister of  Henrico  Parish,  and  had  been  in  the  country  two  years.  The  preface  is  by 
W.  Crawshawe,  the  divine. ^  Ralph  Hamor  the  younger,  "late  secretary  of  that  colony," 
printed  in  London  in  161 5  his  True  Discourse  of  the  present  state  of  Virginia^  bringing 
the  story  down  to  June  18,  1614.  It  contains  an  account  of  the  christening  of  Pocahontas 
and  her  marriage  to  Rolfe.  It  was  reprinted  in  i860  at  Albany  (200  copies)  for  Charles 
Gorham  Barney,  of  Richmond.^  Rolfe's  Relation  of  Virginia,  a  MS.  now  in  the  British 
Museum,  was  abbreviated  in  the  1617  edition  of  Purchas's  Pilgrimage,  and  printed  at  length 
in  the  Southern  Literary  Messenger,  1839,  and  in  the  Virginia  Historical  Register,  i.  102. 
(See  also  Neill's  Virginia  Cotnpany,  ch.  vi.)  There  are  various  other  early  printed  tracts, 
besides  those  already  mentioned,  reprinted  by  Force,  which  are  necessary  to  a  careful 
study  of  Virginian  history.* 


1  [A  further  account  of  this  tract  will  be  found 
in  a  subsequent  editorial  note  on  the  "Maps  of 
Virginia; "  and  of  Smith's  Generall  Historic  a  full 
account  will  be  found  in  the  Editorial  Note  at 
the  end  of  Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

2  [Tyler,  American  Literature,  i.  46;  Neill, 
Virginia  Company,  78;  Rich  (1832),  no.  135, 
priced  at  £z  2s.  Mr.  Neill  has  told  the  story  of 
Whitaker  and  others  in  his  Notes  on  the  Virginian 
Colonial  Clergy,  Philadelphia,  1877.  —  Ed.] 

^  [The  original  edition  is  in  the  Lenox  Library 
and  the  Deane  Collection ;  and  copies  at  public 
sales  in  America  have  brought  $150  and  $170. 
(Field,  Ltdian  Bibliography,  nos.  642-43,  where 
he  cites  it  as  one  of  the  earliest  accounts  of  the 
Indians  of  Virginia;  Sabin,  viii.  46.)  A  German 
translation  was  published  at  Hanau  as  part  xiii. 
of  the  Hidsius  Voyages  in  161 7  (containing  more 
than  was  afterwards  included  in  De  Bry's  Latin), 
and  there  were  two  issues  of  it  the  same  year 
with  slight  variations.  The  map  is  copied  from 
Smith's  New  England,  not  from  his  Virginia. 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  491 ;  Lenox  Contribu- 
tions (Hulsius),  p.  15. 

In  1 61 9  De  Bry  gave  it  in  Latin  as  part  x.  of 
his  Great  Voyages,  having  given  it  in  German  the 
year  before.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  348, 
368.  —  Ed.] 

*  [Some  of  them  follow  in  chronological 
order : — 

Norwood's  Voyage  to  Virginia,  1649;  Force's 
Tracts,  vol.  iii. ;    Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  ii.  121. 

Perfect  Description  of  Virginia,  1649;  Force's 


Tracts,  vol.  ii. ;  Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  ii.  60 ;  original 
edition  in  Harvard  College  Library;  priced  by 
Rich  in  1832,  £\  \os.,  by  Quaritch  in  1879,  ;^2o. 

William  Bullock's  Virginia  impartially  Ex- 
amined, London,  1649;  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii. 
The  original  is  now  scarce.  Rich  in  1832  {Cata- 
logue, no.  271)  quotes  it  at  ;^i  \os.  (it  is  now 
worth  $75).  Sabin,  iii.  9145;  Ternaux,  685; 
Brinley,  3725. 

Extract  from  a  manuscript  collection  of  annals 
relative  to  Virginia,  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  ii. 

A  short  Collection  of  the  most  remarkable  pas- 
sages from  the  Originall  to  the  Dissolution  of  the 
Virginia  Company,  London,  1651  ;  there  are 
copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress  and  in  that 
of  Harvard  College. 

The  Articles  of  Stirrender  to  the  Common- 
wealth, March  12,  1651 ;  Mercurius  Politicus, 
May  20-27,  1652;    Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  ii.   182. 

Virginians  Cure  ;  or,  an  advisive  narrative  Con- 
cerning Virginia ;  Discovering  the  True  Groimd 
of  that  churches  unhappiness,  by  R.  G.  1662. 
Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  The  original  is  in  Har- 
vard College  Library. 

Sir  William  Berkeley's  Discourse  and  View  0/ 
Virginia,  1663;   Sabin's  Dictionary,  ii.  4889. 

Nathaniel  Shrigley's  True  Relation  of  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  1669;  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  v. 

John  Lederer's  Discoveries  in  Three  Marches 
from  Virginia,  1669,  1670,  London,  1672,  with 
map  of  the  country  traversed.  It  was  "  collected 
out  of  the  Latin  by  Sir  William  Talbot,  Baronet." 
There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library. 


158  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Fortunately  a  copy  of  the  records  of  the  Company  ^  from  April  28,  1619,  to  June  7,  1624, 
is  preserved.  This  copy  was  made  from  the  originals,  which  are  not  now  known  to  exist, 
at  a  time  when  the  King  gave  sign  of  annulling  their  charter.  Nicholas  Ferrar  (see  the 
Me7Hoir  of  Nicholas  Ferrar  by  Peter  Peckard,  London,  1790,  a  volume  throwing  much 
light  on  early  Virginian  history,  and  compare  Palfrey's  New  England^  i.  192),  with  the 
aid  of  Collingwood  the  secretary,  seems  to  have  procured  the  transcription  at  the  house  of 
Sir  John  Danvers,  in  Chelsea,  an  old  mansion  associated  with  Sir  Thomas  More's  memory. 
Collingwood  compared  each  folio,  signed  it,  —  the  work  being  completed  only  three  days  be- 
fore judgment  was  pronounced  against  the  Company,  —  and  gave  the  whole  into  the  hands 
of  the  Earl  of  Southampton  for  safe  keeping,  from  whom  the  records  passed  to  his  son 
Thomas,  Lord  High  Treasurer,  after  whose  death,  in  1667,  William  Byrd,  of  Virginia,  bought 
them  for  sixty  guineas,  and  it  was  from  the  Byrd  family,  at  Westover,  that  Stith  obtained 
them,  to  make. use  of  in  his  History.  By  some  means  Stith's  brother-in-law,  Peyton  Ran- 
dolph, got  them,  and  at  his  death  in  1775  his  library  was  sold,  when  Jefferson  bought  it, 
and  found  these  records  among  the  books.  Jefferson's  library  afterwards  becoming  the 
property  of  the  United  States,  these  records  in  two  volumes  (pp.  354  and  387  respec- 
tively) passed  into  the  Library  of  Congress,  where  they  now  are. 

In  May,  1868,  Mr.  Neill,  who  had  used  these  records  while  working  on  his  Terra 
Marice,  memorialized  Congress,  explaining  their  value,  and  offering,  without  compensation, 
to  edit  the  MS.,  under  the  direction  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress. ^  The  question  of 
their  publication  had  already  been  raised  by  Mr.  J.  Wingate  Thornton  ten  years  earlier, 
in  a  paper  in  the  Historical  Magazine^  February,  1858,  p.  2)3^  and  in  a  pamphlet,  The  First 
Records  of  Anglo-American  Colonization,  Boston,  1859.  In  these  the  history  of  their 
transmission  varies  a  little  from  the  one  given  above,  which  follows  Neill's  .statements.^ 
Being  thwarted  in  his  original  purpose,  Mr.  Neill  made  the  records  the  basis  of  a  History 
of  the  Virginia  Company  of  London,  Albany,  1869,  which,  somewhat  changed,  appeared 
in  an  English  edition  as  ^^^^//jA  Colonization  in  America  in  the  Seventeenth  Century.^ 

Grinvold   Catalogue,   422;    Huth    Catalogue,   iii.  possession,  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Colonel 

829.  Hugh  P.  Taylor,  dated   October  4,  1823,  says, 

There  are  in  the  early  Virginian  bibliography  that  the  volumes  came  to  him  with  the  Library 
a  few  titles  on  the  efforts  made  to  induce  the  cul-  of  Colonel  Richard  Bland,  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
tivation  of  silkworms.  The  King  addressed  a  had  purchased,  —  Colonel  Bland  having  bor- 
letter  to  the  Earl  of  Southampton  with  a  review  rowed  them  of  the  Westover  Library,  and  never 
of  Bonoeil's  treatise  on  the  making  of  silk,  and  returned  them.  (See  H.  A.  Washington's  ed.  of 
this  was  published  by  the  Company  in  1622.  feffersorCs  Writings,  vii.  312.)  Colonel  Bland 
{Hai-vard  College  Library  MS.  Catalogue ;  Brin-  died  in  October,  1776.  A  duplicate  set  of  these 
ley  Catalogue,  no.  3,760.)  The  Company  also  Records  (transcripts  made  in  Virginia  some 
published,  in  1629,  Observations  ...  of  Fit  Rooms  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago)  are  now  in  the 
to  keepe  silk  zvormes  ijt ;  and  as  late  as  1655  Hart-  possession  of  Conway  Robinson,  Esq.,  of  Rich- 
lib's  Refo7-med  Virginian  Silk-worm  indicated  mond.  They  were  deposited  with  him  by  Judge 
continued  interest  in  the  subject.  This  last  is  William  Leigh,  one  of  the  executors  of  John 
reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  no.  13,  and  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  in  whose  library  they 
the  originals  of  this  and  of  the  preceding  are  were  found  after  his  death,  in  1833,  where  they 
in  Harvard  College  Library.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  were  inspected  and  described  by  the  late  Hugh 
viii.  121.  —  Ed.]  Blair    Grigsby,   before    the    dispersion   of    the 

1  The   Orders  and  constitutions  ordained  by  library  at  a  later   period.     ^Letters  of  Conway 

the  treasvror,  covnseil,  and  companie  of  Virginia,  Robinson   and  H.   B.    Grigsby   to   Mr.   Deane). 

for  the  better  gouerning  of  said  companie,  is  re-  These  Randolph-Leigh-Robinson  volumes  were 

printed  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  examined  by  Mr.  Deane  in  Richmond,  in  April, 

^Fortieth  Congress,  Second  Session,  Misc.  1872,  just  after  he  had  inspected  the  Byrd-Stith- 
Doc.  no.  84,  Senate.  Another  effort  was  made  in  Jefferson  copy  in  the  Law  Library  in  Washing- 
Congress  for  this  eminently  desirable  measure  ton.  —  Ed.] 

in  1881.     The  bill  introduced  by  Senator  John  *  [Mr.  Neill  has  published  numerous  notes 

W.  Johnston,  of  Virginia,   passed   the    Senate,  on  early  Virginia  history  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and 

but  for  some  reason  failed  in  the  House  of  Rep-  Geneal.  Reg.,  namely,  "  English  maids  for  Vir- 

resentatives.  ginia,"  1876,  p.  410;  "Transportation  of  Home- 

*  [While  these  two  volumes  were  yet  in  his  less  Children,"  1876,  p.  414;  "Lotteries,"  1877, 


VIRGINIA.  159 

Of  considerable  importance  among  the  papers  transmitted  to  our  time  is  the  collection 
which  had  in  large  part  belonged  to  Chalmers,  and  been  used  by  him  in  his  Political 
Annals ;  when  passing  to  Colonel  William  Aspinwall,^  they  were  by  him  printed  in  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  4th  series,  vols.  ix.  and  x.,  with  numerous  notes,  particularly  concern- 
ing the  earlier  ones,  beginning  in  16 17,  in  which  the  careers  jf  Gates,  Pory,^  and  Argall 
are  followed. 

Mr.  Deane,  True  Relation^  p.  14,  quotes  as  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  hands  a  copy  from  a 
paper  in  the  English  State-Paper  Office  entitled  "  A  Briefe  Declaration  of  the  Plantation 
of  Virginia  during  the  first  twelve  years  when  S'  Thomas  Smyth  was  Governer  of  the 
Companie  [1606-1619],  and  downe  to  the  present  tyme  [1624],  by  the  Ancient  Planters 
now  remaining  alive  in  Virginia."  Mr.  Noel  Sainsbury,  in  his  Calendar  of  State  Papers^ 
Colonial  Series,  London,  i860,  etc.,  has  opened  new  stores  of  early  Virginian  as  well 
as  of  general  Anglo-American  history,  between  1574  and  1660.  The  work  of  the  Public 
Record  Office  has  been  well  supplemented  by  the  Reports  of  the  Historical  Commission, 
which  has  examined  the  stores  of  historical  documents  contained  in  private  depositaries 
in  Great  Britain.  Their  third  Report  of  1872  and  the  appendix  of  their  eighth  Report  are 
particularly  rich  in  Virginian  early  history,  covering  documents  belonging  to  the  Duke 
of  Manchester.  The  Index  to  the  Catalogue  of  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  discloses 
others. 

In  i860  the  State  of  Virginia  sent  Colonel  Angus  W.  McDonald  to  London  to  search 
for  papers  and  maps  elucidating  the  question  of  the  Virginia  bounds  with  Maryland,  Ten- 
nessee, and  North  Carolina,  which  resulted  in  the  accumulation  of  much  documentary 
material,  and  a  report  to  the  Governor  in  March,  1861,  Document  39  (1861),  which  was 
printed.     See  Hist.  Mag.  ix.  13. 

Matter  of  historical  interest  will  be  found  in  other  of  the  documents  of  this  boundary 
contest:  Document  40,  Jan.  9,  i860;  Senate  Document,  Report  of  Commissioners,  Jan. 
17,  1872,  with  eleven  maps,  including  Smith's  ;  Final  Report,  1874;  Senate  Document  No. 
21,  being  reprints  in  1874  of  Reports  of  Jan.  9,  i860,  and  March  9,  1861;  House  Docu- 
ment No.  6,  Communication  of  the  Governor,  Jan.  9,  1877.  There  were  also  publications 
by  the  State  of  Maryland  relating  to  the  contest. ^ 

In  1874  there  was  published,  as  a  State  Senate  Document,  Colonial  Records  of  Vir- 
ginia, quarto,  which  contains  the  proceedings  of  the  first  Assembly,  convened  in  161 9  at 
Jamestown,*  with  other  early  papers,  and  an  Introduction  and  Notes  by  the  late  Hon. 
Thomas  H.  Wynne.  Attention  was 'first  called  in  America  to  these  proceedings  by  Con- 
way Robinson,  Esq.  (who  had  inspected  the  original  manuscript  in  the  State-Paper 
Office,  London),  in  a  Report  made  as  chairman  of  its  Executive  Committee,  at  an  annual 
meeting  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  held  at  Richmond,  Dec.  15,  1853,  and  pub- 

p.  21 ;  "Daniel  Gookin  of  Virginia,"  1877,  p.  267  the   author   of    several   of    the   early   tracts   in 

(see  also  i.  345;  ii.  167;  Paige's  Cambridge,  563,  Force's  Tracts.     See  Neill's  Virginia  Company, 

and  Terra  Maritz,  76).  —  Ed.]  p.  362. 

i  [Colonel  Aspinwall  collected  during  his  long  ^  [The  history  of  the  dividing  line  (1728)  be- 

consulship  at   Liverpool   a  valuable  American  tween  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  is  found  in 

library,  of  about  four   thousand  volumes   (771  William  Byrd's    Westover  MSS.,  printed  in  Pe- 

titles),  which  in  1863  was  sold  to  Samuel  L.  M.  tersburg    in    1841.      It   shows    how   successive 

Barlow,  Esq.,  of  New  York,  but  all  except  about  royal    patents  diminished   the  patent  rights  of 

five  hundred  of  the  rarest  volumes  which  Mr.  Virginia.     See  Virgitiia  Hist.  Reg.  i.  and  iv.  77  ; 

Barlow  had  taken  possession  of  were  burned  in  Williamson's  North  Carolina,  App.  —  Ed.] 

that  city  in  1864.     Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xv.  2.  *  A  copy  of  this  portion  of  the  Records,  col- 

This  collection  was  described  in  a  catalogue  (a  lated  with  the  original  by  Mr.  Sainsbury,  is  in 

few  copies   privately  printed),  Bibliotheca  Bar-  the  library  of  the   present  writer.     The   other 

lowiana,  compiled  by  Henri  Harrisse.  —  Ed.]  papers  of  this  1874  volume   included  a  list   of 

2  John  Pory's  lively  account  of  excursions  the  living  and  dead  in   1623,  a  Brief  Declara- 

among  the  Indians  is  given  in  Smith's  Generall  tion  of  the  Plantation  during  the  first  twelve 

Historic.     Neill,  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  years  (already  mentioned),  the  census  of  1634, 

^^75,  p.  296,  thinks  that  George  Ruggles  was  etc. 


l6o  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

lished  in  the  Virgmia  Historical  Reporter,  i.  7.  They  were  first  published  in  the 
Collections  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  1857,  with  an  Introduction  by  George 
Bancroft.  1 

Abstracts  from  the  English  State-Paper  Office  have  been  furnished  the  State  Li- 
brary of  Virginia  by  W.  Noel  Sainsbury,  to  Dec.  30,  1730. 

There  are  various  papers  on  Xhe. personnel  oi  the  colony  in  the  lists  of  passengers  for 
Virginia  of  1635,  which  Mr.  H.  G.  Somerby  printed  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.  ii.  Ill,  211,  268  ;  iii.  184,  388  ;  iv.  61,  189,  261  ;  v.  61,  343  ;  and  xv.  142  ;  and  in  the 
collection  of  such  documents,  mostly  before  pubHshed,  which  are  conveniently  grouped 
in  Hotten's  Original  Lists  (1600-1700),  London,  1874  and  1881  ;  and  in  S.  G.  Drake's 
Researches  among  the  British  Archives^  i860. 

The  Virginia  Company  pubUshed  three  hsts  of  the  venturers  and  emigrants  in  16 19, 
and  in  1620  a  similar  enumeration  in  a  Declaration  of  the  State  of  the  Colonic.'^  This  was 
dated  June  24  ;  another  brief  Declaration  bears  date  Sept.  20,  1620.  A  hst  of  ships 
arriving  in  Jamestown  1 607-1624  is  given  by  Neill  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.y 
1876,  p.  415. 

Neill  has  published  various  studies  of  the  census  of  1624  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.  for  1877,  pp.  147,  265,  393.^ 

The  most  trustworthy  source  of  information  as  to  those  who  became  permanent  plant- 
ers and  founders  of  famihes  is  afforded  by  the  Virginia  records  of  land  patents,  which 
are  continuous  from  1620,  and  are  no  less  valuable  for  topographical  than  for  genealogi- 
cal reference.^ 

The  manuscript  materials  of  the  history  of  Virginia  have  been  ever  subject  to  casualty 
in  the  varied  dangerous  and  destructive  forms  of  removal,  fire,  and  war.  The  first  capital, 
Jamestown,  was  several  times  the  scene  of  violence  and  conflagration.  The  colonial 
archives  were  exposed  to  accident  when  the  seat  of  government  was  removed  to  Williams- 
burg;  and  finally  when,  in  1779,  the  latter  was  abandoned  for  the  growing  town  of 
Richmond,  and  when,  upon  the  apprehended  advance  of  the  British  forces  during  the 
Revolution,  they  were  again  disturbed  and  removed  hastily  to  the  last  place.  It  is  prob- 
able that  at  the  destruction  by  fire  of  the  buildings  of  William  and  Mary  College,  in  1705, 
many  valuable  manuscripts  were  lost  which  had  been  left  in  them  when  the  royal 
governors  ceased  to  hold  sessions  of  the  Council  within  her  walls,  and  when  other  gov- 
ernment functionaries  no  longer  performed  their  duties  there.  Many  doubtless  suffered 
the  consequences  of  Arnold's  invasion  in  1781,  upon  whose  approach  the  contents  of  the 
public  offices  at  Richmond  were  hastily  tumbled  into  wagons  and  hurried  off  to  distant 
counties.  The  crowning  and  fell  period  of  universal  destruction  to  archives  and  private 
papers  was,  however,  that  of  our  late  unhappy  war,  when  seats  of  justice,  sanctuaries, 
and  private  dwehings  alike  were  subjected  to  fire  and  pillage.  The  most  serious  loss 
sustained  was  at  the  burning  of  the  State  Court  House  at  Richmond,  incidental  on  the 

1  [The  Speaker's  Report  of  their  doings  to  the  citations   in   Mass.  Hist.   Soc.   Proc.   xvii.  297  ; 

Company  in  England  was  printed  in  the  New  Aspinwall  Papers,  i.  i,  note;  E.  D.  Neil],  Eug- 

York  Hist.  Coll.  in  1857.     See  also  on  these  pro-  lish  Colonization  in  North   America,  p.  171,  and 

ceedings  the  Antiquary,  London,  July,  1881.  —  his    "  Virginia   as    a    Penal    Colony,"   in    Hist. 

Ed.]  iJ/«^.,  May,  1869.     "It  would  be  wholly  wrong, 

^  [There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Li-  however,  to   suppose  that   immigrants  of  this 

brary;  Rich  (1832),  no.  133,  £2  2J-. ;  Brinley,  nos.  sort  were  a  controlling  element,"  says  Lodge  in 

3>739-40-     It   was  reprinted  in  Force's   Tracts,  his  English  Colonies,  p.  66 ;  and  this  is  now  the 

vol.  iii.  no.  5.     Mr.  Deane,  True  Relation,  p.  xli,  general  opinion. —  Ed.] 

examines  the  conflicting  accounts  as  to  the  num-  *  Bishop  Meade's  Old  Churches  and  Families 

ber  of  persons  constituting  the  first  immigration,  of  Virginia,  2  vols.  8vo,  1855,  Slaughter's  His- 

—  Ed.]  tory  of  St.  Mark's  Parish,  Culpeper  County,  1877, 

3  [The  vexed  question  as  to  how  far  the  con-  and  Bristol  Parish,  Dinwiddle  County,  2d  edition, 

vict  class  made  part  of  the  early  comers  is  dis-  1879,  ^"^^  the  files  of   the  Richmond  Standard 

cussed  in  Jones's  ed.  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages,  may  be  referred  to  for  purposes  of  genealogical 

p.  10;  Index  to  Remcmbrancia,  1 519-1664,  with  investigation. 


VIRGINIA.  l6l 

evacuation  fire  of  April  3,  1865,  when  were  consumed  almost  the  entire  records  of  the 
old  General  Court  from  the  year  1619  or  thereabout,  together  with  those  of  many  of 
the  county  courts  (which  had  been  brought  thither  to  guard  against  the  accidents  of  the 
war)  and  the  greater  part  of  the  records  of  the  State  Court  of  Appeals. 

Of  the  records  of  the  General  Court,  a  fragment  of  a  volume  covering  the  period  April 
4,  1670-March  16,  1676,  is  in  the  Collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  and 
another  fragment  ^  Feb.  21,  1678-October,  1692  —  is  in  the  archives  of  Henrico  County 
Court  at  Richmond.  In  the  State  Library  are  preserved  the  journals  of  the  General 
Assembly  from  1697  to  1744,  with  occasional  interruptions. 

Of  the  records  of  the  several  counties,  the  great  majority  of  those  of  an  early  period, 
it  is  certain,  have  been  destroyed.  Information  as  to  the  preservation  of  the  following  has 
been  received  by  the  writer :  Northampton  (old  Accomac),  continuous  from  1634 ; 
Northumberland,  from  1652 ;  Lancaster,  from  1652 ;  Surrey,  a  volume  beginning  in 
1652 ;  Rappahannock,  from  1656 ;  Essex,  from  1692  ;  Charles  City,  a  single  volume, 
fi-om  Jan.  4,  1650,  to  Feb.  3,  1655,  inclusive  ;  Henrico,  a  deed  book,  1697-1704,  and,  with 
interruptions,  the  same  records  to  1774,  —  all  classes  of  records,  unbroken,  from  Octo- 
ber,  1 78 1. 

In  elucidation  of  the  social  life  and  commerce  of  the  period,  — the  three  decades  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  —  the  following  may  be  named  :  Letters  of  Colonel  William  Fitzhugh, 
of  Stafford  County,  a  lawyer  and  planter,  May  15,  1679- April  29,  1699 ;  Letters  of  Colonel 
William  Byrd,  of  the  "  Falls,"  James  River,  planter  and  Receiver-General  of  the  colony, 
January,  1683-Aug.  3,  1691,  —  in  the  Collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 

The  following  parish  records  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Theological  Seminary 
near  Alexandria,  Va.,  are  valuable  sources  of  early  genealogical  information;  Registers 
of  Charles  River  Parish,  York  County,  —  births  1648-1800,  deaths  1665-1787;^  Vestry 
Books  (some  with  partial  registers)  of  Christ  Church  Parish,  Middlesex  County,  1663- 
1767;  Petsoe  Parish,  Gloucester  County,  from  June  14,  1677;  Kingston  Parish,  Matthews 
County,  from  1679  ;   St.  Peter's  Parish,  New  Kent  County,  from  1686. 

Of  such  of  the  early  papers  in  the  State  archives  at  Richmond  as  escaped  the  casualties 
of  the  war,  the  Commonwealth  intrusted  the  editing  to  William  P.  Palmer;  and  vol.  i., 
covering  1652-1781  (with  a  very  few,  however,  before  1689),  was  pubHshed  in  1875  ^s 
Calendar  of  State  Papers  and  other  Manuscripts  preserved  in  the  Capitol  at  Richmond?' 

On  the  life  of  Captain  John  Smith  in  general,  some  notes  are  made  in  another  chapter 
of  this  volume.^  It  will  be  remembered  that  Fuller  —  in  the  eariiest  printed  biography 
of  Smith,  contained  in  his  Worthies  of  England —  says  of  him,  "  It  soundeth  much  to 
the  diminution  of  his  deeds,  that  he  alone  is  the  herald  to  pubhsh  and  proclaim  them." 

Mr.  Deane  first  pointed  out  (i860),  in  a  note  to  his  edition  of  Wingfield's  Discourse^ 
that  the  story  of  Pocahontas's  saving  Smith's  life  from  the  infuriated  Powhatan,  which 
Smith  interpolates  in  his  Generall  Historic^  was  at  variance  with  Smith's  earlier  recitals 
in  the  tracts  of  which  that  book  was  composed  when  they  had  been  issued  contemporane- 
ous with  the  events  of  which  he  was  treating  some  years  earlier,  and  that  the  inference 
was  that  Smith's  natural  propensity  for  embellishment,  as  well  as  a  desire  to  feed  the 
interest  which  had  been  incited  in  Pocahontas  when  she  visited  England,  was  the  real 
source  of  the  story.  Mr.  Deane  still  farther  enlarged  upon  this  view  in  a  note  to  his  edi- 
tion (p.  38)  of  Smith's  Relation  in  1866.'*     It  has  an  important  bearing  on  the  question  that 

1  A  transcript  of  this  "  Register  "  is  in  the  ^  Chapter  vi. 

hands  of  the  present  writer  for  preparation  for  *  This  iconoclastic  view  was  also  sustained  by 

publication,  with  an   Introduction,   Notes,  and  Mr.  E.  D.  Neill  in  chapter  v.  of  his  Virginia  Com- 

Indices.  pany  /«  Lojtdon,  1869,  which  was  also  printed 

2  A  second  volume,  continuing  the  series,  separately,  and  in  chapter  iv.  of  his  English 
has  been  published  the  present  year  (1882).  An  Colonization  in  America.  He  goes  farther  than 
Introduction  in  vol.  i.  recounts  the  losses  to  Mr.  Deane,  and,  following  implicitly  Strachey's 
which  the  archives  have  been  subjected,  and  statement  of  an  earlier  marriage  for  Pocahontas, 
enumerates  the  resources  still  remaining.  he  impugns  other  characters  than  Smith's,  and 

VOL.   III. —  21. 


l62  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Hamor,  who  says  so  much  of  Pocahontas,  makes  no  allusion  to  such  a  striking"  service. 
The  substantial  correctness  of  Smith's  later  story  is  contended  for  by  W.  Robertson  in  the 
Hist.  Mag.,  October,  i860  ;  by  WiUiam  Wirt  Henry,  in  Potter's  A7?terican  Monthly.,  1875  ; 
and  a  general  protest  is  vaguely  rendered  by  Stevens  in  his  Historical  Collections.,  p.  102. 

The  file  of  the  RicJunond  Dispatch  for  1877  contains  various  contributions  on  the 
early  governors  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  by  E.  D.  Neill,  WilHam  Wirt  Henry,  and  R.  A. 
Brock,  in  which  the  claims  of  Smith's  narrative  to  consideration  are  discussed.  Charles 
Dudley  Warner,  in  A  Study  of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  fohn  Smith.,  1881,  treats 
the  subject  humorously  and  with  sceptical  levity.  Smith  finds  his  latest  champion,  a 
second  time,  in  William  Wirt  Henry,  in  an  address,  The  Early  Settlement  at  fa7nesto'wn, 
ivith  Particular  Reference  to  the  late  Attacks  upon  Captai7i  fohn  Smith.,  Pocahontas., 
and  fohn  Rolfe,  deWvQved  before  the  annual  meeting  of  "the  Virginia  Historical  Society, 
held  Feb.  24,  1882,  and  published  with  the  Proceedings  of  the  Society.  Mr.  Deane's 
views  are,  however,  supported  by  Henry  Adams  {North  American  Review.,  January, 
1867,  and  Chapter  of  Erie,  and  other  Essays,  p.  192)  and  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  {Eng- 
lish Colonies  in  America,  p.  6).  Mr.  Bancroft  allowed  for  a  while  the  original  story  to 
stand,  with  a  bare  reference  to  Mr.  Deane's  note  {History  of  the  Uitited  States.,  1864, 
i.  132);  but  in  his  Centenary  Edition  (1879,  vol.  i.  p.  102)  he  abandoned  the  former  asser- 
tion, without  expressing  judgment.  The  most  recent  recitals  of  the  story  of  Pocahontas 
under  the  color  of  these  later  investigations  have  been  by  Gay,  in  the  Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,  i.  283,  and  by  Charles  D,  Warner  in  his  Captain  fohn  Smith, 
before  named,  —  the  latter  carefully  going  over  all  the  evidence. 

Alexander  Brown  has  contributed  several  articles,  published  in  the  Richmond  Dis- 
patch in  April  and  May,  1882,  in  which  he  controverts  the  views  of  Mr.  Henry,  not 
only  as  to  the  truth  of  the  story  of  the  rescue,  but  as  to  the  general  veracity  of  Smith 
as  a  historian,  taking  a  more  absolute  position  in  this  respect  than  any  previous  writer 
has  done. 

Pocahontas  is  thought  to  have  died  at  Gravesend  just  as  she  was  about  re-embarking 
for  America,  March  21,  1617;  and  the  entry  on  the  records  of  St.  George's  Church  in 
that  place  —  which  speaks  of  a  "  lady  Virginia  born,"  and  has  been  supposed  to  refer  to 
her — puts  her  burial  March  21,  1617.1 

For  the  tracing  of  Pocahontas's  descendants  through  the  BoHings,  —  Robert  BoUing 
having  married  Jane  Rolfe,  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Rolfe,  the  son  of  Powhatan's  daugh- 
ter,—  see  The  Descendants  of  Pocahontas,  by  Wyndham  Robertson,  1855,  and  Wynne's 
Historical  Documents,  vol.  iv.,  entitled  A  Mei7toir  of  a  Portioft  of  the  Bollijig  Family, 
Richmond,  1868  (fifty  copies  printed),  which  contains  photographs  of  portraits  of  the 
Bollings.2 

repeats    the    imputations    in    his    Virginia    and  story  is  likely  still  to  be  told  with  all  the  old  em- 

Virginiola,   p.    20.      There    is   a   paper   on   the  bellishment.    See  Prof.  Scheie  de  Vere's  Rcmance 

marriage  of  Pocahontas,  by  Wyndham  Robert-  of  American  History,  1872,  ch.  iii.     A  piece  of 

son,  in  the  Virginia  Historical  Reporter,  vol.  ii.  sculpture  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington  depicts 

part  i.  (i860),  p.  67.     (Cf.  Field's  Indian  Bibliog-  the  apocryphal  scene,      W.  G.  Simms  urges  her 

raphy,  p.  383.)     See  Neill 's  view  pushed  to  an  career   as    the   subject   for    historical    painting 

extreme  in  Hist.  Mag.  xvii.  144.    A  writer  in  the  {Verses  and  Reviews).     She  figures  in  more  than 

Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  iv.  y],  undertook  to  show  one  historical  romance :  J.  Davis's  First  Settlers 

that  Kokoum  and  Rolfe  were  the  same.     Mat-  of  Virginia,  New  York,  1805-6,  and  again,  Phila- 

thew  S.  Henry,  in  a  letter  dated  Philadelphia,  delphia,  181 7,  with   the   more   definite   title   of 

Sept.   II,  1857,  written  to  Dr.  Wm.  P.  Palmer,  Captain   Smith   and   the   Princess    Pocaliontas ; 

then  Corresponding    Secretary  of  the  Virginia  Samuel  Hopkins,    Youth  of  tJie  Old  Dotniniojt. 

Historical  Society,  gives  us  the  Lenni  Lenape  There   are   other   works  of   fiction,   prose   and 

signification  of   Kakoom   or   Kokoum,  as  "*to  verse,  bearing  on  Pocahontas  and   her  father, 

come  from  somewhere  else,'  as  we  would  say,  by  Seba  Smith,  L.  H,  Sigourney,  M.  W.  Mose- 

' a  foreigner.'  "  by,  R.  D.  Owens,  O.  P.  Hillar,  etc.— -Ed.] 

1  [See  Maxwell's  Hist.  Reg.  ii.,  189 ;  and  a  2  jgee  an  earlier  note  on  her  descendants, 

note  to  the  earlier  part  of  this  chapter.     Her  — Ed.] 


VIRGINIA.  163 

There  is  an  engraving  of  Pocahontas  by  Simon  Pass,  which  perhaps  belongs  to,  but 
is  seldom  found  in,  Smith's  Generall  Historic.'^  The  original  painting  is  said  to  have 
belonged  to  Henry  Rolfe,  of  Narford,  — a  brother  of  John,  the  husband  of  Pocahontas, — 
and  from  him  passed  to  Anthony  Rolfe,  of  Tuttington,  and  from  him  again,  probably 
by  a  marriage,  to  the  Elwes  of  Tuttington,  and  it  is  mentioned  in  a  catalogue  of  a  sale  of 
their  effects  in  the  last  century.     It  has  not  since  been  traced.^ 

Richard  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  is  said  to  have  procured  from  England  two  portraits, 
—  one  of  Rolfe,  and  the  other  of  Pocahontas,  —  and  they  were  hung  in  his  house  at  Turkey 
Island.  After  his  death,  in  1784,  they  are  said  to  have  been  bought  by  Thomas  Boiling, 
of  Cobbs,  Va.,  and  the  inventory  showing  them  is,  or  was,  in  the  County  Court  of  Henrico. 
In  1830  they  were  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Thomas  Robinson,  of  Petersburg,  when  he 
wrote  of  the  portrait  of  Pocahontas  that  "it  is  crumbling  so  rapidly  that  it  may  be  con- 
sidered as  having  already  passed  out  of  existence."  A  letter  of  the  late  H.  B.  Grigsby 
to  Mr.  Charles  Deane  states  that  he  had  heard  it  was  on  panel  let  into  the  wainscot.  In 
1843,  while  still  owned  by  Mr.  Robinson,  R.  M.  Sully  made  a  copy  of  it,  which  seems 
to  have  proved  acceptable,  as  appears  from  the  attestations  printed  in  M 'Kinney  and 
Hall's  Indian  Tribes  of  North  America^  1844,  vol.  iii.,  where  at  p.  64  is  a  reproduction 
in  colors  of  Sully's  painting.  Mr  Grigsby  says  that  the  original  was  finally  destroyed  in 
a  contest  which  grew  out  of  a  dispute  when  the  house  was  sold,  whether  the  panel  went 
with  it  or  could  be  reserved.^ 

Of  the  massacre  at  Falling  Creek,  March  22,  1621-22,  the  Virginia  Company  printed, 
in  Edward  Waterhouse's  Declaration  of  the  State  of  the  Colony  and  Affairs  in  Virginia^ 
a  contemporary  account.^  Mr.  Neill  has  made  the  transaction  the  subject  of  special 
consideration  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History^  i.  222,  and  in  his  Letter  to  N.  G. 
Taylor  in  1868,  and  has  printed  a  considerable  part  of  Waterhouse's  account  in  his  Vir- 
ginia Co77tpany,  p.  '^I'J  et  seq. 

The  massacre  is  also  incidentally  mentioned  by  the  present  writer  in  a  paper,  "Early 
Iron  Manufacture  in  Virginia,  1619-1776,"  in  the  Richjuond  Staitdard^  Feb.  8,  1879, 
and  by  James  M.  Swank,  in  "  Statistics  of  the  Iron  and  Steel  Production  of  the  United 
States,"  compiled  for  the  Tenth  Census,  which  may  also  be  referred  to  for  information  as 
to  that  industry  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia. 

1  Its  place  is  sometimes  supplied  by  a  fac-  hontas  by  Thomas  Sully,  and  of  another  painted 
simile  engraved  for  W.  Richardson's  Granger's  by  R.  M.  Sully  are  in  the  Collections  of  the  Vir- 
Portraits,  1792-96.  The  original  Mataoka  or  ginia  Historical  Society,  and  it  is  palpable  that 
Pocahontas  picture  was  neither  in  the  Brinley,  they  are  both  mere  fanciful  representations.  The 
the  Medlicott,  nor  the  Menzies  copies,  and  is  original  of  the  picture  which  was  at  Cobb's,  the 
not  in  the  Harvard  College,  Dowse,  Deane,  or  writer  was  informed  by  the  late  Hon.  John  Rob- 
in most  of  the  known  copies.  ertson,  a  descendant  of  Pocahontas,  represented 

The  Crowninshield  copy  (6Vz/a/f^z/^,  no.  992)  "a  stout  blonde  English  woman," — a  descrip- 
had  the  original  plate  ;  and  that  copy,  after  tion  which  does  not  agree  with  the  picture  by- 
going  to  England,  came  back  to  America  as  the  Robert  M.  Sully  purporting  to  be  a  copy, 
property  of  Dr.  Charles  G.  Barney,  of  Virginia,  The  late  Charles  Campbell,  author  of  a  His- 
and  at  the  sale  of  his  library  in  New  York  in  tory  of  Virginia,  stated  that  Thomas  Sully  was 
1870  it  brought  $247.50;  but  it  is  understood  allowed  to  take  the  original  from  Cobb's  (it 
that  it  returned  to  his  own  shelves.  The  Carter-  being  little  valued),  and  that  after  cleaning  it 
Brown  (1632)  edition,  the  Barlow  large-paper  he  altered  the  features  and  complexion  to  his 
copy,  and  one  copy  at  least  in  the  Lenox  Library  own  fancy.  Of  the  picture  by  Thomas  Sully  he 
have  it.  states :  "  The  portrait  I  painted  and  presented 

2  There  exists  at  Heacham  Hall,  Norfolk,  to  the  Historical  Society  of  Virginia  was  copied, 
the  seat  of  the  Rolfes,  a  portrait  thought  to  be  in  part,  from  the  portrait  of  Pocahontas  in  the 
of  Henry,  the  son  of  Pocahontas.  This  is  the  '  Indian  Gallery,'  published  by  Daniel  Rice  and 
painting  mentioned  by  error  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Z.  Clark.  In  my  opinion  the  copy  by  my  nephew 
Proc.  xiii.  425,  as  of  Pocahontas.  [Robert  M.   Sully]   is  best   entitled  to  authen- 

^  Grigsby's  authority  for  his  statements  was     ticity." 
the  son  of  Sully,  who  also  painted  an  ideal  por-  ^  There  is  a  copy  in   Harvard  College   Li- 

trait  of  Pocahontas.    Copies  of  a  picture  of  Poca-     brary  ;  Rich  (1832),  no.  165,  priced  it  at  £2  zs. 


l64  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

An  examination  of  the  story  of  Claiborne's  rebellion  is  made  in  the  Maryland  chapter 
in  the  present  volume. 

'  Respecting  Bacon's  rebellion,  the  fullest  of  the  contemporary  accounts  is  that  of 
T.  M.  on  "The  beginning,  progress,  and  conclusion  of  Bacon's  RebeUion,"  which  is 
printed  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  8.1  Equally  important  is  a  MS.  "  Narrative  of  the 
Indian  and  Civil  Wars  in  Virginia,"  now  somewhat  defective,  which  was  found  among  the 
papers  of  Captain  Nathaniel  Burwell,  and  lent  to  the  Massacl^usetts  Historical  Society  and 
printed  carelessly  in  their  Collectiotis  in  18 14,  vol.  xi.,  and  copied  thence  by  Force  in  his 
Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  11,  in  1836.  The  MS.  was  again  collated  in  1866,  and  reprinted  accu- 
rately in  the  Society's  Proceedings,  ix.  299,  when  the  original  was  surrendered  to  the  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Society  (^Proceedings,  ix.  244,  298  ;  x.  135).  Tyler,  Ajnerican  Literature, 
i.  80,  assigns  its  authorship  to  one  Cotton,  of  Aq_uia  Creek,  whose  wife  is  said  to  be 
the  writer  of  "  An  Account  of  our  late  troubles  in  Virginia,"  which  was  first  printed  in 
the  Richmond  Enquirer,  Sept.  12,  1804,  and  again  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  9.  The 
popular  spreading  of  the  news  in  England  of  the  downfall  of  the  rebellion  was  helped  by 
a  little  tract.  Strange  news  from  Virginia,  of  which  there  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College 
Library.  There  is  in  the  British  Museum  Sir  William  Berkeley's  list  of  those  executed 
under  that  governor's  retaliatory  measures,  which  has  been  printed  in  Force's  Tracts, 
vol.  i.  no.  10. 

Other  original  documents  may  be  found  in  Hening's  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ii.  ;  in 
the  appendix  of  Burk's  Virginia  j  and  in  the  Aspinwall  Papers,  i.  162,  189,  published  in 
the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  An  Historical  Account  of  some  Mejnorable  Actions,  particiilarly 
in  Virginia,  etc.,  by  "Sir  Thomas  Grantham,  Knight"  (London,  1716),  was  reprinted 
in  fac-simile  with  an  Introduction  by  the  present  writer  (Carlton  McCarthy  &  Co., 
Richmond,  i882).2  The  fragment  of  the  records  of  the  General  Court  of  Virginia,  cited 
as  being  in  the  Collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  contains  details  of  the 
trial  of  the  participants  in  the  "rebellion"  not  included  in  Hening,  and  the  abstracts 
from  the  English  State-Paper  Office,  furnished  by  Mr.  Sainsbury  to  the  State  Library  of 
Virginia,  give  unpublished  details.  Extracts  from  the  same  source  are  in  the  library  of  the 
present  writer.  There  are  various  papers  in  the  early  volumes  of  the  Hist.  Mag.;  see  April, 
1867,  for  a  contemporary  letter.     Massachusetts  Bay  proclaimed  the  insurgents  rebels. ^ 

The  earliest  History  of  Virginia  after  John  Smith's  was  an  anonymous  one  published 
in  London  in  1705,  with  De  Bry's  pictures  reduced  by  Gribelin.  When  it  was  translated 
into  French,  and  pubhshed  two  years  later  (1707)  both  at  Amsterdam  and  Orleans  (Paris), 
the  former  issue  assigned  the  authorship  to  D.  S.,  which  has  been  interpreted  D.  Stevens, 
and  so  it  remained  in  other  editions,  some  only  title  editions,  printed  at  Amsterdam  in 
1712,  1716,  and  1718,  though  the  later  date  may  be  doubtful.  (Sabin,  ii.  5112.)  The  true 
author,  a  native  of  Virginia  and  a  Colonial  official,  had  meanwhile  died  there  in  1716. 

1  [Force  copied  from  the  Richmond  Inqtdrer  by  William  Ware  in  Sparks's  American  Biogra- 

of  September  1804,  where  Jefferson  had  printed  phy,  vol.  xiii. 

it  from  a  copy  in  his  possession.     Another  copy  Articles  of  peace  were  signed  by  John  West 
was  followed  in   the   Virginia  Evangelical  and 
Literary  Magazine  in  1820,  which  is  the  source 

from  which  it  was  again  printed  in  the  Vir-  ^-^f-^   fl     "y-^ 

ginia  Hist.  Reg.,  iii.  61,  621.  —  Ed.]                      ^  /   1/  ^        ^^ 

2.  [See  an  earlier  note.  —  Ed.] 

3  [See  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  1861,  \^      and  the  native  kings,  May  29,  1677. 

p.  320,  and  Massachusetts  Archives,  Colonial,  i,  ley  Catalogue,  5484.) 

475;  Democratic  Revie^v,  vii.  243,453.     For  the  Mrs.  Aphra   Behn   made  the  events  rather 

later   historians    see    Bancroft's   History  of  the  distantly  the  subject  of  a  drama,   The  Widdo^v 

United  States,  vol.  ii.  ch.  14,  and  Centenary  Edi-  Ranter  ;  and  in  our  day  St.  George  Tucker  based 

tion,  vol.  i.  ch.  20;  Gay's  Popidar  History  of  the  his  novel  of  Hansford  upon  them.     See  Sabin, 

United  States,  ii.  296;  and  the  memoir  of  Bacon  ii.  4372.  — Ed.] 


VIRGINIA. 

This  was  Robert  Beverley.^  The  book  is  concisely  written,  and  is  not  without  raciness 
and  crispness  ;  but  its  merits  are  perhaps  a  little  overestimated  in  Tyler's  American  Liter- 
ature^ ii.  264.  His  considerate  judgment  of  the  Indians  is  not,  however,  less  striking 
than  praiseworthy.  For  the  period  following  the  Restoration  he  may  be  considered  the 
most  useful,  though  he  is  not  independent  of  a  partisan  sympathy. 

Sir  William  Y^t\\\i's  History  of  Virginia  was  undertaken,  at  the  instance  of  the  Society 
for  the  Encouragement  of  Learning,  as  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  books  on  the  English 
plantations  ;  but  no  others  followed.  It  was  published  in  1738  with  two  maps,  —  one  of 
America,  the  other  of  Virginia,  —  and  he  depended  almost  entirely  on  Beverley,  and  brings 
the  story  down  to  1 723.2  Forty  years  after  Beverley  the  early  history  of  the  colony  was  again 
told,  but  only  down  to  1624,  by  the  Rev.  William  Stith,  then  rector  of  Henrico  Parish  ; 
being,  however,  at  the  time  of  his  death  (1755),  the  president  of  William  and  Mary  Col- 
lege. He  seems  to  have  been  discouraged  from  continuing  his  narrative  because  the 
"generous  and  public-spirited"  gentlemen  of  Virginia  were  unwilling  to  pay  the  increased 
cost  of  putting  into  his  Appendix  the  early  documents  which  give  a  chief  value  to  his 
book  to-day.  He  had  the  use  of  the  Collingwood  transcript  of  the  records  of  the  Virginia 
Company.  His  book,  History  of  the  First  Discovery  and  Settlement  of  Virginia^  was 
published  at  Williamsburg  in  1747,  and  there  are  variations  in  copies  to  puzzle  the  biblio- 
grapher.^ Stith's  diffuseness  and  lack  of  literary  skill  have  not  prevented  his  becoming  a 
high  authority  with  later  writers,  notwithstanding  that  he  implicitly  trusts  and  even  praises 
the  honesty  of  Smith. * 

The  somewhat  inexact  History  of  Virginia  by  John  Burk  has  some  of  the  traits  of 
expansive  utterance  which  might  be  expected  of  an  expatriated  Irishman  who  had  been 
implicated  in  political  hazards,  and  who  was  yet  to  fall  in  a  duel  in  1808.^  This  book, 
which  was  published  in  three  volumes  at  Petersburg  (1804-5),  was  dedicated  to  Jefferson. 
A  fourth  volume,  by  Skelton  Jones  and  Louis  Hue  Girardin,  was  added  in  1816;  but 
as  the  edition  was  in  large  part  destroyed  by  a  fire,  it  is  rarely  found  with  the  other 
three.®  Burk  used  the  copy  of  the  Virginia  Company  records  which  had  belonged 
to  John  Randolph,  as  well  as  some  collections  made  by  Hickman  (which  Randolph  had 
had  made  when  it  was  his  intention  to  write  on  Virginian  history),  and  Colonel  Byrd's 
Journal. 

The  name  of  Campbell  is  twice  associated  with  the  history  of  Virginia.  J.  W.  Camp- 
bell published  in  181 3  at  Petersburg  a  meagre  and  unimportant  History  of  Virginia,  coming 
down  to  1781.  The  best  known,  however,  is  the  work  of  Charles  Campbell,  his  son,  who 
in  1847,  at  Richmond,  published  a  well-written  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Virginia, 
and  in  i860,  at  Philadelphia,  a  completed  History  of  the  Colony  and  Ancient  Dominion 
of   Virginia,  coming  down  to  1783,  —  a  book  written  before  John   Smith  was  called  a 

1  In  1722  the  book  was  re-issued  in  London,  ii.  61  (where  it  is  asserted  that  only  the  title 
revised  and  enlarged  as  the  author  had  left  it,  is  of  new  make),  and  the  bibliographical  note 
and  this  edition  is  now  worth  ;i^io  loj-.  It  was  which  Sabin  added  to  his  reprint  of  Stith  in 
again  reprinted  in  1855,  edited  by  Charles  1865,  where  he  describes  three  varieties.  There 
Campbell.  (Sabin,  vol.  ii. ;  Brinley,  3719;  is  a  collation  in  the  j9r/;//,?jj/ 6Vz/a/(?o?/£',  no.  3,796, 
Muller,  1877,  no.  318,  etc.)  Jones's  Present  not  agreeing  with  either;  cf.  Hist.  Mag.W.  184, 
Slate  of  Virginia,  1724,  may  also  be  noted.  and    North    American    Review,    October,    1866, 

2  [Thomas  Hollis  wrote  in  the  copy  of  Keith  p.  605.  —  Ed.] 

which  he  sent  to  Harvard  College  in  1768,  "  The  *  [Adams,  Manual  of  Historical  Literature, 

Society,  the  glorious  society,  instituted  in  London  557  5  Hist.  Mag.  i.  27  ;  Field,  Indian  Bibliography, 

for  promoting  Learning,  having   existed   but   a  no.   1,502;    Tyler,  Atnerican  Literature,  ii.   280; 

little  while,  through  scrubness  of  the  times,  no  Allibone,  ii.  2264;  article  by  William  Green  in 

Other  than  Part  I.  of  this  history  was  published,  Southern  Literary  Messenger,   September,   1863. 

and  it  is  very  scarce."  —  Ed.]  —  Ed.] 

•^  [Some   claim  to  be  printed  in  London  in  ^  See    Charles   Campbell's  Memoir  of  fohn 

1753  ;   the  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library  is  Daly  Burk,  1868. 
of  this  1753  imprint;  see  Hist.  Mag.  i.  59,  and  ^  Sabin,  iii.  9273. 


l66  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

romancer.  The  book,  however  defective  in  arrangement  and  execution,  is  thought  to 
be  the  best  general  authority.^ 

The  most  comprehensive  History  of  Virginia  is  that  of  Robert  R.  Howison,  vol.  i. 
coming  down  to  1763,  being  published  at  Philadelphia  in  1846,  and  vol.  ii.,  ending  in 
1847,  being  published  at  Richmond  the  next  year.  He  is  a  pleasing  writer,  but  sacrifices 
fact  to  rhetoric,  though  he  makes  an  imposing  display  of  references. 

To  these  may  be  added,  in  passing,  William  H.  Brockenbrough's  Outline  of  History  of 
Virginia  to  1754  ;  Martin's  Gazetteer,  1835,  and  Howe's  Historical  Collections  of  Virginia, 
printed  in  Charleston,  1856. 

Respecting  the  religious  history  of  the  colony,  besides  the  general  historians,  there 
have  been  several  special  treatments.  Mr.  Neill  has  written  upon  the  Puritan  affinities  in 
Hours  at  Ho?ne,  November,  1867,  and  on  Thomas  Harrison  and  the  Virginia  Puritans  in  his 
English  Colonization,  where  is  also  a  chapter  on  the  planting  of  the  Church  of  England. 

Patrick  Copland's  sermon,  Virginia's  God  be  thanked,  was  preached  before  the  Com- 
pany in  London,  April  18,  1622  ;  a  copy  of  which  is  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Cf. 
Mr.  Neill's  Memoir  of  Rev.  Patrick  Copland,  New  York,  1871,  p.  52,  and  his  English 
Colonization,  p.  104. 

Further,  see  Hawkes's  Contributions  to  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  United  States, 
"Virginia,"  1836;  Hening's  Statutes;  Papers  relatifig  to  the  History  of  the  Church  in 
Virginia,  1650-1770,  by  W.  S.  Perry,  1870  ;  Hammond's  Leah  and  Rachel,  1656  ;  Bishop 
Meade's  Old  Churches,  etc.,  1855  ;  "  Notes  on  the  Virginia  Colonial  Clergy"  in  the  Epis- 
copal Recorder,  and  reprinted  separately  by  E.  D.  Neill,  1877;  Savage's  VVinthrop's  His- 
tory of  New  England,  and  Anderson's  Church  of  England  i?i  the  Colonies,  1856. 

The  writer  has  also  in  his  possession  the  Records  of  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Hen- 
rico County,  June  10,  1699-1797,  which  he  designs  to  use  in  a  history  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  in  Virginia.  He  has  also  earlier  isolated  records,  and  a  partial  registry  of  births, 
marriages,  and  deaths  of  those  of  the  faith  of  the  Society  in  Henrico  and  Hanover  coun- 
ties in  the  eighteenth  century. 

For  an  account  of  early  manufactures  in  Virginia,  see  Bishop's  History,  of  American 
Manufactures,  1866.  For  a  view  of  the  early  agriculture,  see  a  paper  by  the  present 
writer  on  the  History  of  Tobacco  in  Virginia  from  its  Settlement  to  17 go  ;  Statistics, 
Agriculttire,  and  Commerce,  prepared  for  the  Tenth  Census ;  History  of  Agriculture  in 
Virginia,  by  N.  F.  Cabell,  1857;  the  Earmers''  Register,  1833-42;  Transactions  ^  the 
State  Agricult2iral  Society  of  Virginia,  1855  5  ^'^^i  "  Virginia  Colonial  Money  and 
Tobacco's  Part  therein,"  by  W.  L.  Royall,  in    Virginia  Law  fournal,  August,  1877. 

For  a  view  of  slavery  in  the  colony,  see  Bancroft,  ch.  v.  ;  O'Callaghan's  Voyages  of 
the  Slavers ;  Wilson's  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power;  Cobb's  Inquiry j  and  the 
works  of  Cabell,  Fitzhugh,  Fletcher,  Hammond,  Ross,  Stringfellow,  and  general  histories. 

It  is  evident  that  no  single  author  has  yet  given  an  adequate  history  of  Virginia; 
and  while  it  is  true  that  much  precious  material  therefor  has  perished,  it  is  believed  that 
the  original  record  is  yet  not  wanting  for  such  a  representation  of  the  past  of  the  State 
as  would  be  at  once  more  intelligible  as  to  the  motives  which  occasioned  events,  and  more 
convincingly  just  in  the  recital  of  them. 


1  [C.  K,  Adams,  Manual  of  Historical  Literature,  557  ;  Potter'' s  American  Monthly,  December, 
1876,  the  year  of  Campbell's  death.  —  Ed.] 


VIRGINIA. 


167 


EDITORIAL     NOTES. 


A.  Maps  of  Virginia  or  the  Chesa- 
peake. —  There  seem  to  have  been  visits  of 
the  Spaniards  to  the  Chesapeake  at  an  early  day 
(i 566-1 573),  and  they  may  have  made  a  tem- 
porary settlement  (1570)  on  the  Rappahannock. 
(Robert  Greenhow  in  C.  Robinson's  Discoveries 
in  the  West,  p.  487,  basing  on  Barcia's  Ensayo 
Chronologico ;  Historical  Magazine,  iii.  268,  318; 
J.  G.  Shea  in  Beach's  Indian  Miscellany.)  In 
the  map  which  De  Bry  gave  with  the  several 
editions  of  Hariot  in  1590,  the  bay  appears  as 
"Chesepiooc  Sinus;"  but  in  the  more  general 
maps,  shortly  after,  the  name  Chesipooc,  or 
some  form  of  it,  is  applied  rather  wildly  to  some 
bay  on  the  coast,  as  by  Wytfliet's  in  1597,  or 
earlier  still  by  Thomas  Hood,  1592,  where  the 
"  B.  de  S.  Maria  "  of  the  Spaniards,  if  intended 
for  the  Chesapeake,  is  given  an  outline  as  vague 
as  the  rest  of  the  neighboring  coast,  where  it 
appears  as  shown  in  the  sketch  in  chapter  vi. 
between  the  Figs,  i  and  2.  It  may  be,  as  Ste- 
vens contends  {Historical  and  Geographical 
Notes),  that  not  before  Smith  were  the  entang- 
ling Asian  coast-lines  thoroughly  eliminated 
from  this  region ;  but  certainly  there  was  no 
wholly  recognizable  delineation  of  the  bay  till 
Smith  recorded  the  results  of  the  explorations 
which  he  describes  in  his  Generall  Historic, 
chs.  V.  and  vi.  Smith  indicates  by  crosses  on 
the  affluents  ol  the  bay  the  limits  of  his  own 
observations.  Strachey's  Historic  of  Travaile, 
p.  42. 

In  Smith's  Map  of  Virginia,  with  a  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Country,  etc.,  Oxford,  1612,  W.  S.,  or 
William  Strachey,  eked  out  the  little  tract  with 
an  appendix  of  others'  contributions.  Strachey 
afterwards  adopted  a  considerable  part  in  his 
Historic  of  Travaile.  Mr.  Deane,  in  his  edition 
of  the  Trtce  Relation,  p.  xxi,  has  given  a  full 
account  of  this  tract.  Smith  reprinted  it  in  his 
Generall  Historic  with  some  changes  and  addi- 
tions and  small  omissions.  Purchas  reprinted 
it  in  his  Pilgrimes,  but  not  without  changes  and 
omissions  of  small  extent,  and  with  some  ad- 
ditions, which  he  credits  on  the  margin  to  Smith ; 
and  he  had  earlier  given  an  abstract  of  it  in  his 
Pilgrimage.  There  is  a  copy  of  the  original  in 
the  Lenox  Library.  Tyler,  American  Literaticre, 
i.  30,  notices  it. 

The  map  accompanying  this  tract,  engraved 
by  W.  Hole,  appeared  in  three  impressions 
(Stevens's  Bibliotheca  Historica,  1870,  no.  1,903). 
It  was  altered  somewhat,  and  the  words,  "  Page 
41,  Smith,"  were  put  in  the  lower  right-hand 
corner,  when  it  was  next  used  in  the  Generall 
Historic,    1 624  and   later;    and   in   1625  it  was 


again  inserted  at  pp.  1836-37  of  Purchas's  Pil- 
grimes, vol.  iv.  De  Bry  next  re-engraved  it  in 
part  xiii.  of  his  Great  Voyages,  printed  in  Ger- 
man, 1627,  and  in  Latin  1634;  and  in  part  xiv. 
in  German  in  1630  [Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i. 
370-71).  It  was  also  re-engraved  for  Gottfriedt's 
Newe  Welt,  published  at  Frankfort,  and  marked 
"  Erforshet  und  bescliriben  durch  Capitain  lohan 
Schmidt."  The  compiler  of  this  last  book  was 
J.  Ph.  Abelin,  who  had  been  one  of  De  Bry's  co- 
workers, and  he  made  this  work  in  some  sort 
an  abridgment  of  De  Bry's,  use  being  made  of 
his  plates,  often  inserting  them  in  the  text,  the 
book  being  first  issued  in  1631,  and  again  in 
1655.  (Muller's  Books  on  America  (1872),  no. 
636,  and  (1877)  no.  1,269.) 

The  map  was  next  used  in  two  English  edi- 
tions of  Hondy's  Mercator,  "Englished  by  W. 
S."  1635,  etc.,  but  with  some  fanciful  additions, 
as  Mr.  Deane  says  (Bohn's  Lowndes,  p.  1103). 
The  map  of  the  coast  in  De  Laet,  1633  and  1640, 
was,  it  would  seem,  founded  upon  it  for  the 
Chesapeake  region ;  cf.  also  the  map  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Florida  called  "  par  Mercator,"  of 
date  1633,  and  the  maps  by  Blaeu,  of  1655  and 
1696. 

Once  more  Smith's  plot  adorned,  in  1671, 
Ogilby's  large  folio  on  America,  p.  193,  as  it  had 
also  found  place  in  the  prototype  of  Ogilby,  the 
Amsterdam  Montanus  of  167 1  and  1673.  I'^ 
these  two  books  (1671-73)  also  appeared  the 
map  "  Virginiae,  partis  australis  et  Floridas,  par- 
tis orientalis,  nova  descriptio,"  which  shows  the 
coast  from  the  Chesapeake  down  to  the  30th 
degree  of  north  latitude. 

Smith's  was  finally  substantially  copied  as 
late  as  1735,  as  the  best  available  source,  in 
A  Short  Account  of  the  First  Settlement  of  the 
Provinces,  etc.,  London,  1735,  —  a  contribution 
to  the  literature  of  the  boundary  dispute,  and 
was  doubtless  the  basis  of  the  map  in  Keith's 
Virginia  in  1 738;  but  it  finally  gave  place 
to  Fry  and  Jefferson's   map    of   the   region   in 

1750- 

A  phototype  fac-simile,  reduced  about  one 
quarter,  of  the  earliest  state  of  the  original  map 
in  the  Harvard  College  copy  of  the  Oxford  tract 
of  161 2  is  given  herewith.  A  similar  fac-simile, 
full  size,  is  given  in  Mr.  Deane's  reprint  of  the 
True  Relatiojt,  though  it  was  not  published  in 
that  tract.  A  lithographic  fac-simile,  full  size, 
but  without  the  pictures  in  the  upper  corners, 
is  given  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of 
Strachey,  p.  23.  Other  reproductions  will  be 
found  in  Scharf's  Maryland,  i.  6,  Scharf's  Balti- 
mo7'e  City  and  County,  188 1,  p.  38,  and  in  Cas- 


i68 


"^Is^.RKATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


sell's  United  States,  p.  27.  That  in  the  Rich- 
mond (18 19)  reprint  of  the  Generall  Historie  is 
well  done,  full  size,  on  copper.  This  copper- 
plate was  rescued  in  1867  from  the  brazier's 
pot  by  the  late  Thomas  H.  Wynne,  and  at  the 
sale  of  his  library  in  1875  "^^^  purchased  for 
the  State  Library  of  Virginia. 

Neill,  in  his  Virginia  Company,  p.  191,  men- 
tions '*  A  mapp  of  Virginia,  discovered  to  y^ 
Hills  and  its  latt.  from  35  deg.  and  \  neer 
Florida  to  41  deg.  bounds  of  New  England. 
Domina  Virginia  Ferrar  coUegit,  1651,"  and  iden- 
tifies this  compiler  of  the  map  as  a  daughter  of 
John  Ferrar.  The  map  we  suppose  to  be  the  one 
engraved  by  Goddard.  This  map  is  associated 
with  a  London  publication  of  1650,  called  Virgo 
triumphans,  or  Virginia  richly  and  truly  val- 
ued, which  is  usually  ascribed  to  Edward  Wil- 
liams, but  is  held  nevertheless  to  be  in  substance 
the  work  of  John  Ferrar  of  Ceding.  There 
were  two  editions  of  this  year  (1650):  Brinley 
Catalogue  no.  T„^i6;  Quaritch,  General  Catalogue, 
no.  12,535,  hs^d  a<^  ;^36  John  Ferrar's  copy  of 
the  first  edition,  with  his  notes,  and  the  original 
drawing  of  the  map,  inserted  by  Ferrar  to  make 
up  a  deficiency  in  the  first  edition,  of  which  he 
complains.  Quaritch  prices  a  good  copy  with- 
out such  annotations  at  ;^25.  The  second  edi- 
tion (1650)  had  additions,  as  shown  in  the  title, 
Virginia,  more  especially  the  South  part  thereof, 
second  edition,  with  addition  of  the  discovery  of 
silkwo7-ms,  etc.  In  this  the  same  map  appeared 
engraved  as  above,  and  the  Huth  copy  of  it  has 
it  in  two  states,  one  without,  and  the  other  with 
an  oval  portrait  of  Sir  Francis  Drake.  {Huth 
Catalogue,  v.  1594.)  The  Harvard  College 
copy  lacks  the  map,  which  is  described  by  Quar- 
itch (no.  12,536,  who  prices  this  edition  at  ;^32) 
in  a  copy  from  the  Bathurst  Library,  as  a  folding 
sheet  exhibiting  New  Albion  as  well  as  Virginia, 
with  the  purpose  of  showing  an  easy  northern 
passage  to  the  Pacific,  the  text  representing  the 
Mississippi  as  dividing  the  two  countries,  and 
flowing  into  the  South  Sea ;  see  also  Menzies'' 
Catalogue,  no.  2,143,  ^^^  the  note  in  Major's 
edition  of  Strachey,  p.  34,  on  a  map  published  in 
1651  in  London.  This  second  edition  was  the 
one  which  Force  followed  in  reprinting  it  in  his 


Tracts,  vol.  iii.  no.  1 1.  The  Huth  Catalogue  notes 
a  third  edition,  Virginia  in  America  richly  valued, 
1651.     The  map  is  given  on  a  later  page. 

B.  The  Virginia  Historical  Society.— 
From  1818  to  1828  the  eleven  volumes  of  the 
Evangelical  and  Literary  Magazine,  edited  at  Rich- 
mond by  John  Holt  Rice,  D.D.,  had  contained 
some  papers  on  the  early  history  of  the  State, 
but  no  organized  effort  was  made  to  work  in  this 
direction  before  the  Virginia  Historical  and 
Philosphical  Society  was  formed,  in  December, 
1831,  with  Chief  Justice  Marshall  as  president, 
and  under  its  auspices  a  small  volume  of  Col- 
lections was  issued  in  1833  ;  but  from  February, 
1838,  to  1847  the  Society  failed  to  be  of  any 
influence.  Meanwhile,  from  1834  to  1864  the 
Southern  Literary  Messenger  afforded  some 
means  for  the  local  antiquaries  and  historical 
students  to  communicate  with  one  another  and 
the  public. 

In  December,  1847,  a  revival  of  interest  re- 
sulted in  a  reorganization  of  the  old  Associa- 
tion as  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  with  the 
Hon.  William  C.  Rives  as  president.  Promptly 
ensuing.  Maxwell's  Virginia  Historical  Register 
was  started  as  an  organ  of  the  Society,  and  was 
published  from  1848  to  1853,  —  six  volumes.^ 
The  Society  laid  a  plan  of  publishing  the  annals 
of  the  State,  and,  as  preliminary,  intrusted  to 
Conway  Robinson,  Esq.,  the  preparation  of  a 
volume  which  was  published  in  1848  as  An  Ac- 
count of  the  Discoveries  in  the  West  zintil  i^zg, 
and  of  Voyages  to  and  along  the  Atlantic  Coast  of 
North  America  from  1520  to  1573.  This  was 
an  admirable  summary,  and  deserves  wider 
recognition  than  it  has  had.  It  subsequently 
published,  besides  various  addresses,  The  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Reporter,  18 54-1 860,  which  con- 
tained accounts  of  the  Society's  meetings.  The 
Civil  War  interrupted  its  work,  but  in  1867  the 
Society  was  again  resuscitated,  and  it  has  been 
under  active  management  since.  There  is  a 
bibliography  of  its  publications  in  the  Historical 
Magazine,  xvii.  340.  Its  historical  students  have 
contributed  to  the  files  of  the  Richmond  Standard 
since  Sept.  7,  1878,  much  early  reprinted  and 
later  original  matter  relating  to  Virginia. 


NOTE.  — Since  this  chapter  was  completed  has  appeared  Mr.  George  W. 
America,  which  has  a  chapter  on  the  history  of  Slavery  in  the  colony  of  Virginia ; 
The  English  in  America,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the  Carolinas,  London,  1882. 


Williams's  Negro  Race  in 
and  also  Mr.  J.  A.  Doyle's 


CHAPTER   VI. 

NORUMBEGA  AND   ITS   ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 

BY  THE  REV.   BENJAMIN   F.  DE  COSTA,  D.D. 

Formerly  Editor  of  the  Magazine  of  A  merican  History. 

THE  story  of  Norumbega  is  invested  with  the  charms  of  fable  and  ro- 
mance. The  name  is  found  in  the  map  of  Hieronimus  da  Verrazano 
of  1529,  as  "Aranbega,"  being  restricted  to  a  definite  and  apparently  un- 
important locality.  Suddenly,  in  1539,  Norumbega  appears  in  the  narra- 
tive of  the  Dieppe  Captain  as  a  vast  and  opulent  region,  extending  from 
Cape  Breton  to  the  Cape  of  Florida.  About  three  years  later  Allefonsce 
described  the  "River  of  Norumbega,"  now  identified  with  the  Penobscot,  and 
treated  the  capital  of  the  country  as  an  important  market  for  the  trade  in 
fur.  Various  maps  of  the  period  of  Allefonsce  confine  the  name  of  Norum- 
bega to  a  distinct  spot;  but  Gastaldi's  map,  published  by  Ramusio  in  1556, 
—  though  modelled  after  Verrazano's,  of  which  indeed  it  is  substantially  an 
extract,  —  applies  the  name  to  the  region  lying  between  Cape  Breton  and 
the  Jersey  coast.  From  this  time  until  the  seventeenth  century  Norumbega 
was  generally  regarded  as  embracing  all  New  England,  and  sometimes  por- 
tions of  Canada,  though  occasionally  the  country  was  known  by  other  names. 
Still,  in  1582,  Lok  seems  to  have  thought  that  the  Penobscot  formed  the 
southern  bounii^ary  of  Norumbega,  which  he  shows  on  his  map  ^  as  an  island ; 
while  John  Smith,  in  1620,  speaks  of  Norumbega  as  including  New  England 
and  the  region  as  far  south  as  Virginia.  On  the  other  hand  Champlain,  in 
1605,  treated  Norumbega  as  lying  within  the  present  territory  of  Maine. 
He  searched  for  its  capital  on  the  banks  of  the  Penobscot,  and  as  late  as 
•  1669  Heylin  was  dreaming  of  the  fair  city  of  Norumbega. 

Grotius,  for  a  time  at  least,  regarded  the  name  as  of  Old  Northern 
origin,  and  connected  with  "■  Norbergia."  It  was  also  fancied  that  a  people 
resembling  the  Mexicans  once  lived  upon  the  banks  of  the  Penobscot. 
Those  who  have'  labored  to  find  an  Indian  derivation  for  the  name  say 
that  it  means  "■  the  place  of  a  fine  city."  At  one  time  the  houses  of  the 
city  were  supposed  to  be  very  splendid,  and  to  be  supported  upon  pillars 
of  crystal  and  silver.'    Pearls  were  also  reported  as  abundant,  which  at  that 

1  [See  this  map  in  chapter  i. —  Ed.] 
VOL.  HI.  —  22. 


170 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


early  period  was  no  doubt  the  case.  Charlevoix  offers  the  unsupported 
statement  that  Francis  I.  made  Roberval  **  Lord  of  Norumbega."  Rober- 
val  was  certainly  the  patentee  of  the  whole  territory  of  Norumbega,  though 
Mark  Lescarbot  made  merry  over  the  matter,  as  he  could  find  nothing  to 
indicate  any  town  except  a  few  miserable  huts.  It  is  reasonable  to  infer, 
however,  that  at  an  early  period  an  Indian  town  of  some  celebrity  existed. 
Like  the  ancient  Hochelaga,  which  stood  on  the  present  site  of  Montreal 
and  was  visited  and  described  by  Cartier,  it  eventually  passed  away.  To- 
day, but  for  Cartier,  Hochelaga  would  have  had  quite  as  mythical  a  rep- 
utation as  Norumbega,  which,  however,  still  forms  an  appropriate  theme 
for  critical  inquiry.^ 

The  first  Englishman  whose  name  has  been  associated  with  any  por- 
tion of  the  region  known  as  Norumbega  was  John  Rut.  This  adventurer 
reached  Newfoundland  during  August,  1527,  and  afterwards,  according  to 
Hakluyt's  report,  sailed  "  towards  Cape  Breton  and  the  coastes  of  Arem- 
bec ;  "  but  Purchas,  who  was  better  informed,  says  nothing  about  any 
southward  voyage.  One  of  the  ships,  the  "  Sampson,"  was  reported  as 
lost,  while  the  other,  the  "  Mary  of  Guilford,"  returned  to  England.  There 
is  nothing  to  prove  that  Rut  even  reached  Cape  Breton ;  much  less  is  it 
probable  that  he  explored  the  coast  southward,  along  Nova  Scotia,  which 
was  called  *'Arembec." 

The  first  Englishman  certainly  known  to  have  reached  any  portion  of 
the  region  here  treated  as  Norumbega  was  David  Ingram,  a  wandering 
sailor.  During  October,  1568,  with  about  one  hundred  companions,  he 
was  landed  on  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  Captain  John  Hawkins, 
who,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  sailed  away  and  left  these 
messmates  behind.  With  two  of  his  companions  Ingram  travelled  afoot 
along  the  Indian  trails,  passing  through  the  territory  of  Massachusetts  and 
Maine  to  the  St.  John's  River,  where  he  embarked  in  a  French  ship,  the 
**  Gargarine,"  commanded  by  Captain  Champagne,  and  sailed  for  France. 
The  narrative  of  his  journey  is  profusely  embellished  by  his  imagination, 
it  may  be,  —  as  is  generally  held;  but  that  he  accomplished  the  long  march 
has  never  been  doubted.  At  that  period  the  minds  of  explorers  were  daz- 
zled by  dreams  of  rich  and  splendid  cities  in  America,  and  Ingram  simply 
sought  to  meet  the  popular  taste  by  his  reference  to  houses  with  pillars  of 
crystal  and  silver.^  He  also  says  that  he  saw  the  city  of  Norumbega,  called 
Bega,  which  was  three  fourths  of  a  mile  long  and  abounded  with  peltry. 
There  is  no  doubt  of  his  having  passed  through  some  large  Indian  village, 
and  possibly  his  Bega  may  have  been  the  Aranbega  of  Verrazano. 

At  the  close  of  1578  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  made  a  voyage  to  North 
America,  but  may  not   have   visited  Norumbega.     The  earliest   mention 

1  [The  French  explorations  will  be  treated,  2  Lane,  in  1585,  heard  of  houses  covered  with 

and  the  illustrative  maps  will  be  given,  in  Vol.     plates  of  metal.      Hakluyt,  iii.  258.      Others  re- 
IV.  —  Ed.]  peated  similar  stories  about  other  places. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH   EXPLORERS.  •        171 

of  his  expedition  is  that  found  in  Dee's  Diary,  under  date  of  Aug.  5, 
1578,  where  he  says:  '*  Mr.  Raynolds,  of  Bridewell,  tok  his  leave  of  me 
as  he  passed  towards  Dartmouth  to  go  with  Sir  Umfry  Gilbert  towards 
Hochelaga."  ^ 

The  first  known  English  expedition  to  Norumbega  was  made  in  a  "  little 
ffrigate "  by  Simon  Ferdinando,  who  was  in  the  service  of  Walsingham. 
Ferdinando  sailed  from  Dartmouth  in  1579,  and  was  absent  only  three 
months.  The  brief  account  does  not  state  what  part  of  Norumbega  was 
visited ;  but  the  circumstances  point  to  the  northern  part,  and  presumably 
to  the  Penobscot  region  of  Maine.  It  would  also  appear  that  the  voyage 
was  more  or  less  of  the  nature  of  a  reconnoissance. 

The  first  Englishman  known  to  have  conducted  an  expedition  to 
Norumbega  was  John  Walker,  who,  the  year  following  the  voyage  of 
Ferdinando,  sailed  to  the  river  of  Norumbega,  in  the  service  of  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert.  He  reached  the  Penobscot,  of  which  he  gave  a  rough 
description,  finding  the  region  rich  in  furs,  as  described  by  Allefonsce  and 
Ingram.  He  discovered  a  silver  mine  where  modern  enterprise  is  now 
every  year  opening  new  veins  of  silver  and  gold.  This  voyage,  like  that  of 
his  predecessor,  proved  a  short  one,  —  the  return  trip  being  made  direct 
to  France,  where  the  "  hides  "  which  he  had  secured  were  sold  for  forty 
shillings  apiece. 

In  1583  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  took  possession  of  Newfoundland;  and 
afterwards  sailed  for  Norumbega,  whither  his  "  man "  Walker  had  gone 
three  years  before.  In  latitude  44°  north,  near  Sable  Island,  he  lost  his 
great  ship,  the  ''Admiral,"  with  most  of  his  supplies ;  when,  under  stress 
of  the  autumnal  gales,  the  brave  knight  reluctantly  abandoned  the  expedi- 
tion and  shaped  his  course  for  home,  sailing  in  a  "little  ffrigate,"  —  possi- 
bly the  "  barck  "  of  Ferdinando.  Off  the  Azores,  in  the  midst  of  a  furious 
storm,  the  frigate  went  down,  carrying  Sir  Humphrey  with  her;  just  as, 
shortly  before,  Parmenius  —  a  learned  Hungarian  who  had  joined  the  enter- 
prise expressly  to  sing  the  praise  of  fair  Norumbega  in  Latin  verse  —  had 
gone  down  in  the  ''Admiral." 

In  1584,  while  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  lay  sleeping  in  his  ocean  grave, 
Raleigh  was  active  in  Virginia,  where  the  work  of  colonization  was  pushed 
forward  during  a  period  of  six  years.  ^  Meanwhile  the  services  of  Simon 
Ferdinando  as  pilot  were  employed  in  this  direction  in  the  pay  of  Granville, 
and  Norumbega  for  a  space  was  unsearched,  so  far  as  we  know,  by  the  ex- 
ploring English,  There  seems,  however,  ground  for  supposing  that  the 
fisheries  or  trade  in  peltries  may  have  allured  an  occasional  trafficking  vessel, 
and  contraband  voyages  may  have  been  carried  on  without  the  knowledge 
of  the  patentee,  the  furs  being  sold  in  France.  The  elder  Hakluyt  appears 
to  have  had  a  very  fair  idea  of  the  region,  and  he  knew  of  the  copper  mines 
off  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  at  the  Bay  of  Menan,  which  was  laid  down 
on  the  map  of  Molyneux.     Nevertheless,  the  only  voyager  that  we  can  now 

1  Dee's  Diary  in  the  Publications  of  the  Camden  Society.  ^  [See  chap.  iv.  —  Ed.] 


172  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

point  to  is  Richard  Strong,  of  Apsham,  who,  in  1593,  sailed  to  Cape  Breton, 
and  afterwards  cruised  some  time  **  up  and  down  the  coast  of  Arembec  to 
the  west  and  southwest  of  Cape  Breton."  He  doubtless  searched  for  seal 
in  the  waters  of  Maine,  and  made  himself  familiar  with  its  shores.  It  is  said 
that  he  saw  men,  whom  he  "judged  to  be  Christians,"  sailing  in  boats  to 
the  southwest  of  Cape  Breton. 

The  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century  witnessed  a  revival  of  English 
colonial  enterprise ;  and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  though  busy  with  schemes  for 
privateering,  nevertheless  found  time  to  think  of  Virginia,  of  which,  both 
north  and  south,  he  was  now  the  patentee.  Accordingly  he  sent  out  a 
vessel  to  Virginia  under  Mace,  evidently  with  reference  to  the  lost  colonists.^ 
Upon  the  return  of  Mace,  Sir  Walter  went  to  Weymouth  to  confer  with 
him,  when,  to  his  surprise,  he  learned  that,  without  authority,  another  ex- 
pedition had  visited  that  portion  of  his  grant  which  was  still  often  called 
Norumbega.  This  was  the  expedition  of  Gosnold,  who  sailed  from  Fal- 
mouth, March  26,  1602,  in  a  small  bark  belonging  to  Dartmouth,  and  called 
the  **  Concord."  The  company  numbered  thirty-two  persons,  eleven  of 
whom  intended  to  remain  and  plant  a  colony,  apparently  quite  forgetful 
of  the  fact  that  they  were  intruders  and  liable  to  be  proceeded  against  by 
the  patentee.  In  this  voyage  Gosnold  took  the  direct  route,  sailing  be- 
tween the  high  and  low  latitudes,  and  making  a  saving  of  nearly  a  thousand 
miles.  In  this  respect  he  has  been  regarded  as  an  innovator,  though 
probably  Walker  pursued  the  same  course.  If  there  is  no  earlier  instance, 
Verrazano,  as  we  now  know,  in  1524  set  navigators  the  example  of  the 
direct  course,  thereby  avoiding  the  West  Indies  and  the' Spaniards.  It  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  Gosnold  took  the  idea  direct  from  Verrazano, 
as  he  left  Falmouth  with  the  Florentine's  letter  in  his  hand,  referring 
directly  to  it  in  his  own  letter  to  his  father:  while  Brereton  and  Archer 
made  abundant  use  of  it  in  their  accounts  of  the  voyage.  On  May  14 
Gosnold  sighted  the  coast  of  Maine  near  Casco  Bay,  calling  the  place 
Northland;  twelve  leagues  southwest  of  which  he  visited  Savage  Rock, 
or  Cape  Neddock,  where  the  Indians  came  out  in  a  Basque  shallop,  and 
with  a  piece  of  chalk  drew  for  him  sketches  of  the  coast.  Next  Gosnold 
sailed  southward  sixteen  leagues  to  Boon  Island,  and  thence,  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  steered  out  **  into  the  sea,"  holding  his  course 
still  southward  until  morning,  when  the  *'  Concord "  was  embayed  by  a 
'*  mighty  headland."  Their  last  point  of  departure  could  not  have  been 
nearer  the  *' mighty  headland,"  which  was  Cape  Cod,  than  indicated  by 
the  sailing  time.  If  the  starting-point  had  been  Cape  Ann,  they  would 
have  sighted  Cape  Cod  before  sunset.  Archer  says,  when  at  Savage 
Rock,  that  they  were  short  of  their  "  purposed  voyage."  They  had,  then, 
a  definite  plan.  Evidently  they  were  sailing  to  the  place,  south  of  Cape 
Cod,  described  in  the  letter  of  Verrazano.  Gosnold  may  have  seen  this 
island  in  the  great  Verrazano  map  described  by  Hakluyt.     At  all  events 

1  [See  chapter  iv.  —  Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  1 73 

Cape  Cod  was  rounded,  and  the  expedition  reached  that  island  of  the  Ehza- 
beth  group  now  known  as  Cuttyhunk,  where,  upon  an  islet  in  a  small  lake, 
they  spent  three  weeks  in  building  a  fortified  house,  which  they  roofed  with 
rushes.  All  this  work  they  kept  a  secret  from  the  Indians,  while  they  in- 
tended, according  to  the  narrative,  to  establish  a  permanent  abode.  Indeed, 
this  appears  to  have  been  the  particular  region  for  which  Sir  Humphrey 
was  sailing  in  1583,  as  we  know  by  Hakluyt's  annotation  on  the  margin  of 
his  translation  of  Verrazano  which  Gosnold  used. 

From  Cuttyhunk  the  members  of  the  expedition  made  excursions  to  the 
mainland,  and  they  also  loaded  their  vessel  with  sassafras  and  cedar.  When, 
however,  the  time  fixed  for  the  ship's  departure  came,  those  who  were  to 
remain  as  colonists  fell  to  wrangling  about  the  division  of  the  supplies ;  and, 
as  signs  of  a  "revolt"  appeared,  the  prospects  of  a  settlement  began  to 
fade,  if  indeed  the  idea  of  permanence  had  ever  been  seriously  entertained. 
Soon  "all  was  given  over;  "  and  June  17  the  whole  company  abandoned 
their  beautiful  isle,  with  the  "  house  and  little  fort,"  and  set  sail,  desiring 
nothing  so  much  as  the  sight  of  their  native  land.  Gliding  past  the  gor- 
geous cliffs  of  Gay  Head,  the  demoralized  company  had  no  relish  for  the 
scene,  but  sailed  moodily  on  to  No-Man's  Land,  where  they  caught  some 
wild  fowl  and  anchored  for  the  night.  The  next  day  the  "  Concord," 
freighted  we  fear  with  discord,  resumed  the  voyage,  and  took  her  tedious 
course  over  the  solitary  sea. 

Gosnold  reached  South  Hampton  on  the  23d  of  July,  having  "  not  one 
cake  of  bread  "  and  only  a  "  little  vinegar  left;  "  yet  even  here  his  troubles 
did  not  end,  for  in  the  streets  of  Weymouth  he  soon  encountered  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  who  confiscated  his  cargo  of  sassafras  and  cedar  boards,  on 
the  ground  that  the  voyage  was  made  without  his  consent,  and  therefore 
contraband.  Gosnold  nevertheless  protected  his  own  interests  by  ingra- 
tiating himself  with  Raleigh,  leaving  the  loss  to  fall  the  more  heavily  on  his 
associates.  Thus  was  Raleigh  made,  upon  the  whole,  well  pleased  with  the 
results  of  the  voyage,  and  he  resolved  to  send  out  both  ships  again.  Speak- 
ing with  reference  to  the  unsettled  region  covered  by  his  patent,  he  says, 
"  I  shall  yet  live  to  see  it  an  Englishe  nation." 

The  year  1603  was  signalized  by  the  death  of  Elizabeth  and  the  acces- 
sion of  James,  while  at  nearly  the  same  time  Raleigh's  public  career  came 
to  an  end.  Before  the  cloud  settled  upon  his  life,  two  expeditions  were  sent 
out.  The  "  Elizabeth  "  went  to  Virginia,  under  the  command  of  Gilbert, 
who  lost  his  Hfe  there ;  while  Martin  Pring  sailed  with  two  small  vessels  for 
New  England.  Pring  commanded  the  "  Speedwell,"  and  Edmund  Jones, 
his  subordinate,  was  master  of  the  "  Discoverer."  This  expedition  had 
express  authority  from  Raleigh  "  to  entermeddle  and  deale  in  that  action." 
It  was  set  on  foot  by  Hakluyt  and  the  chief  merchants  of  Bristol.  Leaving 
England  April  10,  Pring  sighted  the  islands  of  Maine  on  the  2d  of  June, 
and,  coasting  southward,  entered  one  of  the  rivers.  He  finally  reached  Sav- 
age Rock,  where  he  failed  to  find  sassafras,  the  chief  object  of  his  voyage, 


174  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

and  accordingly  "  bore  into  that  great  Gulfe  which  Captaine  Gosnold  over- 
shot." This  gulf  was  Massachusetts  Bay,  the  northern  side  of  which  did 
not  answer  his  expectations ;  whereupon  he  crossed  to  the  southern  side, 
and  entered  the  harbor  now  called  Plymouth,  finding  as  much  sassafras  as 
he  desired,  and  he  remained  there  for  about  six  weeks.  The  harbor  was 
named  Whitson,  in  honor  of  the  Mayor  of  Bristol;  and  a  neighboring 
hill,  probably  Captain's  Hill,  was  called  Mount  Aldworth,  after  another 
prominent  Bristol  merchant.  On  the  shore  the  adventurers  built  a  **  small 
baricado  to  keepe  diligent  watch  and  warde  in"  while  the  sassafras  was 
being  gathered  in  the  woods.  They  also  planted  seed  to  test  the  soil. 
Hither  the  Indians  came  in  great  numbers,  and  "  did  eat  Pease  and  Beans 
with  our  men,"  dancing  also  with  great  delight  to  the  **  homely  musicke" 
of  a  *'  Zitterne,"  which  a  young  man  in  the  company  could  play.  This 
fellow  was  rewarded  by  the  savages  with  tobacco  and  pipes,  together  with 
**  snake  skinnes  of  sixe  foote  long."  These  were  used  as  belts,  and  formed 
a  large  part  of  the  savage  attire,  though  upon  their  breasts  they  wore  plates 
of  "  brasse." 

By  the  end  of  July  Bring  had  loaded  the  *' Discoverer"  with  sassafras, 
when  Jones  sailed  in  her  for  England,  leaving  Bring  to  complete  the  cargo 
of  the  other  ship.  Soon  the  Indians  became  troublesome,  and,  armed  with 
their  bows  and  arrows,  surrounded  the  "  baricado,"  evidently  intending  to 
make  an  attack;  but  when  Pring's  mastiff,  '' greate  Foole,"  appeared,  hold- 
ing a  half-pike  between  his  jaws,  they  were  alarmed,  and  tried  to  turn  their 
action  into  a  jest.  Nevertheless,  the  day  before  Pring  sailed  for  England, 
they  set  the  forest  on  fire  *'  for  a  mile  space."  On  August  9  the  '*  Eliza- 
beth" departed  from  Whitson  Bay,  and  reached  Kingsroad  October  2. 
Thus  two  years  before  Champlain  explored  Plymouth  Harbor,  naming  it 
Port  of  Cape  St.  Louis,  ten  years  before  the  Dutch  visited  the  place,  call- 
ing it  Crane  Bay,  and  seventeen  years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Leyden  Pil- 
grims, Englishmen  became  familiar  with  the  whole  region,  and  loaded  their 
ships  with  fragrant  products  of  the  neighboring  woods. 

We  next  approach  the  period  when  the  French  came  to  seek  homes  on 
the  coasts  of  the  ancient  Norumbega,  as,  in  1604,  De  Monts  and  Champlain 
established  themselves  at  St.  Croix,  —  the  latter  making  a  voyage  to  Mount 
Desert,  where  he  met  the  savages,  who  agreed  to  guide  him  to  the  Penob- 
scot, or  Peimtegoiiet,  believed  to  be  the  river  **  which  many  pilots  and 
historians  call  Norembegue."  He  ascended  the  stream  to  the  vicinity  of 
the  present  Bangor,  and  met  the  ''Lord"  of  Norumbega;  but  the  silver- 
pillared  mansions  and  towers  had  disappeared.  The  next  year  he  coasted 
New  England  to  Cape  Malabar,  but  a  full  account  of  the  French  expedi- 
tions is  assigned  to  another  volume  of  the  present  work. 

The  voyage  of  Waymouth,  destined  to  have  such  an  important  bearing 
upon  the  future  of  New  England  colonization,  was  begun  and  ended  before 
Champlain  embarked  upon  his  second  expedition  from  St.  Croix,  and  the 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  1 75 

English  captain  thus  avoided  a  colHsion  with  the  French.  Waymouth 
sailed  from  Dartmouth  on  Easter  Sunday,  May  15,  1605  evidently  intend- 
ing to  visit  the  regions  south  of  Cape  Cod  described  by  Brereton  and  Ver- 
razano.  Upon  meeting  contrary  winds  at  his  landfall  in  41°  2'  north,  being 
of  an  irresolute  temper,  he  bore  away  for  the  coast  farther  east ;  and  on 
June  18  he  anchored  on  the  north  side  of  the  island  of  Monhegan.  He 
was  highly  pleased  with  the  prospect,  and  hoped  that  it  would  prove  the 
"  most  fortunate  ever  discovered."  The  next  day  was  Whitsunday,  when 
he  entered  the  present  Booth's  Bay,  which  he  named  Pentecost  Harbor. 
He  afterwards  explored  the  Kennebec,  planting  a  cross  at  one  of  its  upper 
reaches;  and,  sailing  for  England  June  16,  he  carried  with  him  five  of  the 
Kennebec  natives,  whom  he  had  taken  by  stratagem  and  force. 

In  connection  with  Waymouth's  voyage  we  have  the  earliest  indications 
of  English  public  worship,  which  evidently  was  conducted  according  to 
the  forms  of  the  Church,  in  the  cabin  of  the  "Archangel,"  the  savages  being 
much  impressed  thereby.^  The  historian  of  Waymouth's  voyage  declares 
"  a  pubHc  good,  and  true  zeal  of  promulgating  God's  holy  Church  by  plant- 
ing Christianity,  to  be  the  sole  intent  of  the  honorable  setter  forth  of  this 
discovery." 

The  narrative  of  Waymouth's  voyage  was  at  once  published,  and  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  Sir  John  Popham,  chief-justice.  It  also  greatly 
encouraged  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who,  in  connection  with  Sir  John,  ob- 
tained from  King  James  two  patents,  — 
one  for  the  London  and  the  other  for 
the  Plymouth  company;  the  latter  in- 
cluding that  portion  of  ancient  Norum- 
bega  extending  from  38°  north  to  45° 
north,  thus  completely  ignoring  the 
claims  of  the  French.  The  patentees 
were  entitled  to  exercise  all  those  powers 
which  belong  to  settled  and  well-ordered  society,  being  authorized  to  com 
money,  impose  taxes  and  duties,  and  maintain  a  general  government  for 

twenty-one  years.  This  was  accom- 
Ai  /l/nO  plished  in  1606,  when  Sir  Ferdinando 
Cj^J^i^^  Gorges  sent  out  a  ship  under  Captain 
c^  y  Challons,  which  was  captured  by  the 
Spaniards  and  never  reached  her  des- 
tination. Before  hearing  of  the  loss 
of  this  ship,  another  was  despatched  under  Thomas  Hanam,  with  Martin 
Bring  as  master.  Failing  to  find  Challons,  they  made  a  very  careful  ex- 
ploration of  the  region,  which  Sir  Ferdinando  says  was  the  best  that  ever 
came  into  his  hands.     In  the  mean  time  the  five  Indians  brought  home  by 

1  It  should  be  noted  that  Robert  Salterne,  to  the  conjecture  that  public  worship  may  have 
who  was  with  Pring  at  Plymouth,  soon  after  took  been  conducted  at  Plymouth  in  1603;  though 
Orders  in  the  Church  of  England.     This  leads     the  subject  is  not  referred  to. 


176  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Waymouth  had  been  in  training  for  use  in  connection  with  colonization 
under  the  supervision  of  Gorges.  Indeed  he  expressly  says  that  these 
Indians  were  the  means,  "  under  God,  of  putting  on  foot  and  giving  life  to 
all  our  plantations."  Accordingly  the  plans  of  a  permanent  colony  were 
projected,  and  on  the  last  day  of  May,  1607,  two  ships  —  the  ''Gift  of  God" 
and  the  *'  Mary  and  John"  —  were  despatched  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain George  Popham,  brother  of  the  chief-justice,  and  Captain  Raleigh 
Gilbert.  At  the  end  of  twenty-one  days  the  expedition  reached  the  Azores, 
where  the  "  Mary  and  John,"  having  been  left  behind  by  her  consort,  barely 
escaped  from  the  Netherlanders.  Finally,  leaving  the  Azores,  Gilbert  stood 
to  sea,  crossing  the  ocean  alone,  and  sighted  the  hills  of  Le  Have,  Nova 
Scotia,  July  30.  After  visiting  the  harbor  of  Le  Have,  Gilbert  sailed  south- 
ward, rounding  Cape  Sable,  and  entered  the  ''great  deep  Bay"  of  Fundy. 
Then  he  passed  the  Seal  Islands,  evidently  being  well  acquainted  with  the 
ground,  and  next  shaped  his  course  for  the  region  of  the  Penobscot,  looking 
in  the  mean  time  for  the  Camden  Hills,  which,  on  the  afternoon  of  August  5, 
lifted  their  three  double  peaks  above  the  bright  summer  sea.  As  he  confi- 
dently stood  in  towards  the  land,  the  Matinicus  Islands  soon  shone  white 
"  like  unto  Dover  clifts ;  "  and  afterward  the  "  Mary  and  John  "  fotmd  good 
anchorage  close  under  Monhegan,  Waymouth's  fortunate  island,  named  in 
honor  of  England's  patron  saint,  St.  George.  Landing  upon  the  island 
Gilbert  found  a  sightly  cross,  which  had  been  set  up  by  Waymouth  or  some 
other  navigator.  The  next  morning,  as  the  "  Mary  and  John  "  was  leaving 
Monhegan,  a  sail  appeared.  It  proved  to  be  the  "  Gift  of  God,"  of  whose 
voyage  no  account  is  now  known.  In  company  with  his  consort  Gilbert 
returned  to  the  anchorage  ground.  At  midnight  he  made  a  visit  to  Pema- 
quid,  on  the  mainland,  accompanied  by  Skidwarres,  one  of  Waymouth's 
Indians,  rowing  over  the  placid  waters  with  measured  stroke  among  many 
"  gallant  islands."  They  found  the  village  sought  for,  and  then  returned. 
The  next  day  was  Sunday,  when  the  two  ships'  companies  landed  upon 
Monhegan,  —  then  crowned  with  primeval  forests  and  festooned  with  lux- 
uriant vines, — where  their  preacher,  the  Rev.  Richard  Seymour,  delivered  a 
discourse  and  offered  prayers  of  thanksgiving.  The  following  is  the  entry 
of  the  pilot:  — 

"  Sondaye  beinge  the  9th  of  August,  in  the  morninge  the  most  part  of  our  holl  com- 
pany of  both  our  shipes  landed  on  this  Illand,  the  wch  we  call  St.  George's  Illand, 
whear  the  crosse  standeth ;  and  thear  we  heard  a  sermon  delyvred  unto  us  by  our 
preacher,  gguinge  God  thanks  for  our  happy  metinge  and  saffe  aryvall  into  the  contry ; 
and  so  retorned  abord  aggain." 

This,  so  far  as  our  present  information  extends,  is  the  first  recorded  relig- 
ious service  by  any  English  or  Protestant  clergyman  within  the  bounds  of 
New  England,  which  was  then  consecrated  to  Christian  civilization. 

On  Sunday,  August  19,  after  encountering  much  danger,  both  ships 
were  safely  moored  in  the  harbor  of  Sagadahoc  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ken- 


^AUFOm^ 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


177 


nebec.  The  adventurers  then  proceeded  to  build  a  pinnace  called  the 
'*  Virginia,"  the  first  vessel  built  in  New  England.  She  crossed  the  Atlantic 
several  times.  The  Kennebec  was  explored  by  Gilbert,  while  a  fort,  a 
church,  a  storehouse,  and  some  dwellings  were  built  upon  the  peninsula  of 
Sabino,  selected  as  the  site  of  the  colony.  The  two  ships  returned  to  Eng- 
land, the  "  Mary  and  John  "  bearing  a  Latin  epistle  from  Captain  Popham 
to  King  James.     It  gave  a  glowing  description  of  the  country,  which  was 


ANCIENT   PEMAQUID. 


even  supposed  to  produce  nutmegs.  During  the  winter  Popham  died  ;  and 
in  the  spring,  when  a  ship  came  out  with  supplies,  the  colonists  were  found 
to  be  greatly  discouraged,  their  storehouse  having  been  destroyed  by  fire, 
and  the  winter  having  proved  extremely  cold.  Besides,  no  indications  of 
precious  metals  were  found,  and  they  now  learned  that  the  chief-justice, 
like  his  brother,  had  passed  away.  Accordingly  the  fort,  "  mounting  twelve 
guns,"  was  abandoned,  and  Strachey  says  ''  this  was  the  end  of  that  north- 
ern colony  upon  the  river  Sagadehoc." 

1  This  sketch-map  follows   one  given  with     //tst  Coll.,  vii.     See  a  more  extended  sketch  of 
Sewall's  paper  on  '*Popham's  town,"  in  Maine     the  coast  in  the  Critical  Essay. 
VOL.  HI.  —  23. 


178  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OP^   AMERICA. 

After  the  abandonment  of  Sabino  the  Enghsh  were  actively  engaged 
in  traffic  upon  the  coast;  as  appears  from  the  testimony  of  Captain  John 
Smith,  who,  in  describing  his  visit  to  Monhegan  in  1614,  says  that  oppo- 
site *'  in  the  Maine,"  called  Pemaquid,  was  a  ship  of  Sir  Francis  Popham, 
whose  people  had  used  the  port  for  *'  many  yeares  "  and  had  succeeded  in 
monopolizing  the  fur-trade.  The  particulars  concerning  these  voyages,  and 
the  scattered  settlers  around  the  famous  peninsula  of  Pemaquid,  are  not 
now  accessible. 

The  next  Englishman  to  be  referred  to  is  Henry  Hudson,  who,  with  a 
crew  composed  of  English  and  Dutch,  visited  Maine  in  1609,  —  probably 
finding  a  harbor  at  Mt.  Desert,  where  he  treated  the  Indians  with  cruelty 
and  fired  upon  them  with  cannon.  Sailing  thence  he  touched  at  Cape  Cod, 
and  went  to  seek  a  passage  to  the  Indies  by  the  way  of  Hudson  River,  which 
had  been  visited  by  Verrazano  in  1524,  and  named  by  Gomez  the  following 
year  in  honor  of  St.  Anthony.  The  voyage  of  Hudson  is  not  of  necessity 
connected  with  English  enterprise.^  The  next  year  Captain  Argall,  from 
Virginia,  visited  the  Penobscot  region  for  supplies,  but  he  does  not  appear 
to  have  communicated  with  any  of  his  countrymen. 

In  161 1  the  English  showed  themselves  on  the  coast  with  a  strong  hand. 
This  fact  is  learned  from  a  letter  of  the  Jesuit  Biard,  who,  in  writing  to  his 
superior  at  Rome,  gives  the  history  of  an  encounter  between  the  English 
and  French.  From  his  narrative  it  appears  that  early  in  161 1  a  French 
captain,  named  Plastrier,  undertook  to  go  to  the  Kennebec,  and  was  made 
a  prisoner  by  two  ships  **  that  were  in  an  isle  called  Emmetenic,  eight  leagues 
from  the  said  Kennebec."  He  escaped  by  paying  a  ransom  and  agreeing 
not  to  intrude  any  more.  This  fact  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  Biencourt, 
the  commander  at  Port  Royal,  the  irate  Frenchman  proceeded  to  the  Ken- 
nebec to  find  the  English  and  to  obtain  satisfaction  from  them.  Upon 
reaching  the  site  of  the  Popham  colony  at  Sabino,  Biencourt  found  the 
place  deserted.  On  his  return  he  visited  Matinicus  (Emmetenic),  where  he 
saw  the  shallops  of  the  English  on  the  beach,  but  did  not  burn  them,  for  the 
reason  that  they  belonged  to  peaceful  civilians  and  not  to  soldiers.  Who 
then  were  the  English  for  whom  Biencourt  was  so  considerate  ?  Evidently 
they  were  those  led  by  Captains  Harlow  and  Hobson,  who,  as  stated  by 
Smith,  sailed  from  Southampton  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  an  isle 
'*  supposed  to  be  about  Cape  Cod."  They  visited  that  cape  and  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and,  it  would  appear,  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Maine,  where 
they  showed  Plastrier  their  papers,  indicating  that  they  acted  by  authority. 
Possibly,  however.  Sir  Francis  Popham's  agent.  Captain  Williams,  may  have 
been  the  commander  who  expelled  the  French.  At  all  events  there  was 
no  lack  of  English  representation  on  the  coast  of  New  England  in  161 1. 
Smith,  speaking  in  a  fit  of  discouragement,  says  that  *'  for  any  plantation 
there  was  no  more  speeches ;  "  but  the  fact  that  Sir  Francis  annually  for 
many  years  sent  ships  to  the  coast  indicates  brisk  enterprise,  though  there 

1  [See  chap.  ix.  of  Vol.  IV.  — Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  1 79 

may  have  been  no  movement  in  favor  of  such  a  venture  as  that  of  the 
colony  of  1607.  Many  scattered  settlers,  no  doubt,  were  living  around 
Pemaquid.  Smith  may  be  quoted  again  as  saying  that  no  Englishman  was 
then  living  on  the  coast ;  but  this  is  something  that  he  could  not  know.  It 
is  also  opposed  to  recognized  facts,  and  to  the  declaration  of  Biard  that  the 
English  in  Maine  desired  ''  to  be  masters."  Still  we  do  not  at  present  know 
the  name  of  a  single  Englishman  living  in  New  England  during  the  winter 
of  161 1.  In  1612  Captain  Williams  was  opposite  Monhegan,  at  Pemaquid, 
where,  no  doubt,  his  agents  lived  all  the  year  round,  collecting  furs.  In 
161 3  the  scene  became  more  animated.  At  this  period  the  French  were 
boldly  inclined,  and  Madame  de  Guercheville  had  determined  to  found  a 
Jesuit  mission  in  what  was  called  Acadia.  In  161 3,  therefore,  the  Jesuits 
Biard  and  Masse  left  Port  Royal  and  proceeded  to  establish  themselves  on 
the  border  of  Somes's  Sound  in  Mount  Desert,  where  they  began  to  land 
their  goods  and  build  a  fortification,  the  ship  in  which  they  came  being 
anchored  near  the  shore.  Argall,  who  was  fishing  in  the  neighborhood, 
learned  of  their  arrival  from  the  Indians,  and  by  a  sharp  and  sudden  attack 
captured  the  French  ship.  He  sent  a  part  of  the  company  to  Nova 
Scotia,  and  carried  others  to  Virginia.  This  action  was  not  justified  by 
the  English  Government,  and  some  time  afterward  the  French  ship  was 
surrendered.^ 

In  the  year  16 14  Captain  John  Smith,  the  hero  of  Virginia,  enters 
upon  the  New  England  scene ;  yet  his  coming  would  appear,  in  some  re- 
spects, to  have  been  without  any  very  careful  prevision,  since  he  begins 
his  narrative  by  saying,  "  I  chanced  to  arive  in  New  England,  a  parte  of 
Ameryca,  at  the  He  of  Monahiggan."  The  object  of  his  expedition  was 
either  to  take  whales  or  to  try  for  mines  of  gold ;  and,  failing  in  these,  "  Fish 
and  Furres  was  our  refuge."  In  most  respects  the  voyage  was  a  failure,  yet 
it  nevertheless  afforded  him  the  opportunity  of  writing  his  Description  of 
New  England,  whose  coast  he  ranged  in  an  open  boat,  from  the  Penobscot 
to  Cape  Cod.  His  brief  description,  so  fresh  and  unconventional,  will 
never  lose  its  value  and  charm ;  and,  because  so  unique,  it  will  maintain  a 
place  in  the  historical  literature  of  its  time.  Smith  knew  that  his  impres- 
sions were  more  or  less  crude,  yet  the  salient  features  of  the  coast  are  well 
presented.  At  the  Penobscot  he  saw  none  of  the  people,  as  they  had  gone 
inland  for  the  summer  to  fish ;  and  at  Massachusetts,  by  which  he  meant 
the  territory  around  Boston,  ''  the  Paradise  of  all  those  parts,"  he  found  the 
French  six  weeks  in  advance  of  him,  they  being  the  first  Europeans  known 
to  have  visited  the  place.  The  River  of  Massachusetts  was  reported  by  the 
natives  as  extending  **many  dales  Journey  into  the  entralles  of  that  coun- 
trey."  At  Cohasset  he  was  attacked  by  the  natives,  and  was  glad  to  escape ; 
while  at  Accomacke,  which  he  named  Plymouth,  he  found  nothing  lack- 
ing but  "  an  industrious  people."     He  was  the  third  explorer  to  proclaim 

1  [These  transactions  of  the  French  will  be  noted  in  detail  in  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 


l8o  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

in  print  the  value  of  the  situation.^     One  result  of  his  examination  was  his 
Map  of  New  England,  which  he  presented  to  Prince  Charles.^ 

During  the  year  1614  another  expedition  was  sent  out.  Gorges  says 
that  while  he  was  considering  the  best  means  of  reviving  his  "  languishing 
hopes  "  of  colonization,  Captain  Harlow  brought  to  him  one  of  the  Indians 
whom  he  had  captured  in  161 1.  This  savage,  named  Epenow,  had  been 
exhibited  in  London  as  a  curiosity,  being  '*  a  goodly  man  of  brave  aspect." 
Epenow  was  well  acquainted  with  the  New  England  tribes.  At  the  same 
time  Sir  Ferdinando  had  recovered  Assacumet,  one  of  Waymouth's  Indians, 
who  had  been  carried  to  Spain,  in  1606,  when  Challons  was  captured  by  the 
Spaniards.  The  possession  of  these  two  Indians  inspired  the  knight  with 
hope,  since  he  was  firmly  persuaded  that  in  order  to  succeed  in  coloniza- 
tion it  would  be  necessary  to  have  the  good-will  of  the  natives,  whose  co- 
operation he  hoped  to  secure  through  the  good  offices  of  those  whom  he 
had  taught  to  appreciate,  in  some  measure,  the  advantages  of  English  civ- 
ilization. In  this  respect  he  was  wise.  In  connection  therefore  with  the 
Earl  of  Southampton  he  fitted  out  a  ship,  which  was  put  in  command  of 
Captain  Hobson,  whom  he  describes  as  "  a  grave  gentleman."  Hobson 
himself  invested  a  hundred  pounds  in  the  enterprise,  one  of  the  main 
objects  of  which  was  to  discover  mines  of  gold.  This  metal,  Epenow  said, 
would  be  found  at  Capawicke,  or  Martha's  Vineyard.  Hobson  sailed  in 
June,  1614,  and  finally  reached  the  place  where  Epenow  was  "to  make 
good  his  undertaking,"  and  where  the  savages  came  on  board  and  were 
entertained  in  a  friendly  and  hospitable  way.  Among  the  guests  were 
Epenow's  brothers  and  cousins,  who  improved  the  occasion  to  arrange 
for  his  escape,  —  it  being  decided,  as  it  appears  from  what  followed,  that 
upon  their  return  he  should  jump  overboard  and  swim  away,  while  the 
tribe  menaced  the  English  with  arrows.  They  accordingly  appeared  in  full 
strength  at  the  appointed  time,  when  Epenow,  though  closely  watched,  and 
clothed  in  flowing  garments  to  render  his  retention  the  more  certain,  suc- 
ceeded in  evading  his  keepers  and  jumped  overboard.  Hobson's  muske- 
teers immediately  opened  fire,  foolishly  endeavoring  to  shoot  the  swimming 
savage,  while  Epenow's  friends  bravely  shot  their  arrows  and  wounded  the 
master  of  the  ship  and  many  of  the  crew.  In  the  end  Epenow  escaped ; 
and  Sir  Ferdinando  says:  ** Thus  were  my  hopes  of  that  particular  mode 
void  and  frustrate ;  "  adding,  that  such  are  "  the  fruits  to  be  looked  for  by 
employing  men  more  zealous  of  gain  than  fraught  with  experience  how 
to  make  it."  Hobson  however  did  not  lose  so  much  as  was  supposed ;  for, 
though  no  doubt  Epenow  believed  that  gold  existed  at  Capawicke,  and 
that  if  it  should  prove  necessary  he  could  bring  the  English  to  the  mine,  it 
is  clear  that  no  precious  metal  existed.     The  supposed  gold  was  simply  a 

1  [This  is  counting  Pring  as  the  first,  not  duced,  is  given  at  page  198.  It  is  the  second  of 
usually  reckoned  such  however,  and  Champlain  the  ten  different  states  of  the  plate.  See  Memo^ 
as  the  second.     See  the  Critical  Essay.— Ed.]  rial  History  of  Boston,  i.  54;  and  the  Critical 

2  [A  heliotype  of  this  map,  somewhat  re-  Essay.  —  Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  l8l 

sulphate  of  iron,  which  the  mineralogist  finds  to-day  in  the  aluminous  clays 
of  Gay  Head. 

Though  both  Smith  and  Hobson  had  failed  essentially  in  the  objects  of 
their  voyage,  the  former  was  not  in  the  slightest  degree  disheartened,  but 
spoke  in  such  glowing  terms  of  the  country  and  its  resources  that  the 
Plymouth  Company  resolved  to  take  vigorous  action,  and  offered  Smith 
**  the  managing  of  their  authority  in  those  parts  "  for  life.  The  London 
Company  was  also  stirred  up,  and  sent  out  four  ships  before  the  people  of 
Plymouth  acted.  The  Londoners  offered  Smith  the  command  of  their 
ships,  which  he  declined,  having  already  made  a  Hfe-engagement.  Never- 
theless the  London  ships  sailed  in  January,  led  by  Captain  Michael  Cooper, 
and  reached  Monhegan  in  March,  where  they  fished  until  June,  and  then 
sent  a  ship  of  three  hundred  tons  to  Spain  loaded  with  fish.  This  ship  was 
taken  by  the  Turks,  while  another  sailed  to  Virginia,  leaving  the  third  to 
return  to  England  with  fish  and  oil.  Smith's  Plymouth  friends,  however, 
furnished  only  two  ships.  Nevertheless  he  sailed  with  these,  Captain  Dor- 
mer being  second  in  command.  His  customary  ill  fortune  still  attended 
him,  and  not  far  from  port  he  lost  both  his  masts,  while  his  consort  went 
on  to  New  England.  Sailing  a  second  time  in  a  small  vessel  of  sixty  tons, 
Smith  was  next  captured  by  French  pirates ;  and,  while  tossing  at  sea  in 
captivity,  wrote  his  Description  of  New  England.  His  language  has  been 
regarded  as  very  significant  where  he  speaks  of  *'  the  dead  patent  of  this 
unregarded  country ;  "  but  this  is  the  language  of  a  depressed  prisoner. 
The  patent  was  not  dead;  while,  if  it  had  been  dead,  English  enterprise  was 
alive,  of  which  his  own  voyage,  though  cut  short  by  pirates,  was  a  convinc- 
ing proof.  To  show  that  the  patent  was  not  dead,  the  Plymouth  Company, 
in  1615,  sent  out  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  who  was  acting  ''as  President  for 
that  year."  Hawkins  sailed  October  15.  Gorges  says  that  he  spent  his 
time  while  in  New  England  very  usefully  in  studying  the  products  of  the 
country ;  but  unfortunately  he  arrived  at  the  period  when  the  Indian  war 
was  at  its  height,  and  many  of  the  principal  natives  were  killed.  From 
New  England  he  coasted  to  Virginia,  and  thence  he  sailed  to  Spain,  ''  to 
make  the  best  of  such  commodities  as  he  had  got  together,"  which  Sir 
Ferdinando  loosely  says  "  was  all  that  was  done  by  any  of  us  that  year." 
Nevertheless,  Smith  tells  us  that  Plymouth  in  16 16  sent  out  four  ships,  and 
London  two ;  while  Purchas  states  that  **  eight  voluntarie  ships "  went  to 
New  England  to  make  "  further  tryall."  Another  of  two  hundred  tons,  the 
"  Nachen,"  commanded  by  Edwarde  Brawnde,  who  addressed  an  account 
of  the  voyage  to  "  his  worthye  good  frend  Captayne  John  Smith,  admirall  of 
New  England,"  also  went  out.  In  his  letter  reference  is  made  to  other  ves- 
sels on  the  coast.  The  *'  Nachen,"  of  London,  sailed  from  Dartmouth  March 
8,  and  reached  Monhegan  April  20.  Afterwards  Brawnde  went  to  Cape  Cod 
in  his  pinnace  to  search  for  pearls,  which  were  also  the  first  things  sought  for 
by  the  Leyden  emigrants,  in  1620,  when  they  reached'  the  harbor  of  Prov- 
incetown.     Brawnde  also  mentions  that  he  had  his  boats  detained  by  Sir 


1 82  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Richard  Hawkins,  who  thus  appears  to  have  wintered  upon  the  coast  and 
to  have  sailed  to  Virginia  in  the  spring.  Notwithstanding  various  mishaps, 
Brawnde  entertained  a  favorable  impression  of  New  England,  where  prof- 
itable voyages  were  to  be  made  in  fish  and  furs,  if  not  spoiled  by  too  many 
factors,  while  he  found  the  climate  good,  and  the  savages  ''  a  gentell-natured 
people,"  altogether  friendly  to  the  English. 

In  1617  Smith  himself  made  the  discovery  that  the  patent  of  New  Eng- 
land was  not  dead.  At  that  time  he  had  secured  three  ships,  while  his  life- 
appointment  for  the  new  country  was  reaffirmed.  Still  misfortune  continued 
to  pursue  him,  and  he  did  not  even  succeed  in  leaving  port.  Together  with 
a  hundred  sail  he  was  wind-bound  at  Plymouth  for  three  months.  By  the 
terms  of  the  contract  he  says  that  he  was  to  be  admiral  for  life,  and  "  in 
the  renewing  of  their  Letters  pattents  so  to  be  nominated."  But  for  the 
unfortunate  head-winds  he  would  have  gone  to  New  England  in  161 7  and 
undertaken  a  permanent  work,  as  the  times  were  ripe.  He  might  have  be- 
gun either  at  Plymouth  or  Massachusetts,  "  the  paradise  of  all  those  parts," 
and  thus  have  made  Boston  anything  but  a  Nonconformist  town. 

In  161 8  the  English  were  still  active,  and  Captain  Rocroft  went  to  Mon- 
hegan  to  meet  Captain  Dermer,  who  was  expected  from  Newfoundland. 
Dermer,  however,  failed  to  appear,  while  Rocroft  improved  the  occasion  to 
seize  *'  a  small  barque  of  Dieppe,"  which  he  carried  to  Virginia.  This 
Frenchman  was  engaged  in  the  fur-trade  at  Saco,  in  disregard  of  the  claims 
of  the  English ;  but  Gorges,  with  his  customary  humanity,  condoned  the 
offence,  the  man  "  being  of  our  religion,"  and  kindly  made  good  his  loss. 
Soon  after  capturing  the  French  trader,  Rocroft  came  near  being  the  victim 
of  a  conspiracy  on  the  part  of  certain  of  his  own  men.  When  the  plot  was 
discovered  he  spared  their  lives,  but  set  them  ashore  at  Saco,  whence  they 
went  to  Monhegan  and  passed  the  winter,  but  succeeded  in  escaping  to 
England  in  the  spring.  About  this  time  that  poorly  known  character,  Sir 
Richard  Vines,  passed  a  winter  on  the  coast,  probably  at  Saco,  sleeping  in 
the  cabins  of  the  Indians,  and  escaping  the  great  plague,  which  swept  away 
so  many  of  the  sagamores.  The  winter  fisheries  were  commonly  pursued, 
and  the  presence  of  Englishmen  on  the  coast  all  the  year  round  was  no 
doubt  a  common  thing,  while  a  trading-post  must  have  been  maintained  at 
Pemaquid.  Rocroft  finally  sailed  to  Virginia,  where  he  wrecked  his  vessel, 
and  then  lost  his  life  in  a  brawl.  Thus  suddenly  this  '*  gallant  soldier " 
dropped  out  of  New  England  history. 

With  the  summer  of  1619  Dermer  finally  reached  Monhegan,  the  ren- 
dezvous of  English  ships,  and  found  that  Rocroft  had  sailed  for  Virginia. 
While  his  people  engaged  in  fishing,  he  explored  the  coast  in  a  pinnace  as 
far  as  Plymouth,  having  Squanto  for  his  guide,  and  then  travelled  afoot 
westward  to  Nummastuquyt,  or  Middleboro'.  From  this  place  he  sent 
a  messenger  to  the  border  of  Narragansett  Bay,  who  brought  *'  two  kings  " 
to  confer  with  him.  Here  also  he  redeemed  a  Frenchman  who  had  been 
wrecked  at  Cape  Cod.     Dermer  adds  immediately,  that  he  obtained  another 


•     NORUMBEGA    AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  183 

at  Mastachusit,  or  the  region  about  Boston,  which  he  must  have  visited  on 
his  way  back  to  Monhegan.  The  account  of  his  exploration  is  meagre ; 
and  he  hints  vaguely  at  a  very  important  island  found  June  I2>  which  may 
have  been  thought  gold-bearing,  as  he  says  that  he  sent  home  "  some  of 
the  earth."  Near  by  were  two  other  islands,  named  "  King  James's  Isles," 
because  from  thence  he  had  *'  the  first  motives  to  search  for  that  now  prob- 
able passage  which  hereafter  may  be  both  honorable  and  profitable  to  his 
Majesty."  Clearly  he  refers  to  a  supposed  passage  leading  through  the 
continent  to  the  Pacific  and  the  Indies.  In  a  letter  to  Purchas,  not  now- 
known,  he  mentioned  the  important  island  first  referred  to,  and  probably 
described  its  locality,  though  its  identity  is  now  left  to  conjecture.  It  may 
have  been  situated  near  Boston  Harbor,  while  the  *'  probable  passage  "  may 
have  been  suggested  by  the  mouths  of  the  Mystic  and  the  Charles,  which, 
according  to  the  report  given  by  the  natives  to  Smith,  penetrated  many  days' 
journey  into  the  country. 

Dermer  finally  reached  Monhegan,  and  sent  his  ship  home  to  England. 
He  afterwards  put  his  surplus  supplies  on  board  the  ''  Sampson,"  and  de- 
spatched her  for  Virginia.  He  then  embarked  once  more  in  his  pinnace 
to  range  along  the  coast.  Near  Nahant,  during  a  storm,  his  pinnace  was 
beached ;  but  getting  off  with  the  loss  of  many  stores,  and  leaving  behind 
his  Indian  guide,  he  sailed  around  Cape  Cod.  At  a  place  south  of  the 
cape  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  natives,  but  he  escaped  covered  with 
wounds.  Subsequently  he  sailed  through  Long  Island  Sound,  and,  passing 
through  Hell  Gate,  he  found  it  a  ''  dangerous  cataract."  While  here  the 
savages  on  the  shore  saluted  him  with  a  volley  of  arrows.  In  New  York 
Harbor  the  natives  proved  peaceable,  and  undertook  to  show  him  a  strait 
leading  to  the  west;  but,  baffled  by  the  wind,  he  sailed  southward  to  Vir- 
ginia, where  he  made  a  map  of  the  coast,  which  he  would  not  '*  part  with 
for  fear  of  danger."  This  map  probably  exhibited  his  ideas  respecting  the 
''westward  passage,"  which  was  to  be  concealed  from  the  French  and 
Dutch.i     l^  Virginia  this  late  but  hopeful  explorer  of  Norumbega  died. 

Dermer  was  emphatically  an  explorer,  and  even  in  1619  was  dreaming 
of  a  route  through  New  England  to  China ;  but  his  most  important  work 
was  the  peace  made  with  the  Indians  at  Plymouth.  It  is  mentioned  in  his 
report  to  Gorges.  This  report  was  quoted  in  the  Relation  of  the  president 
and  council,  and  was  used  by  Morton  and  Bradford.  The  latter  quotes 
him  as  saying,  with  reference  to  Plymouth,  *'  I  would  that  the  first  planta- 
tion might  here  be  seated,  if  there  come  to  the  number  of  fifty  persons 
or  upward."  This  was  but  the  echo  of  Captain  John  Smith.  Morton 
endeavors,  in  an  ungenerous  spirit,  to  cheapen  the  services  of  Dermer, 
but  it  would  be  as  just  to  underrate  the  work  of  the  English  on  the  Maine 

1  Gorges'  Brief  Narrative,  ch.  xv.    [The  map  Royal  leading  to  an  extended  sea,  like  Verraza- 

made  during  the  Raleigh  voyage  of  1585,  now  no's,  at  the  west.    We  have  been  allowed  by  Dr. 

with  the  original  drawings  of  De  Bry's  pictures  Edward  Eggleston  to  examine  a  photograph  of 

in  the  British  Museum,  shows  a  strait  at  Port  this  map.  —  Ed.] 


1 84 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


coast ;  and  we  should  remember  that  it  was  their  faithful  friend  the  Pem- 
aquid  Chief  Samoset  who  hailed  the  Leyden  colonists,  upon  their  arrival 
at  Plymouth,  with  the  greeting,  ''Welcome,  Englishmen !  "  ^  This  was  sin^- 
ply  the  natural  result  of  the  policy  of  peace  and  good-will  which  imparted 
a  gracious  charm  to  the  life  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  may  be  well 
styled  the  Father  of  New  England  Colonization.  Here  we  leave  the  Eng- 
lish explorers  of  Norumbega. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON    THE   SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 


DOCUMENTS,  whether  in  our  own  tongue  or  in  others,  which  throw  light  upon  the 
explorations  of  the  English  in  Norumbega  are  by  no  means  wanting.  They  embrace 
formal  report  and  epistolary  chronicle  in  great  variety  and  of  considerable  extent.  In 
some  cases  they  are  full  and  rich  in  details,  but  in  others  they  disappoint  us  from  their 
meagreness..  Such  deficiency  particularly  confronts  us  when  we  are  searching  for  the 
tracks  of  their  progress  in  maps  or  charts  of  these  early  dates. 

The  English,  in  reality,  were  behind  the  age  in  maritime  enterprise,^  and  this  forms  one 
reason  for  the  delay  in  colonizing  ancient  Norumbega. ^ 


1  tSee  chapter  viii.  —  Ed.] 

2  [See  editorial  note,  A,  at  the  end  of  this 
chapter.  —  Ed.] 

^  On  the  signification  of  this  word  see  "  The 
Lost  City  of  New  England  "  in  Magazine  of  Amer- 
ican History,  i.  no.  I,  and  printed  separately. 
The  most  notable  monograph  that  has  appeared 
in  connection  with  the  general  subject  is  that  by 
M.  Eugene  Beauvois,  entitled,  La  Norambegue. 
Decoiiverte  (Tune  qiiatrihjie  colonie  Pre-Colombi- 
enne  dans  le  Noicveaic  Monde.  Bruxelles,  i88o,  pp. 
27-32.  This  very  learned  author  labors  with 
great  ingenuity  to  prove  that  the  word  is  of  old 
northern  origin,  and  that  by  a  variety  of  trans- 
formations, which  he  seeks  to  explain,  it  means 
Norroenbygda,  or  the  country  of  Norway;  and 
that,  consequently,  it  must  be  regarded  as  show- 
ing the  early  occupation  of  the  region  by  Scan- 
dinavians. [Cf.  also  the  paper  by  the  same 
author  on  "  Le  Markland  et  I'Escociland,"  in 
Congrh  des  Americanistes  ;  Conipte  rendu,  1877, 
i.  224.  —  Ed.]  To  the  claim  that  the  word  is 
of  Indian  origin  we  may  oppose  the  statement  in 
Thevet's  Cosmographie  (ii.  1009),  evidently  de- 
rived by  that  mendacious  writer  from  an  early 
navigator,  to  the  effect  that,  while  the  Europeans 
called  the  country  Norumbega,  the  savages 
called  it  Aggoncy.  Father  Vetromile  reported 
that  he  found  an  Indian  who  knew  the  word 
Nolumbega,  meaning  "  still  water ;  "  yet  he  does 
not  say  whether  he  recognized  it  as  an  aboriginal 
or  an  imported  word.  [Vetromile,  History  of  the 
Abnakis,  New  York,  1866,  p.  49;  and  assented  to 


by  Murphy,  Verrazano,ip.  38.  Father  Vetro- 
mile says  in  a  letter :  "  In  going  with  Indians  in 
a  canoe  along  the  Penobscot,  when  we  arrived  at 
some  large  sheet  of  water  after  a  rapid  or  nar- 
row passage,  men  would  say  Nolumbeghe.'"  Dr. 
Ballard,  in  a  manuscript,  says  the  coast  Indians 
in  our  day  have  called  it  Nah-rah-be-gek.  —  Ed.] 
The  present  writer  has  never  found  an  Indian 
on  the  coast  of  Maine  who  could  recall  the  word 
Norumbega,  or  any  similar  word.  M.  Beau- 
vois shows,  among  other  facts,  that  the  Icelandic 
vaga  is  the  genitive  plural  of  vagr,  signifying  "  a 
bay."  Possibly,  however,  the  word  is  Span- 
ish. In  this  language  b  and  v  are  interchange- 
able; and  vagas  often  occurs  on  the  maps,  sig- 
nifying "fields;"  while  noriim  may  be  simply  a 
corruption  of  some  familiar  compound.  Perhaps 
the  explanation  of  the  word  does  not  lie  so  far 
away  as  some  suppose,  though  the  study  of  the 
subject  must  be  attended  with  great  care.  In 
this  connection  may  be  consulted  such  works  as 
Ramusio's  Navigationi  et  Viaggi,  etc.,  Venice, 
1556,  iii-359;  the  Ptolemy  of  Pativino,  Venice, 
1596,  p.  281 ;  Wytfliet's  Descriptionis  Ptolemaicce 
Augmentum,  etc.,  Douay,  1603,  p.  99;  Magin's 
Histoire  Universelle,  Douay,  161 1,  p.  96;  Intro- 
ductio  in  Universam  Geographicam,  by  Cluverius, 
Amsterdam,  1729,  p.  673;  De  Laet's  Nieuwe 
Wereidt,  etc.;  Leyden,  1625,  p.  64,  and  his  His- 
toire du  nouveau  Monde,  etc.,  Leyden,  1640,  p. 
58;  Ogilby's  America,  1671,  p.  138;  Montanus's 
De  Nietiwe  en  Onbekende  Wereidt,  Amsterdam, 
167 1,  p.  29;  Dapper's  Die  unbekaitte  Neue  Welt, 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH   EXPLORERS.  185 

The  voyage  of  John  Rut  has  been  pointed  out  as  the  earliest  voyage  having  a  possible 
connection  with  any  portion  of  the  territory  of  Norumbega,  which  never  included  Baca- 
laos,  though  Bacalaos,  an  old  name  of  Newfoundland,  sometimes  included  New  England. 
The  extreme  northeastern  extension  of  Norumbega  was  Cape  Breton.  It  was  towards 
Cipe  Breton  and  the  coasts  of  Arembec,  that  Rut  is  said  to  have  sailed  when  he  left  St. 
John.  Hakluyt  is  the  first  authority  summoned  in  connection  with  a  subject  which  has 
elicited  much  curious  discussion  ;  but  Hakluyt  was  poorly  informed  ^  He  refers  to  the 
chronicles  of  Hall  and  Grafton,  who  said  that  Henry  VIII.  sent  out  two  ships,  May 
20,  1527;  yet  he  did  not  know  either  the  name  of  the  commander  or  of  the  ships, 
one  of  which  was  given  as  the  "  Dominus  vobiscum."  Purchas,  however,  gives  the 
names  of  both  ships,  and  the  letter  of  Captain  Rut  to  Henry  VIII.,  together  with  a 
letter  in  Latin,  written  by  Albert  de  Prato,  a  canon  of  St.  Paul's,  London,  which  is 
addressed  to  Cardinal  Wolsey.^  Hakluyt,  in  his  edition  of  1589,  reads,  "towards  the 
coasts  of  Norombega,"  instead  of  Arembec,  as  in  the  edition  of  1600.  The  latter 
appears  to  be  a  correction  intended  to  limit  the  meaning.  Arembec  may  have  been 
a  name  given  to  Nova  Scotia.  A  similar  name  was  certainly  given  to  one  or  more  islands 
near  the  site  of  Louisburg.^  According  to  Hakluyt,  Rut  often  landed  his  men  "to  search 
the  state  of  those  unknown  regions,"  after  he  left  the  northerly  part  of  Newfoundland ; 
but  the  confused  account  does  not  prove  that  it  was  on  Cape  Breton  or  Arembec  that  they 
landed.  Rut  says  nothing  about  any  such  excursion,  but  simply  says  that  he  should  go 
north  in  search  of  his  consort,  the  "Samson,"  and  then  sail  with  all  diligence  "to  that 
island  we  are  commanded ; "  and  Hakluyt  says  that  it  was  an  expedition  intended  to  sail 
toward  the  North  Pole.  Nevertheless,  it  has  been  fancied  that  Rut,  in  the  "  Mary  of  Guil- 
ford," explored  all  Norumbega,  and  then  went  to  the  West  Indies.  This  notion  is  based 
upon  the  statement  of  Herrera,  who  tells  of  an  English  ship  which  lost  her  consort  in  a  storm, 
and  in  15 19  came  to  Porto  Rico  from  Newfoundland,^  the  pilot,  who  was  a  native  of  Pied- 
mont, having  been  killed  by  the  Indians  on  the  Atlantic  coast. ^  Herrera's  date  has  been 
regarded  as  wrong  ;  and  it  has  been  corrected,  on  the  authority  of  Oviedo,  and  put  at  1527. 
There  is  no  proof  that  Rut  lost  his  pilot;  but  as  he  had  with  him  a  learned  mathematician, 
Albert  de  Prato,  a  priest,  it  has  been  assumed  that  the  priest  was  both  a  pilot  and  an  Italian, 
and  consequently  that  the  vessel  seen  at  Porto  Rico  was  Rut's.     It  would  be  more  reason- 

etc,  Amsterdam,    1673,  P-  3°-     The  subject  of  it  brings  ;^2o  to  £2^.     Such  parts  of  Halduyt's 

the  varying  bounds  and  the  name  is  also  dis-  earlier   edition  of  1589,  as  he    had    omitted  in 

cussed   by   Dr.    Woods   in   his   introduction  to  the  new  edition  (i  598-1600),  were  reinserted  by 

Hakluyt's  Westeriie  Planting,  p.  Hi,  and  by  the  Evans,   and    the    completed    reprint    including 

following:  ^o.^^.  Ancient  Dominions  of  Maine,  other  narratives  "chiefly  published  by  Hakluyt 

p.  31 ;  De  Costa,  Northmen  in  Maine,  p.  44 ;  Mur-  or  at  his  suggestion,"  is    extended  to  five  vol- 

phy,    Verrazano,  p.  37  ;  Historical  Magazine,  ii.  umes.      See   an  account  of    the  earlier  publica- 

187;  Magazine  of  American  History,  Mdiy,  i^^i,  tions    of    Hakluyt    in   the    note    following   this 

p.  392.  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

^  See  his  account  in  vol.  iii.  p.  129  of   The  -  See  Pnrchas  His  Pilgrimes,  in.  8og. 

Principal  Navigations,    voiages,    Traffiqiies,   and  ^  Bowen's  Complete  System  of  Geography,  two 

Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation  made  by  Sea  or  vols,  folio,  London,   1747,  vol.  ii.  p.  686,  where 

averlayid,  to  the  remote  and  farthest  distant  quarters  reference   is   made    to    Cape    Lorembec.      See 

of  the  Earth  at  any  time  tvithin  the  compasse  of  these  also    Charlevoix's  reference  to    Cap  de  Lorem- 

\(yQO  yeeres :  Divided  into  three  severall  Volumes,  bee,  in  Shea's  edition,  v.  284;  also  some  mod- 

according  to  the  positions  of  the  Regions  whereunto  ern  maps. 

they  were  directed,  etc.,  etc.     By  Richard  Hakluyt,  *  Descripcion  de  las  Indias  ocidentales  de  Anto- 

Master  of  Arts,  and  sometime  Student  of  Christ-  nio  de  Herrera,  etc.  1601,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  c.  3. 
Church   in    Oxford.      Imprinted    at  London   by  ^  This  pilot  has  also  been  taken  for  Verra- 

George    Bishop,    Ralph     Ne7vberie,    and    Robert  zano,  said  by  Ramusio  to  have  been  killed  and 

Barker,  \^^;  in  three  volumes  folio,  the  third,  eaten  by  the  savages  on  this  coast.     See   also 

relating  to   America,    printed   in    1600.       [This  Biddle's  Memoir  of  Sebastian   CVz/^^A  second  edi- 

edition  was  reprinted  (325  copies)  with  care  in  tion,  London,  1832,  p.  272.     See  also  Brevoort's 

18C9-12  by  George  Woodfall,  edited  by  R.  H.  Verrazano  the  Navigator,  ^;i.  147  [and  Mr.  Deane's 

Evans,  and  the  reprint   is   now  so   scarce   that  chapter  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 
VOL.    III.  —  24. 


l86  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

able  to  suppose  that  this  was  the  missing  "  Samson,"  or  else  one  of  the  English  traders 
sent  to  the  West  Indies  in  1526/7.^  The  ship  described  by  Herrera  was  a  "great  ship," 
heavily  armed  and  full  of  stores.  On  the  other  hand,  the  "  Mary  of  Guilford"  was  a  small 
vessel  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  tons  only,  prepared  for  fishing.^  Finally,  Rut  was  still  at 
St.  John  August  10,  while  Hakluyt  states  that  the  "  Mary  of  Guilford"  reached  England 
by  the  beginning  of  October.  This,  if  correct,  renders  the  exploration  of  Norumbega  and 
the  cruise  in  the  West  Indies  an  impossibility.  Nevertheless  Rut  must  have  accomplished 
something,  while  it  is  significant  that  when  Cartier  explored  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  in 
1534,  he  found  a  cape  called  Cape  Prato,  apparently  a  reminiscence  of  the  canon  of  St. 
Paul's  .3 

David  Ingram's  narrative,  referred  to  in  the  text,  was  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  1589,^  who, 
however,  omitted  it  in  1600.  Ingram  suffered  much,  and  saw  many  things,  no  doubt,  with  a 
diseased  brain.  He  listened  also  to  the  stories  of  others,  repeating  them  with  additions  in 
sailor  fashion  ;  and,  besides,  may  have  been  moved  by  vanity.  Purchas,  referring  to  Hak- 
luyt, says,  "  It  seemeth  some  incredibilities  of  his  report  caused  him  to  leave  him  out  in  the 
next  Impression,  the  reward  of  lying  being  not  to  be  believed  in  truths."  ^ 

The  larger  portion  however,  of  the  statements  in  his  narrative  appears  to  be  true.  He 
seems  to  have  occupied  about  eleven  months  in  reaching  a  river  which  he  calls  Gugida,^  this 
being  simply  the  Indian  Ouigoudi  of  Lescarbot,"^  and  the  Ouygoudy  of  Champlain,^  who, 
June  24,  1604,  explored  the  river,  and  named  it  the  St.  John. 

Concerning  Simon  Ferdinando  there  has  been  much  misapprehension.  He  was  con- 
nected with  the  Virginia  voyages  in  1584-86.  In  the  latter  year  his  ship  was  grounded. 
This  led  to  his  being  loaded  with  abuse  by  White. ^  It  was  re-echoed  by  Williamson  i<^ 
and  Hawks. 11  The  latter  declared  that  he  was  a  Spaniard,  hired  by  his  nation  to  frustrate 
the  English  colony,  calling  him  a  "treacherous  villain"  and  a  "contemptible  mariner;" 
yet    Hawks   did   not  understand  the  subject.     Subsequently,   Ferdinando's  real  charac- 

1  Hakluyt,  iii,  500.  App.  No.  30)  is  called  "  Rela9on  of  Davyd  In- 

-  In  1525  the  "Mary  of  Guilford,"  160  tons,  gram  of  things  which  he  did  see  in  Travellinge  by 

and  one  year  old,  was  reserved  for  the  King's  lande  for  [from  ?]  the  moste  northerlie  pte  of  the 

use.   Manuscripts  of  Henry  VIII.  iv.  752.    "John  Baye  of  Mexico  throughe  a  greate  pte  of  Amer- 

Rutt"  was  at  one  time  master  of  the  "  Gabryll  yea  untill  within  fivetye  leagues  of  Cape  Britton." 

Royall."    In  1513  he  was  master  of  the  "Lord  Mr.  Sparks  has  endorsed  it :  "  Many  parts  of  this 

Sturton,"   with   a   crew    of   250    men ;   and,    in  narrative  are  incredible,  so  much  as  to  throw  a 

April  of  the  same  year,  master  of  the  "Great  distrust  over  the  whole."  —  Ed.I 
Galley,"  700  tons,  John  Hoplin  being  captain.  ^  Purchas,  iv.    1179.     Ingram's  reference  to 

Ibid.,  under  "  Ships."  Elephants  reminds  the  reader  of  the  Lions  of 

3  Hakluyt,  iii.  208;   and  De  Costa's  North-  the  Plymouth  colonists  (Dexter's  Moiirt,  p.  75). 

men  in  Maine,  a  Critical  Examination,  ^\.z.,  —  Al-  In  this  connection  consult  the  Rare  Travailes 

bany,  1870,  p.  43, — [in  refutation  of  the  arguments  of  Job  Hortop,  who  was  put  ashore  with  Ingram, 

of  Kohl  in  his  Discovery  of  Maine,  p.  281,  who  being   twenty-two    years    in   reaching  England, 

contends  for  Rut's  exploration.  —  Ed.]  Cabefa  de   Vaca,   who  came  to  America  with 

■*  Folio,  557.    A  copy  of  the  manuscript  is  pre-  Narvaez  in  1528,  was  six  years  in  captivity,  and 

served  in  the  British  Museum,  Sloane  manuscripts,  s])ent  twenty  months  in  his  travels  to  escape. 

1447,  and  one  is  also  in  the  Bodleian,  Tanner  man-  At  this  period   there  were  Indian  trails  in  all 

uscripts,  79.     They  present  no  substantial  varia-  directions  for  thousands  of  miles ;  on  these  In- 

tions.    Hakluyt  accepts  the  relation  in  his  "  Dis-  gram  and  his  companions  travelled.      See,  for 

course,"  2  Maine  Hist.   Coll.   ii.   115-220,   [but  the  Indian  trails,  ^/az«^  iTi^/.  Coll.,  v.  2^26. 
his  editor,  Charles  Deane,  thinks  it  "  has  all  the  ^  [The  Sloane  text,  according  to  Weston,  has 

air  of  a  romance  or  fiction."     The  Sloane  copy  a  blank  for  the  name  of  this  river.  —  Ed.] 
was  followed  by  P.  C.  T.  Weston,  who  privately  7  ATouvelle  France,  p.  598. 

printed  it  in  his  Documents  Connected  with  the  ^  CEuvres,  iii.  22. 

History  of  South   Carolina,   London,    1856  (121  9  Hakluyt,  iii.  283.     [See  also  chapter  iv.  of 

copies),   with  the   following  title:   "The    Land  the  present  volume.  — Ed.] 

Travels  of  Davyd  Ingram  and  others  in  the  years  ^^  Williamson's   History  of  North    Carolina, 

1568-69  from  the  Rio  de  Minas  in  the  Gulph  of  i.  53. 

Mexico  to  Cape  Breton  in  Acadia."     A  manu-  "  Hawks,  History  of  North  Carolina,  i.   196. 

script  copy  in  the  Sparks  Collection  {Catalogue,  ed.  1857. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  187 

ter  came  to  light ;  and,  in  one  of  the  oldest  pieces  of  English  composition  produced  on  the 
continent  of  North  America,  his  skill  and  faithfulness  were  applauded  by  Ralph  Lane.^ 
He  was  one  of  the  numerous  Portuguese  domiciled  in  England  ;  but  he  had  powerful  friends 
like  Walsingham,  and  thus  became  the  leader  of  the  first-known  English  expedition  to 
Norumbega.  His  life  was  somewhat  eventful,  and  like  most  men  of  his  class  he  occasion- 
ally tried  his  hand  at  privateering.  At  one  time  he  was  in  prison  on  a  charge  of  heresy,  and 
was  bailed  out  by  WilHam  Herbert,  the  vice-admiral.  His  voyage  of  1579  seems  hitherto 
to  have  escaped  notice  ;  but  this,  together  with  his  personal  history,  would  form  the  sub- 
ject of  an  interesting  monograph. 

It  was  through  the  calendars  of  the  state-paper  office  that  the  fact  of  John  Walker's 
voyage  became  known  some  time  since,  but  not  as  yet  with  detail ;  and  it  is  only  by  means 
of  a  marginal  note,  which  makes  Walker  "  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  man,"  that  we  get  any 
clew  to  its  purpose,  and  from  which  we  are  led  to  infer  its  tentative  character,  and  its  influ- 
ence upon  Gilbert's  subsequent  career.^ 

Upon  reaching  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  we  discover  a  man  rich  in  his  intentions  respect- 
ing Norumbega.  He  was  the  patentee,^  and  he  possessed  power  and  resources  which 
would  have  insured  success  but  for  the  untimely  termination  of  his  career.  The  true 
story  of  his  life  yet  remains  to  be  written,  and  in  competent  hands  it  would  prove  a  noble 
theme."*  The  State  Papers  afford  many  documents  throwing  light  upon  his  history,  while 
the  pages  of  Hakluyt  supply  many  facts. ^ 

The  work  of  Barlow  and  others,  from  1584  to  1590,  does  not  properly  belong  to  the 
story  of  Norumbega ;  yet  the  attempts  in  Virginia  may  be  studied  for  the  side-lights  which 
they  afford,  the  narratives  being  given  by  Hakluyt,^  —  who  also  gives  the  voyage  of  the 
*' Marigold"  under  Strong,  fixing  the  site  of  Arembec  on  the  coast  southwest  of  Cape 
Breton.7 

With  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  literature  of  our  subject  be- 
comes richer.  Gosnold's  voyage,  now  shorn  of  much  of  its  former  prestige,  has  only 
recently  come  to  be  understood.  It  was  somewhat  fully  chronicled  by  Brereton  and 
Archer,  each  of  whom  wrote  accounts.  The  original  volume  of  Brereton  forms  a 
rare  bibhographical  treasure.^     It  has  been  reprinted  by  the  Massachusetts   Historical 

1  Arch(2ologia  Americana,  iv.  1 1 ;  and  Colonial     ham,  who  had  in  his  tract  urged  another  attempt 
State  Papers,  i.,  under  August  12,  1585.  under  Gilbert's  patent,  as  Captain  Carlyle  had 

2  Calendar  of  Colonial  State  Papers,  i.  no.  2.       done  in  his  discourse  just  before  Gilbert  sailed, 
^  [His  patent  is  in  Hakluyt,  iii.  174,  and  in     which  was  also  reprinted  in  Hakluyt.     See  also 

Hazard,  i.  24.  —  Ed.]  Hakluyt's  Westerne  Planting,  ed.  by  Deane,  p. 

*  [See  chapter  iii.  in  the  present  volume,  for  201 ;  George  Dexter's  First  Voyage  of  Gilbert,  p. 

notices  of  earlier  parts  of  Gilbert's  career.     J.  4.     The   Rev.  Abiel  Holmes,  D.D.,  printed  in 

Wingate  Thornton  points  out  his  pedigree  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  49,  a  memoir  of  Parmenius 

''The  G\\hQxX.¥2Lm\\y,"  \n  N.E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  the    Hungarian,   who   went    down    in   Gilbert's 

Peg.,  July,  1850,  p.  223.     In  the  same  place,  July,  largest  ship.  —  Ed.] 

1859,  is  one  of  Gilbert's  last  letters  (from  the  6  Principal  Navigations,  iii.  246.    [Also  chap- 
state-paper  office),  with  an  autograph  signature  ter  iv.  of  the  present  volume.  — Ed.] 
which  is  copied  in  a  later  note.  —  Ed.]  7  Ibid.,  iii.  193. 

s  See   Richard  Clarke's   narrative  of   "  The  »  ^  Briefe  and  true  Relation  of  the  Discouerie 

Voyage  for  the  discovery  of  Norumbega,  1 583,"  of  the  North  part  of  Virginia ;    being  a  most 

in  Hakluyt,  iii.  163;    [and  Edward   Haies's  ac-  pleasant,  frtdtfull,  and  commodious  Soile.     Made 

count  of  the  voyage  of  1583,  Ibid.,  iii.  143,  and  this  present  yeare,  1602,  by  Captaine  Bartholomew 

also  in  E.  J.  Payne's  Voyages  of  Elizabethan  Sea-  Gosnold,  Captaine  Bartholomew  Gilbert,  and  divers 

men,  London,  1880,  p.  175.      Soon  after  Haies,  other  gentlemen  their  associats,  by  the  permission 

in  the  "Golden  Hind,"  reached  England,  after  of  the  honourable  Knight,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  etc. 

seeing  Gilbert,  in  the  "  Squirrel,"  disappear,  A  Written  by  Mr.  Iohn  Brereton,  one  of  the  voy- 

True  Reporte   of  the  late  Discoveries  (London,  age.      Whereunto   is  annexed  a    Treatise  of  Mr. 

1583)  came  out,  purporting  on  the  titlepage  to  Edward  Hayes.     4to,  London.     Geor.  Bishop, 

be  by  Gilbert;  but  Hakluyt,  who  reprinted  it  in  1602. 

1589  and  1600,  interpreted  the  initials  G.  P.,  of  [Of  Brereton's  book  there  are  copies  in  Har- 

the  Dedication,  as  those  of  Sir  George   Peck-  vard  College  Library  (imperfect)  and  in  Mr.  S. 


1 88 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 


Society,^  but  an  edition  properly  edited  is  much  needed.  In  1625  Purchas  gave  Archer's 
account,  with  a  letter  by  Brereton  to  Raleigh,  and  Gosnold's  letter  to  his  father.-  The  voy- 
age is  also  treated  in  the  Dutch  collection  of  Van  der  Aa,^  which  gives  an  engraving  at 
variance  with  the  text,  in  that  it  represents  the  savages  assisting  Gosnold  in  building  his 
island  fortification,  the  construction  of  which  was  in  fact  kept  a  secret.  The  voyage  of 
Gosnold  has  been  accepted  as  an  authorized  attempt  at  colonization,  and  used  to  offset  the 
Popham  expedition  of  1607;  but  that  part  of  the  titlepage  of  Brereton  which  says  that 
the  voyage  was  made  by  the  permission  of  Raleigh  is  now  known  to  be  untrue,  and  the 
contraband  character  of  the  enterprise  stands  confessed.^ 

It  has  been  said  more  than  once  that  Drake  visited  New  England,  and  gave  Gos- 
nold some  account  thereof ;  but  while  he  brought  home  the  Virginia  adventurers  in 
1587,  and  may  then  have  touched  on  the  coast  of  North  Virginia,  no  early  account  of 
any  such  visit  is  found.  It  has  also  been  said  that  Gosnold  went  so  far  in  the  work 
of  fortification  as  to  build  a  platform  for  six  guns.  The  authority  for  the  statement  does 
not  appear.^ 

The  voyage  of  Martin  Pring,  as  already  pointed  out,  was  a  legitimate  enterprise,  having 
the  sanction  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  the  patentee.^  This  voyage  is  also  the  more  noticeable 
as  having  had  the  active  support  of  Hakluyt.  Harris  says  that  a  thousand  pounds  were 
raised  for  the  enterprise,  and  that  Raleigh  "made  over  to  them  all  the  Profits  which  should 


L.  M.  Barlow's  collection.  One  in  the  Brinley- 
sale,  No.  280,  was  bought  for  $Soo  by  Mr.  C.  H. 
Kalbfleisch  of  New  York. 

This  narrative  is  followed  in  Strachey's  //I's- 
torie  of  Travaile,  book  ii.  ch.  6.  Thornton  in 
notes  c  and  d  to  his  speech  "Colonial  Schemes 
of  Popham  and  Gorges,"  at  the  Popham  celebra- 
tion, enumerates  the  evidences  of  the  intended 
permanency  of  Gosnold's  settlement. 

The  site  of  Gosnold's  fort  on  Cuttyhunk  was 
identified  in  1797  (see  Belknap's  American  Bio- 
graphy), and  again  in  1817  {North  American  Re- 
viezv,  V.  313)  and  1848  (Thornton's  Cape  An^ie,  p. 
21).  — Ed.] 

1  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  viii.  This  reprint 
was  made  from  a  manuscript  copy  sent  from 
England  by  Colonel  Aspinwall.  Proceedings,  ii. 
116. 

'^  Purchas  his  Pilgrimes,  iv.  1651 ;  also  in  3 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  [A  French  translation  of 
the  accounts  of  Gosnold's  and  Pring's  voyages 
appeared  at  Amsterdam,  in  171 5,  in  Bernard's 
Receuil  de  Voiages  ate  Nord;  and  in  1720,  in  Rela- 
tions de  la  Louisiane,  etc.  —  Sabin's  Dictionary,  ii. 
p.  102. —  Ed.] 

^  [This  Versameling  was  issued  in  1 706-7  at 
Leyden  in  two  forms,  octavo  and  folio,  from  the 
same  type,  the  octavo  edition  giving  the  voyages 
chronologically,  the  folio,  by  nations.  It  was 
reissued  with  a  new  tide  in  1727.  Muller,  Books 
on  America,  1872,  no.  1887  ;  and  1877,  no.  I.  Sa- 
bin,  Dictionary,  i.  3.  —  Ed.] 

*  This  subject  was  first  brought  to  the  atten- 
tion of  students  by  a  paper  on  "Gosnold  and 
Pring,"  read  before  the  New  England  Historic 
Genealogical  Society  [by  B.  F.  De  Costa],  por- 
tions of  which  were  printed  in  the  Society's 
Register,  1878,  p.  76.  This  shows  the  connection 
between  the  voyage  of  Gosnold  and  the  letter  of 


Verrazano.  See  also,  "Cabo  de  Baxos,  or  the 
place  of  Cape  Cod  in  the  old  Cartology,"  in  the 
Register,  January,  1881  [by  Dr.  De  Costa],  and 
the  reprint,  revised.  New  York  :  T.  Whittaker, 
1881.  Also  Belknap's  A?nerican  Biography,  ii. 
123. 

^  "A^zc/  England  was  originally  a  Part  of 
that  Tract  Stiled  ^V<?rM-F/r^ /«/</,  extending  from 
Norimbegna  (as  the  old  Geographers  called  all 
the  continent  beyond  South-Virginia)  to  Florida, 
and  including  also  A'ezv  York,  Jersey,  Pensylva- 
nia,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  Caroliiia.  Though 
Sir  Walter  RaleigJi^s  Adventures  and  Sir  Francis 
Drake's  were  ashore  in  this  Country,  yet  we  find 
nothing  very  material  or  satisfactory  either  as  to 
its  Discovery  or  its  Trade,  till  the  Voyage  made 
hither  in  1602  by  Captain  Gosnold,  who,  hav- 
ing had  some  Notion  of  the  Country  from  Sir 
Prancis  Drake,  was  the  first  Navigator  who  made 
any  considerable  Stay  here,  where  he  made  a 
small  Settlement,  built  a  fort,  and  raised  a  Plat- 
form for  six  Guns."  —  Bowen's  Complete  System 
of  Geography,  London,  1747,  ii.  666.  [There  is 
a  long  note  on  the  landfall  of  Gosnold  on  the 
Maine  coast,  in  Poor's  Vindication  of  Gorges,  p. 
30. -Ed.] 

6  The  relation  of  Pring's  voyage  is  derived 
from  Purchas,  iv.  1654  and  v.  829,  where  it  is 
attributed  to  Pring  himself.  [It  should  be  noted 
that  the  idendfying  of  Whitson  Harbor  with  the 
modern  Plymouth  was  first  brought  forward  by 
Dr.  De  Costa  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  January,  1878.  It  has  generally  been  held 
that  Pring  doubled  Cape  Cod,  and  reached  what 
is  now  Edgartown  Harbor  in  Martha's  Vineyard, 
or  some  roadstead  in  that  region.  Such  is  the 
opinion  of  Bancroft,  i.,  cent,  ed.,  90 ;  Palfrey,  i. 
78;  Barry,  i.  12;  and  Bryant  and  Gay,  i.  266  — 
all  these  following  the  lead  of  Belknap.  —  Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS.  1 89 

arise  from  the  Voyage."^     Here,  therefore,  it  may  be  proper  to  delay  long  enough  to  indi- 
cate something  of  Hakluyt's  great  work  in  connection  with  colonization. 

Richard  Hakluyt  was  born  about  the  year  1553,  and  was  educated  at  Westminster 
School  and  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford.  At  an  early  age  he  acquired  a  taste  for  his- 
tory and  cosmography.  In  the  preface  to  his  work  of  1589,  dedicated  to  Walsingham,  he 
says :  — 

"  I  do  remember  that  being  a  youth,  and  one  of  her  Maiestie's  scholars  at  Westminster,  that 
fruitfull  nurserie,  it  was  my  happe  to  visit  the  chamber  of  Mr.  Richard  Hakluyt  my  cosin,  a 
Gentleman  of  the  Middle  Temple,  well  known  unto  you,  at  a  time  when  I  found  lying  vpen  his 
boord  certeine  bookes  of  Cosmosgraphie  with  a  vniversal  Mappe :  he  seeing  me  somewhat  curious 
in  the  view  thereof,  began  to  instruct  my  ignorance  by  showeing  me  the  divisions  thereof." 

His  cousin  also  turned  to  the  107th  Psalm,  relating  to  those  who  go  down  into  the  sea 
in  ships  and  occupy  themselves  on  the  great  waters.     Upon  which  Hakluyt  continues  :  — 

*'  The  words  of  the  Prophet,  together  with  my  cousin's  discourse  (things  of  high  and  rare  de- 
light to  my  young  nature),  tooke  so  deepe  an  impression  that  I  constantly  resolved,  if  euer  I  were 
preferred  to  the  Vniversity,  where  better  time  and  more  convenient  place  might  be  ministered  for 
these  studies,  I  would  by  God's  assistance  prosecute  that  knowledge  and  kinde  of  literature,  the 
doores  whereof  (after  a  sort)  were  so  happily  opened  before  me." 

This  interview  decided  Hakluyt  for  hfe,  and  one  of  the  first  fruits  of  his  zeal  was  his 
Divers  F^/^^^i-,  published  in  1582.-  In  1589  appeared  \\\?,  Principal  Navigations.^  In 
the  year  1600  he  enlarged  his  work,  bringing  it  out  in  three  volumes.  In  1605  Hakluyt 
was  made  a  prebend  of  Westminster;  and  in  1609  he  published  Virginia  Richly  Valued, 
being  the  translation  of  a  Portuguese  work.*  Hakluyt  also  published  other  pieces.  He 
died  in  Herefordshire,  in  1616,  finding  a  burial-place  in  Westminster  Abbey.  Still 
curiously  enough,  notwithstanding  his  great  services  to  American  colonization,  his  name 
has  never  been  applied  to  any  pordon  of  our  country ;  though  Hudson,  in  1608,  named  a 
headland  on  the  coast  of  Greenland  in  his  honor.  He  left  behind,  among  other  manu- 
scripts, one  entitled  A  Discourse  of  Planting,  recently  published,  though  much  of  the 
essence  of  the  volume  had  been  produced  before  in  various  forms. ^  Among  the  tracts 
appended  to  Brereton  are  the  Inducements  of  Hakluyt  the  Elder,  who  appears  to  have 
known  all  about  the  Discourse.^ 

In  connection  with  the  voyage  of  Waymouth,  1605,  one  topic  of  discussion  relates  to 
the  particular  river  which  he  explored.  This,  indeed,  is  a  subject  in  connection  with 
which  a  divergence  of  opinion  may  be  pardonable.  Did  he  explore  the  St.  George's  River, 
or  the  Kennebec?  Belknap,  however,  in  1796,  in  a  crude  fashion  and  with  poor  data, 
held  that  the  Penobscot  was  the  river  visited.'^  In  1857  a  Maine  writer  took  the  ground 
that  Waymouth  explored  the  Kennebec.**     Other  writers  followed  with  pleas  for  the  St. 

1    Voyages  and  Travels,  London,  1742,  ii.  222.  at  London  by  George  BisJiop  and  Ralph  Nciube- 

See  on  Raleigh's    Patent,    Palfrey's  N'eiv  Eng-  rie.  Deputies  to  Christopher   Barker,  Printer  to 

land,  \.?>i,  note.     [Also  chapter  i v.  of  the  present  the  Qneenes  ?nost  excellent  Maiestie,   1589,     See 

volume. — Ed.]  further    in    the    note    following    this    chapter. 

^  Divers  voyages    totiching    the    discotterie   of  —  Ed.] 
America  and  the  Islands  adiacent  vnto  the  same,  *    Virginia  richly  valued,  By  the  description  of 

made  first  of  all  by  our  Ejiglishmen,  and  after-  the  maine  land  of  Florida,  her  next  neighbor,  etc., 

wards   by  tJie  Frenchmen  and  Britons,  etc.,  etc.  etc.    London,  1609. 

Imprinted   at   London  for    TJiomas    WoodcocJcc,  ^  [See  Editorial  note,  B,  at  tiic  end  of  this 

dwelling  in  paides  Church -Yard,  at  the  signe  of  chapter,  and  the  chapter  on   "The   Cabots."  — 

the  blacke  beare,  1582.     [See  further  in  the  note  Ed.] 
following  this  chapter. — Ed.]  ^  Hakluyt  of  Yatton.      See   Divers   Voyages, 

'•^  The  Prittcipall    Navigations,    Voiagcs,   and  ed.  1850,  p.  v.  note. 
Discoveries  of  the  English  N'ation,  made  by  Sea  "^  American  Biography,  ii.  135. 

or  aver  Land,  to  the  most  remote  and  fartherest  '^  Mr.    McKeene    in    the    Maine   Hist.    Coll., 

distant  quarters   of  the   Earth,   etc.      Imprinted  v.  307;  Hist.  Mag.,  i.  112. 


I  go 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


George's. »     Ballard  wrote  what  was,  in  most  respects,  a  convincing  argument  in  support  of 
the  Kennebec  River.^    In  opposition  to  the  advocate  of  the  Kennebec,  it  has  been  said  that 

1  Maifie  Hist.  Coll.,  vi.  291. 

-  Memorial  Vohime,  published  by  the  Maine 
Historical  Society,  p.  301.  Other  writers  have 
treated  the  subject,  or  touched  upon  it  in  pass- 
ing, and  some  from  time  to  time  have  changed 
ground,  —  one  blunder  leading  to  another. 

[Belknap  had  employed  a  well-known  Mas- 
sachusetts navigator.  Captain  John  Foster 
Williams,  to  track  the  coast  with  an  abstract 
of  Rosier's  journal  in  hand.  His  theory,  even 
of  late  years,  has  had  some  supporters  like 
William  Willis,  in  Maine  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  346. 
R.  K.  Sewall  in  his  Ancient  Dominions  of 
Maine,  1859,  and  Hist.  Mag.,  i.  188,  follow 
McKeene  ;  as  does  Dr.  De  Costa  himself  in 
the  Introduction  to  his  Voyage  to  Sagadahoc, 
and  General  Chamberlain  in  his  Maine,  her 
place  in  History.  George  Prince  was  the  first 
to  advocate  the  George's  River,  and  his  views 
were  furthered  by  David  Cushman  in  the  same 
volume  of  the  Maine  Hist.  Coll.  Prince,  in 
i860,  reprinted  Rosier's  Narrative,  still  pre- 
senting his  view  in  notes  to  it. 

This  essay  by  Prince  incited  Cyrus  Eaton, 
a  local  historian  (whose  story  has  been  told 
touchingly  by  John  L.  Sibley  in  the  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xiii.  438),  to  the  writing  of  his 
History  of  Thomaston,  Rockland,  and  Soiith 
Thomaston,  which  he  published  at  the  age  of 
eighty-one  years,  having  prepared  it  under 
the  disadvantage  of  total  blindness.  In  this 
(ch.  ii.)  the  theory  of  George's  River  is  sus- 
tained, as  also  in  Johnson's  Bristol,  Bremen, 
and  Pemaquid,  and  in  Bancroft.     See  p.  218. 

More  recent  explorations  to  ascertain 
Waymouth's  anchorage  are  chronicled  in  the 
Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  Aug.  23,  1879,  ^"d 
June  II,  1881.  — Ed.] 

3  I.  Portsmouth. 

2.  York  [Gorgiana,  1641]. 

3.  Agamenticus. 

4.  Saco. 

5.  Richmond  Island. 

6.  Casco. 

7.  Sabino  [Popham's  Colony]. 

8.  Sagadahoc  River. 

9.  Damariscotta  River. 

10.  Sheepscott  River. 

11.  Pemaquid. 

12.  Monhegan  Island. 

13.  Fox  Islands. 

14.  Isle  au  haut. 

15.  Castine  [Pentagoet,  Bagaduce]. 

16.  Mount  Desert. 

17.  Kennebec  River. 

18.  Penobscot  River. 

19.  George's  River. 

20.  St.  George's  Islands  [  ?  Pentecost  har- 
bor]. 


NORUMBEGA   AND   ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS.  I91 

the  high  mountains  seen  by  Waymouth  were  not  the  White  Mountains, — for  the  reason 
that  the  White  Mountains  could  not  be  seen, — but  were  the  Camden  hills,  towards  which  he 
went  from  Monhegan;  and  consequently  that  he  reached  the  St.  George's  River,  which  lies 
in  that  direction.  It  has  been  said,  also,  that  the  White  Mountains  cannot  be  seen  from 
that  vicinity.  This  is  simply  an  assumption.  The  White  Mountains  are  distinctly  visible 
in  fair  weather  from  the  deck  of  a  ship  lying  inside  of  Monhegan.i  Yet  the  mountains  in 
question  have  less  to  do  with  the  subject  than  generally  supposed,  since  a  careful  examina- 
tion of  the  obscure  text  shows  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  understand  Rosier  as  saying 
that  in  going  to  the  river  they  sailed  directly  towards  the  mountains.  His  language  shows 
that  they  "  came  along  to  the  other  islands  more  adjoining  the  main,  and  in  the  road  di- 
rectly with  the  mountains."  2  Here  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  it  was  the  course 
sailed  that  was  direct,  but  rather  that  it  was  the  road  that  was  direct  with  the  mountains, 
—  the  term  r6'<z</ signifying  a  roadstead,  or  anchorage  place  at  a  distance  from  the  shore,  Hke 
that  of  Monhegan.  Beyond  question  Waymouth  saw  both  the  White  and  the  Camden 
mountains ;  but  they  do  not  form  such  an  essential  element  in  the  discussion  as  both  sides 
have  fancied.  Strachey  really  settles  the  question  where  he  says  that  Waymouth  dis- 
covered two  rivers,  —  "  that  little  one  of  Pamaquid,"  and  "  the  most  excellent  and  benefi- 
cyall  river  of  Sachadehoc."  ^  This  river  at  once  became  famous,  and  thither  the  Popham 
colonists  sailed  in  1607.  In  fact,  the  St.  George's  River  was  never  talked  about  at  that 
period,  being  even  at  the  present  time  hardly  known  in  geography,  while  the  importance  of 
the  Kennebec  is  very  generally  understood. 

The  testimony  of  another  early  writer  would  alone  prove  sufficient  to  settle  the  ques- 
tion. In  fact,  no  question  would  ever  have  been  raised  if  New  England  writers  had  been 
acquainted  with  the  works  of  Champlain  at  an  earlier  period.  In  July,  1605,  Champlain 
visited  the  Kennebec,  where  the  natives  informed  him  that  an  Enghsh  ship  had  been  on 
the  coast,  and  was  then  lying  at  Monhegan ;  and  that  the  captain  had  killed  five  Indians 
belonging  to  their  river.*  These  were  the  five  Indians  taken  by  Waymouth  at  Pentecost 
Harbor  —  the  modern  Booth's  Bay  —  who  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed,  though  at 
that  time  sailing  on  the  voyage  to  England  unharmed. 

The  narrative  of  the  expedition  of  Waymouth  was  written  by  Jan^s  Rosier,  and  pub- 
lished in  1605.^     It  was  printed  by  Purchas,  with  a  few  changes,  in  1625  ;  ^  and  reprinted 

21.  Boothbay  [.?  Pentecost].  by   William    Strachey,   Gent.     Edited  by  R.  H. 

22.  Camden  Hills.  Major  for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  London,   1849. 

23.  Damariscove  Islands.  P.  159. 

A.  Lygonia,     1630;     subsequently    part    of  *  ffi'z/wrj',  iii.  74.     "II  nous  dit  qu'il  y  auoit 

Gorges  and  Mason's  grant,  1622,  and  un  vaisseau  a  dix  lieues  du  port,  qui  faisoit  pesche 

Somersetshire,  1635.  de  poisson,  &  que  ceux  de  dedans  auoient  tue  cinq 

B.  Plymouth  grant.  sauuages  d'icelle  riuiere,  soubs  ombre    amitie  : 

C.  Muscongus,  1630.  &   selon   la   fagon    qu'il    nous    despeignoit    les 

D.  Waldo  patent.  gens  du  vaisseau,  nous  les  lugeasmes  estre  An- 
See  for  the  region  about  Pemaquid  the  map  glois,  &  nommasmes  I'isle  ou  ils  estoient  la  nef : 

in  the  narrative  part  of  this  chapter.  pour  ce  que  de  loing  elle  en  auoit  le  semblance." 

1  The  writer  has  two  sketches  of  the  moun-  ^  A  True  Relation  of  the  most  prosperous  voy- 
tains  as  seen  from  Monhegan  ;  yet  the  yI/«/«^ /('z.f/.  age  made  this  present  yeare,  1605,  by  Captaine 
Coll.,  vi.  295,  inform  the  reader  that  "  the  White  George  Waymouth,  in  the  Discouery  of  the  Land  of 
Mountains  with  an  elevation  above  the  level  of  Virginia :  where  he  discouered  60  miles  of  a  most 
the  sea  of  6,600  feet,  being  distant  no  miles,  excellent  River ;  together  with  a  most  fertile  land. 
could  not  on  account  of  the  curvature  of  the  Written  by  lames  Rosier,  a  Gentleman  e?nployed 
earth  be  seen  from  the  deck  of  the  "Archangel,"  m  the  voyage.  Londini,  Impensis  Geor.  Bishop, 
even  with  a  naked  eye."  1605.      [The  copy  of  this  tract  in  the    Brinley 

2  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  122.  sale,  no.  280,  was  bought  by  Mr.  C.  H.  Kalb- 

3  The  Historie  of  Travaile  into  Virginia  Brit-  fleisch,  of  New  York,  for  $800.  There  are  other 
annia ;  expressing  the  cosmographie  and  comodi-  copies  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society's 
ties  of  the  country,  togither  with  the  manners  and  Library  and  in  the  private  collection  of  Mr.  S. 
customes  of  the  people,  gathered  and  observed  as  L.  M.  Barlow.  —  Ed.] 

well  by  those  who  went  first  thither,  as  collected  '^  Purchas,  iv.  1659. 


192  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  in  1843.^  This  narrative  forms  the  source  of 
almost  everything  that  is  known  about  the  voyage.  It  contains  some  preplexing  pas- 
sages ;  but  when  properly  interpreted,  it  is  found  that  they  are  all  consistent  with  other 
statements,  and  prove  that  the  river  explored  was  the  Kennebec. 

The  story  of  the  Popham  Colony,  of  1607-8,  at  one  time  occasioned  much  acrimonious 
discussion,  for  which  there  was  no  real  occasion  ;  but  of  late  the  better  the  subject  has 
been  understood,  the  less  reason  has  been  found  for  any  disagreement  between  the  friends 
of  the  Church  of  Eligland  and  the  apologists  of  New  England  nonconformity. 

Prior  to  the  year  1849  the  Popham  Colony  was  known  only  through  notices  found  in 
Purchas,2  the  Brief  Relation ^^  Smith,"*  Sir  William  Alexander,  Gorges,^  and  others.  In 
the  year  1849,  however,  the  Hakluyt  Society  published  Strachey's  work,  entitled  The  His- 
torie  of  Travaile  into  Virginia  Britannia^  edited  by  R.  H.  Major ;  chapters  viii.,  ix.,  and 
X.  of  which  contained  an  account  of  the  Popham  Colony  found  to  be  much  fuller  than  any 
that  had  appeared  previously.  In  1852  these  chapters  were  reprinted  with  notes  in  the 
Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  ;  ^  and  the  next  year  four  chapters  of  the 
work  were  reprinted  by  the  Maine  Historical  Society."^  In  1863  the  same  society  published 
a  Memorial  Volume,  which  was  followed  by  heated  discussions,  some  of  which,  with  a  bibli- 
ography of  the  subject,  were  pubUshed  in  1866.  Articles  of  a  fugitive  character  continued 
to  appear  ;  and,  finally,  in  1880,  there  came  from  the  press  the  journal  of  the  voyage  to  the 
Kennebec  in  1607,  by  one  of  the  adventurers,^  which  was  reprinted  in  advance  from  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.^  It  would  seem  from  the  internal 
evidence  furnished  by  the  journal  and  the  express  testimony  of  PurchaSj^*^  that  this  compo- 
sition was  by  James  Davies,  who,  in  the  organization  at  the  Sagadahoc,  held  the  office  of 
Captain  of  the  Fort.  This  journal  was  found  to  be  the  source  whence  Strachey  drew 
his  account  of  the  colony,  large  portions  of  which  he  copied  verbatim,  giving  no  credit. 
Since  the  publication  of  this  Journal  no  new  material  has  been  brought  to  light. ^^ 

The  Popham  Colony  formed  a  part  of  the  work  undertaken  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
and  his  colaborers,  who  sought  so  long  and  so  earnestly  to  accomplish  the  colonization  of 
New  England.  12  Many  experiments  were  required  to  insure  final  success,  and  the  attempt 
at  Sagadahoc  proved  eminently  useful,  contributing  largely  to  that  disciplinary  experience 
essential  under  such  circumstances.     Viewed   in  its  necessary   and  logical   connection, 

^  -x^  Mass.  Hist.  Coll,  viii.  125.     Mr.  Sparks  Cambridge,  John  Wilson  &  Son,  University  Press, 

procured  a  transcript  of  the  Grenville  copy,  and  1880.     [The   Preface   reviews  the  story  of  the 

this  was  used  by  the  printer  in  this  reprint.  settlement ;  and  the  Appendix  reprints  the  ex- 

2  Pilgrimage,  London,  1614,  p.  756.  tracts  from  Gorges,  Smith,  Purchas,  and  Alex- 

3  A  Brief  Relation  of  the  Discovery  and  Plan-  ander,  from  which,  previous  to  the  publication 
tation  cf  New  England,  London,  1622,  pp.  2-4.  of    Strachey's   account,    all    knowledge    of    the 

"*  Generall  Historie  of  New  England, 'London,     colony  was  derived.  —  Ed.] 
1624,  pp.  203-4.  5*  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xviii.  ( 1880-188 1)  82, 

5  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges'  Brief e  Narration     iiy. 

of  the  Oj-iginall  Undertakings  of  the  advancement  ■i'^  Smith's  Generall  Historic,  p.  203. 
of  plantations  into  the  parts  of  America,  especi-  11  [The  literary  history  of  this  controversy  is 
ally  showing  the  beginning,  progress,  and  con-  traced  more  minutely  in  the  Editorial  note  C,  at 
tinuance  of  that  of  New  England,  London,  the  end  of  this  chapter.  —  Ed.] 
1658,  pp.  8-10.  When  first  published,  Sir  ^2  j^-phg  Gorges  papers,  which  might  prove  so 
Ferdinando  had  been  dead  some  years,  and  valuable,  have  not  been  discovered.  Dr.  Woods 
his  grandson,  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Esq.,  in-  examined  some  called  such,  in  Sir  Thomas  Phil- 
eluded  it  in  a  general  work,  America  Painted  lipps's  collection,  but  they  proved  unimportant. 
to  tfie  Life,  etc.  Hakluyt,  Westerne  Planting,  Introduction,  p.  xx. 

6  Fourth  Series,  i.  219.  The  grant  from  James  I.  to  Gorges,  April  10, 
"^  Maine  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  286,  with  an  introduc-  1606,  covering  the  coast  from  34°  to  45°  north 

tion  by  W.  S.  Bartlet.  latitude,  and  which  was  afterwards  the  cause  of 

8  A  Relation  of  a  Voyage  to  Sagadahoc,  now  not  a  little  controversy  with  the  Massachusetts 

first  printed  from  the  original  manuscript  in  the  colonists,  is  given  in  Hazard's  Historical  Collec- 

Lambeth   Palace  Library,   edited   with    preface,  tions,  i.  442,  and  in  Poor's  Vindication  of  Gorges, 

notes,  and  appendix,  by  the  Rev.  B.  F.  De  Costa,  p.  1 10.  —  Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


193 


it  need  not  be  regarded  as  a  useless  failure,  since  it  opened  the  eyes  of  adventurers  more 
fully,  bringing  a  clearer  apprehension  of  the  general  situation  and  the  special  requirements 
of  the  work  which  the  North  Virginia  Company  had  in  hand. 

A  paragraph  that  may  have  some  bearing  on  the  condition  of  things  in  Maine  after  the 
year  1608  appeared  in  1609,  and  runs  as  follows  :  "  Two  goodly  Rivers  are  discovered 
winding  farre  into  the  Maine,  the  one  in  the  North  part  of  the  Land  by  our  Westerne 
Colonic,  Knights  and  Gentlemen  of  Excester,  Plymouth,  and  others.  The  other  in  the 
South  part  thereof  by  our  Colonic  of  London.'"''^  Again  a  letter  by  Mason  to  Coke, 
assigned  to  the  year  1632,  teaches  that  the  work  of  colonization  was  considered  as  having 
been  continued  from  1607.^  This  would  seem  to  indicate,  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
writer,  the  work  was  not  wholly  abandoned;  yet,  concerning  the  actual  condition  of  affairs 
on  the  Maine  coast  for  several  years  after  the  colonists  left  Fort  Popham,  much  remains 
to  be  learned.  From  neglected  repositories  in  the  seaport  towns  of  the  south  of  England, 
material  may  yet  be  gleaned  to  show  a  continuous  line  of  scattered  residents  living  around 
Pemaquid  during  all  the  years  that  followed  the  departure  of  the  Popham  colonists  from 
Sabino^  in  1608. 

The  visit  of  Henry  Hudson  to  New  England  in  1609  is  described  in  Juet's  Journal.^ 

Argall's  visit  to  New  England  in  1610  is  treated  by  Purchas,  though  it  has  made  no 
figure  in  current  histories.^  What  appears  to  be  the  most  correct  account  of  the  voyage  of 
Hobson  and  Harlow,  in  161 1,  is  found  in  Smith.  The  student  may  also  consult  the  Briefe 
Relation,^  which,  however,  appears  to  confuse  the  account  by  introducing  an  event  of  1614, 
the  capture  of  Indians  by  Hunt.  Gorges  is  also  confused  here,  as  in  many  other  places.' 
We  are  indebted  to  the  French  for  the  account  of  the  capture  and  ransom  of  Plastrier.^ 

In  connection  with  Argall's  descent  upon  the  French  at  Mount  Desert,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  consult  the  Jesuit  Relations,^  which  throw  considerable  light  upon  the  transactions 
of  the  EngHsh  at  this  period  ;  also  the  State  Papers.  These  show  that  Argall's  ship  was 
named  the  "  Treasurer."  1°  Champlain  says  that  this  ship  mounted  fourteen  guns,  while 
ten  more  English  vessels  were  at  hand.^^  If  his  statement  is  correct,  there  must  have  been 
a  large  number  of  Englishmen  on  the  coast  at  this  period. 


1  See  N'ava  Britannia,  London,  1609,  p.  i, 
no.  vi.,  p.  II,  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  i. 

2  It  should  also  be  observed  that  Captain 
John  Mason  says :  "  Certain  Hollanders  began 
a  trade,  about  1621,  upon  the  coast  of  New 
England,  between  Cape  Cod  and  Delaware 
Bay,  in  40°  north  latitude,  granted  to  Sir  Wal- 
ter Raleigh  in  1584,  and  afterwards  confirmed 
and  divided  by  agreement  by  King  James, 
in  1606.  The  plantations  in  Virginia  have 
been  settled  about  forty  years;  in  New  Eng- 
land about  twenty-five  years.  The  Hollan- 
ders came  as  interlopers  between  the  two,  and 
have  published  a  map  of  the  coast  between 
Virginia  and  Cape  Cod,  with  the  title  of  "  New 
Netherlands."  Calendar  of  State-papers  (Colo- 
nial), 1574,  p.  166,  by  Sainsbury,  London,  i860, 
p.  143,  under  April  2  (1632  ?).  Mason  is  in  error 
respecting  the  beginning  of  the  Dutch  trade, 
which  was  in  1598. 

^  For  studies  and  speculations  concerning 
Sabino,  Monhegan,  Penobscot,  and  other  names 
found  in  Maine,  see  Dr.  Ballard  in  the  Report 
of  the  United  States  Coast  Survey,  1848,  p.  243. 
Also  Williamson's  History  of  Maine,  i.  61,  and 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter's  edition  of 
Mourfs  Relation,  p.  ^t,.  [See  Dr.  Ballard  on  the 
VOL.    III.  — 25. 


location  of  Sasanoa's  River  in  Hist.  Mag,  xiii. 
164.  — Ed.] 

•*  Published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  their 
volume  edited  by  Asher,  and  entitled  Hejiry 
Hcdson  the  Navigator,  London,  i860,  p.  45.  See 
also  Read's  Historical  Inquiry  concerning  Henry 
Hudson,  etc.,  1866,  with  the  Sailing  Directions  of 
Henry  Hicdson,  prepared  for  his  use  in  i6o?>,  from 
the  Old  Danish  of  Ivar  Bardsen,  luith  an  intro- 
duction and  notes  ;  also  a  dissertation  on  the  Discov- 
ery of  the  Hudson  River,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa , 
Albany,  Joel  Munsell,  1869.  Also,  Petitot's 
Memoires,  vol.  xx."i4i,  232,  421.  [See  further  in 
ch.  X.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 

^  Purchas,  iv.  1758  and  1664. 

"  Purchas,  iv.  1827. 


7  Brief  Narration,  c. 
ton's  Voyages^  xiii.  206. 


See  also  Pinker- 


in  C 


arayon  s 


Premiere 


8  See  Biard's  Letter 
Mission,  p.  62. 

9  Relations  des  Jesuites,  Quebec,  1858,  3  vols., 
vol.  i.  p.  44. 

1^  Colonial  State  Papers,  1574,  vol.  i.  articles  18 
and  25,  1613. 

1^  For  authorities  see  Champlain's  CEuvres, 
iii.  17;  also,  Lescarbot's  Nouvelle  France,  ed. 
1618,  lib.  iv.  c.  13.     A  translation  of  the  narra- 


194  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Smith,  in  1614,  as  at  other  times,  is  his  own  historian,  and  his  writings  show  the 
growth  of  the  feeling  that  existed  with  respect  to  colonization,  and  they  at  the  same  time 
illustrate  his  adverse  fortune.^ 

Gorges  gives  an  account  of  Hobson's  and  Harlow's  voyage  for  1614.2  Hunt's  cruelty, 
in  connection  with  the  Indians  whom  he  enslaved  and  sold  in  Spain,  is  made  known  by 
Smith. ^  Some  of  these  Indians  recovered  their  liberty,  and  Bradford  speaks  of  Squanto, 
the  interpreter  to  the  Plymouth  Colony.* 

Gorges  makes  us  acquainted  with  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  who  was  on  the  New  Eng- 
land coast  at  the  close  of  the  year  161 5.  Sir  Richard  was  the  son  of  the  famous  John 
Hawkins,  who  set  David  Ingram  and  his  companions  ashore  in  the  Bay  of  Mexico.  Haw- 
kins was  born  in  1555,  and  in  1582  he  conducted  an  expedition  to  the  West  Indies.  In 
1588  he  is  found  in  command  of  the  "Swallow,"  and  he  distinguished  himself  in  the 
defeat  of  the  Armada.  He  next  sailed  upon  an  expedition  to  the  Pacific,  where  he  was 
captured  and  carried  to  Spain. ^  In  1620  he  was  named  in  connection  with  the  Algerine 
expedition,  dying  at  the  end  of  1621  or  the  beginning  of  1622.  A  full  account  of  his  trans- 
actions in  New  England  would  be  very  interesting ;  but  the  account  of  Gorges,  in  con- 
nection with  Brawnde's  Letter  to  Smith,  must  suffice. ^ 

The  story  of  Rocroft  is  told  by  Gorges,  and  Dermer  writes  of  his  own  voyage  at  full 
length."' 

It  remains  now  to  speak  of  the  old  cartology,  so  far  as  it  may  afford  any  traces  of  the 
English  explorers  of  Norumbega.  At  the  outset  the  interesting  fact  may  be  indicated 
that  the  earliest  reference  to  Norumbega  upon  any  map  is  that  of  the  Italian  Verr^zano, 
1529 ;  while  the  most  pronounced,  if  not  the  latest,  mention  during  the  seventeenth  century 
is  that  of  the  Italian  Lucini,  who  engraved  over  his  "  Nova  Anglia  "  the  word  "  Noram- 
bega,"  which  is  executed  with  many  flourishes. ^ 

Passing  over  the  first  cartographical  indication  of  English  exploration  on  the  coast  of 
North  America,  in  the  map  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  which  is  figured  and  described  in  the 
chapter  on  the  Cabots  ;  and  passing  over  the  French  and  the  Italians,^  —  adverting  but 

tive  of  Father  Biard  is  given  in  Scenes  in  the  Isle  Hist.   Coll.,  iii.  95.     Motirfs  Relation  says  that 

of  Mount  Desert,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa,  New  York,  Hunt  took  seven  Indians  from  Cape  Cod.     Dex- 

1869.     [Further  accounts  of  these  proceedings  ter's  Mourt's  Relation,  p.  86.    Dermer  says  that 

will  be  given  in  Vol.  IV.  of  the  present  history.  Squanto  was  captured  in  Maine. 

—  Ed.]  ^  See  the  Hakluyt  Society's  publication,  ed- 

1  See  A  Description  of  N'eiv  England:  or  The  ited  by  Markham,  The  Hawkins  Voyages,  1878. 
Observations  and  Discoiieries  of  Captain  John  6  ggg  t^g  letter  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Smith  {Adftiirall  of  that  Country),  in  the  North  Reg.,  1874,  p.  248 ;  and  the  Cotton  Manuscripts, 
of  America,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1614:  tvith  British  Museum.  PAso'^^xW^  Colonization,-^.  <^\. 
the  successe  of  sixe  Ships  that  went  out  the  next  7  Gorges  in  Brief  Narration,  ch.  xiv.,  and 
yeare,  1 61 5,  atid  the  accidents  befell  him  among  New  England'' s  Trials,  p.  11,  in  Force's  Tracts. 
the  French  men  of  Warre :  with  the  proof e  of  the  Brief e  Relation  of  the  Presideiit  and  Council, 
present  benefit  this  countrey  affoords,  whither  this  Purchas,  iv.  1830;  also  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  i. 
present  yeare,  1616,  eight  voluntary  ships  are  gone  Prince's  New  England  Chronology,  Boston,  1736, 
to  make  further  Tryall.  At  London  printed  by  p.  64,  and  Dermer's  letter  in  2  New  York  Hist. 
Humfrey  Lownes  for  Robert  Clerke  ;  and  are  to  Coll.,  i.  350. 

be  sould  at  his  house  called  the  Lodge,  in  Chancery  8  Dq^-^  Hist,  of  New  York,  \.     [This  is  a  map 

lane,  ouer  against  Lincolnes  Inne,   161 6.      Also  "Delia  nuova  Belgia  e  parte  della  nuova  Ang- 

The  Generall  Historie  of  Virginia,  New  England,  lia,"  of  which  a  portion  is  given  in  fac-simile  in 

and  the  Summer  Isles  .  .  ,  from  their  first  begin-  chapter  ix.  of  the  present  volume.      The  editor 

ning  An".    1584,  to  the  present,  1626.     London,  of  the  Doc.  Hist,  gives  no  clew  to  its  origin,  but 

1632.     [See  note  D,  at  the  end  of  this  chapter,  it  can  be  traced  to  Carta  II.,  in  Robert  Dudley's 

—  Ed.]  Dell  Arcano  del  Alare,  Firenze,  1 647.  —  Ed.]    See, 

2  Brief  Narration,  in  Maine  Hist.  Coll,  ii.  27,  on  the  tourists  in  the  New  World,  Verrazano  the 
and  Dexter's  Mourfs  Relation,  p.  86.  Explorer,  p.  65. 

8  Generall  Historie.  »  [It  may  be  worth  mentioning  that  the  map 

*  Bradford's  Plimouth  Plantation  in  ^  Mass.     in  the  Libro  di  Benedetto  Bordone,   1528,  gives 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


195 


for  a  moment  to  the  Dauphin  map*  of  1543,  with  its  novel  transformation  of  the  name 
Norumbega  into  Anorobagea,  —  the  next  map  that  needs  mention  is  that  of  John  Rotz, 
of  1542.  It  is  of  interest,  for  the  reason  that  the  ''' booke  of  Idrography,'''' ^  of  which  it 
forms  a  part,  was  dedicated  by  its  author  to  Henry  VIII.  Rotz  subscribes  himself 
"sarvant  to  the  King's  mooste  excellente  Majeste."  The  English  royal  arms  are  placed 
at  the  beginning,  though  orig- 
inally Rotz  intended  to  present 
the  book  to  Francis  I.  Indeed, 
the  outline  of  the  coast  is 
drawn  according  to  the  French 
idea.    Nevertheless,  the  names 


?m-' 


''-ns-^ 


HENRI    II.     (dauphin)    MAP,    1546.^ 


It  shows  no  English 


»*  •-  -  -  on  the  map  are  chiefly  Spanish 

exploration ;  and,  in  a  general  way,  indicates  an  ab- 
sence of  geographical  knowledge  on  the  part  of  that 
nation,  which,  however,  is  recognized  by  the  legend 
placed  in  the  sea  opposite  the  coast  between  New- 
foundland and  the  Penobscot.  The  legend  is  as 
follows:  "The  new  fonde  lande  quhaz  men  goeth 
a-fishing."  The  main  features  of  the  coast  are 
delineated.  Cape  Breton  and  the  Strait  of  Canseau,  with  the  Penobscot  and  Sandy 
Hook,  are  defined;  but  Cape  Cod,  the  "  Arecifes  "  of  Rotz,  appears  only  in  name,  though 
in  its  proper  relation  to  the  Bay  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  a  name  given  to  the  mouth  of 
Long  Island  Sound,  in  connection  with  the  Narragansett  Waters.  The  word  Norumbega 
does  not  occur,  and  the  nomenclature  is  hardly  satisfactory.  It  contains  no  reference 
either  to  Verrazano  or  Cartier.  The  so-called  map  of  Cabot,  1544,  does  not  touch  the 
particular  subject  under  notice.^ 

Frobisher's  map  of  1578  shows  a  strait  at  the  north  leading  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  and  bearing  his  name,  but  the  map  throws  no  light  upon  Norumbega.^ 


"Norbegia"  as  the  form  of  the  name.  Carter- 
Brown  Catalogue^  no.  91.  The  matter  will  be 
further  considered  in  connection  with  the  French 
explorers  in  another  volume.  —  Ed.] 

1  [It  is  described  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  MS. 
Maps,  etc.,  irt  the  British  Museum,  1 844,  i.  23 ;  and 
map  no.  17  shows  the  east  coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica from  6°  N.  to  51°  N. ;  and  no.  20,  both  hemi- 
spheres. Malte  Brun  describes  it  in  his  Histoire 
de  la  Geographie,  Ed.  Huot.,  i.  631.  —  Ed.] 

■^  [The  legends  are  as  follows :  — 

2.  C.  des  Illes. 

3.  Anorobagea. 

4.  Arcipel  de  Estienne  Gomez.     [This  voy- 

age  of    Gomez  will    be    described    in 
Vol.  IV.] 

5.  Baye  de  St.  jhon  Baptiste. 


6.  R.  de  bona  mere. 

7.  B.  de  St.  Anthoine. 

8.  R.  de  St.  Anthoine. 

9.  C.  de  St.  Xpofle. 

10.  R.  de  la  tournee. 

11.  C.  de  Sablons.  —  Ed.] 

3  [See  further  on  this  map  in  the  chapter  on 
"  The  Cabots,"  where  a  fac-simile  is  given. 
—  Ed.] 

4  This  map  embraces  the  country  from  New- 
foundland to  Florida,  showing  a  part  of  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  is  found  in  a  collection  of 
eleven  beautifully  executed  maps,  bound  in  one 
large  volume,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. 
[Cf.  Kohl's  Maps,  Charts,  etc.,  mentioned  in  Hak- 
luyt,  1857,  p.  16;  and  Collinson's  Frobisher''s 
Voyages,  published   by  the  Hakluyt  Society.— 


196  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Dr.  John  Dee  was  much  interested  in  American  enterprise,  and  made  a  particular 
study  of  the  northern  regions,  as  well  as  of  the  fisheries.  Under  date  of  July  6,  1578,  he 
speaks  of  "  Mr.  Hitchcok,  who  had  travayled  in  the  plat  for  fishing."  ^  A  map  bearing  the 
inscription,  "  loannes  Dee,  Anno,  1580,"  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. ^  It  reminds 
one  of  Mercator's  map  of  1569,  but  is  not  so  full.  Dee  was  frequently  invited  to  the  Court 
of  Elizabeth  to  make  known  her  title  to  lands  in  the  New  World  that  had  been  visited  by 
the  English;  and  he  was  deferred  to  by  Hakluyt,  Gilbert,  Walsingham,  and  others. 

He  writes  in  his  diary,  under  date  of  July  3,  1582,  "  A  meridie  hor  2)%.  cam  Sir  George 
Peckham  to  me  to  know  the  tytle  of  Norombega,  in  respect  of  Spayn  and  Portugall  parting 
the  whole  world's  distilleryes  ;  he  promised  me  of  his  gift  and  of  his  patient  ...  of  the 
new  conquest."  2  Gilbert's  voyage  was  then  being  projected,  but  Dee's  map  has  no 
reference  to  him  or  the  English  adventurers.*  It  shows  the  main  divisions  of  the  coast 
of  Norumbega,  except  Cape  Cod,  from  Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  Breton.  The  Penobscot  is 
well  defined,  and  Norombega  lies  around  its  headwaters. 

The  map  in  Hakluyt's  Edition  of  Peter  Martyr,  published  1587,  shows  the  English 
nomenclature  around  and  north  of  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  but  it  gives 
away  the  territory  of  Norumbega  to  the  French  as  Nova  Francia.  On  the  west  coast 
of  North  America  is  Nova  Albion.  In  Nova  Francia  there  is  a  river  apparently  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Arambe,  which,  it  has  been  suggested,  was  used  later  in  a  restricted  sense. 
Not  far  from  this  river,  at  the  south,  is  the  legend,  "Virginia,  1580."  ^ 

A  map  made  in  1592,  by  Thomas  Hood,  does  not  show  any  English  influence  on  the 
coast,  but  Norombega  is  represented  north  of  the  Penobscot,  which  is  called  R.  des 
Guamas,  intended  for  "  Gamas,"  the  Stag  River.^ 

The  globe  of  Molyneux'^  shows  the  explorations  of  Davis  in  the  north,  and  its  author 
calls  the  northern  continent,  north  of  Sandy  Hook,  "  Carenas."  Confusion  reigns  to  a  con- 
siderable extent.  Norumbega  is  confined  to  the  Penobscot,  and  nothing  is  indicated  with 
respect  to  the  English  in  that  quarter. 

Ed.]     See   Verrazano  the  Explorer,  New  York,  which  have  so  far  concealed  the  true  name),  and 

1880,   p.  56.      This  map  shows   the  Eiiripi  of  is  so  rarely  found  in  copies  that  its  presence 

Nicholas  of  Lynn.     See  Inventio  Fortujiata.  more  than  doubles  the  value  of  the  book,  which 

1  The  Private  Diary  of  John  Dee,  edited  by  without  it  may  be  put  at  eight  guineas.  Fifty 
Halliwell,  and  published  by  the  Camden  Society,  years  ago  a  good  copy  with  a  genuine  map  was 
1842,  p.  5.  [This  diary  is  written  on  the  mar-  not  worth  more  than  four  guineas,  —  now  twenty 
gins  of  old  almanacs,  which  were  discovered  guineas.  .  Rich's  Catalogue,  1632,  No.  68.  The 
in  the  Ashmolean  Museum.  Halliwell  calls  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  No.  370,  does  not  show 
Disraeli's  account  of  Dee,  in  his  Amenities  of  the  map.  —  Ed.] 

Literature,  correct  and  able.      Winsor's  Halli-  6  Atlas  ziir  EntdecJmngsgeschichte  Amerikas, 

welliana,  p.  5. — Ed.]  by  Kunstmann  and  others,  Munich,  1859,  Plate 

2  [It  measures  3)4^  by  2%  inches  ;  and  is  xiii.  [The  original  is  said,  in  Markham's  Da- 
carefully  drawn  on  vellum,  and  accompanied  vis's  Voyages,  p.  361,  to  be  preserved  in  Dud- 
by  another,  sketchily  drawn,  of  the  same  date,  ley's  own  copy  of  the  Arcano  del  Mare,  at  Flor- 
Catalogne  of  MS.  Maps,  etc.,  in  the  British  Mn-  ence.  The  large  map  of  1593  in  Historiarum 
seiim,  1844,  i-  30-  —  Ed.]  Indicarnm  Libri  xvi.     Mafpeii,  also  gives  place 

3  Dec*s  Z>/Vj;?j,  p.  16,  and  Hakluyt,  iii.  to  Norumbega;     as  does    Wytfliet's   edition  of 
*  [Wc  can  only  regret  that  Gilbert's  "  cardes     Ptolemy,    1597.      The   Speculum    Orbis-terrarnm 

and  plats  that  were  drawn  with  the  due  grada-  of  Cornelius  de  Judaeis,  published  at  Antwerp, 

tion  of  the  harbours,  bayes,  and  capes,  did  perish  1593,  has  a  map,  "  Americae  pars  borealis,  Flo- 

with  the  admirall."     Haies  in  Hakluyt. —  Ed.]  rida,    Baccalaos,    Canada,    Corterealis."      The 

^  See    reproduction    in    the   Historical   and  German  edition  of  Acosta,   1598,  gives  a  map 

Geographical  Notes  of  Henry  Stevens,  1869,  and  of  Norumbega  and  Virginia,  making  them  con- 

another   in   chapter  i.    of  the   present  volume,  tinuous.       Carter-Brozun     Catalogue,    nos.     517, 

[A  fac-similc  has  also  been  separately  issued  in  520.  —  Ed.] 

London,  worth  about  thirty  shillings.     The  map,  ^  Preserved  in   the    Library  of  the    Middle 

which  is  a  considerable  advance  on  earlier  maps  Temple.    A  tracing  is  in  possession  of  the  writer, 

and  shows  the  English   tracks  down   to  about  from  which  a  sketch  of  a  section  is  given  in  note 

1584,  is  dedicated  to  Hakluyt  by  F.  G.  (initials  E,  following  this  chapter. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


197 


The  map  of  Molyneux,  1600,  is  extremely  interesting,  but  it  does  not  show  the  opera- 
tions of  the  English  in  New  England,  though  the  Bay  of  Menan  is  recognized,  this  being 
the  place  so  well  known  to  Hakluyt  the  Elder  for  its  deposits  of  copper.^ 
New  England,  as  on  Lok's  map,  is  shown  as  an  island.^ 

The  cartology  at  this  period  is  very  disappointing 

though  the  maps  pointed  out  the  main  features  of  the 

coast.    In  many  respects  they  were 

inferior    to    some   of    the    earlier 

maps,  and  were  occupied  with  a 

vain  iteration.     A  little  later  the 

map   of    Lescarbot,    of   1609,    as 

might     be     supposed,    is 

poor  in   its   outhnes   and 

devoted     rather     to     the 

French  occupation.^ 

Smith's  well-known 
map,  issued  with  his  De- 
scription of  New  Eng- 
land   in    1 61 6,    was    the 


1  [See  note  F,  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. — 
Ed.] 

'•2  See  Cabo  de  Baxos,  or  the  Place  of  Cape  Cod^ 
in  the  old  Cartology,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa,  New  York, 
1881,  p.  7. 

[The  Editor  dissents  from  the  views  given  in 
this  elaborate  tract  and  adopted  in  the  text  of  the 
present  chapter ;  and  thinks  that  Cape  Cod,  and 
not  Sandy  Hook,  is  the  conspicuous  peninsula 
which  appears  on  the  early  maps.  In  the  general 
coast-line  Cape  Cod  is  a  protuberant  angle,  while 
Sandy  Hook  is  in  the  bight  of  a  bay  which  forms 
an  entering  angle,  and,  unlike  Cape  Cod,  is  of  no 
significance  in  relation  to  the  trend  of  the  conti- 
nental shore.  There  is  the  least  difficulty,  in  the 
matter  of  the  bearings  of  one  point  from  another, 
with  considering  this  feature  to  be  Cape  Cod; 
and  we  must  remember  that  the  compass  was  the 
only  instrument  of  tolerable  precision  which  the 
early  navigators  had,  and  its  records  are  the  only 
ones  to  be  depended  upon.  It  is  accordingly 
never  safe  to  discard  the  record  of  it,  unless  under 
strong  convictions  as  to  a  misreading  of  its  evi- 
dence. The  Editor  does  not  receive  such  con- 
victions from  the  moderate  variations  of  latitude, 
which  often  were  one  or  two  degrees  or  even 
more  out  of  the  way  in  the  old  maps  \  nor  from 
the  coast  names,  which  by  no  means  were  con- 
stant in  position,  and  were  not  infrequently  sadly 
confused  and  made  to  appear  more  than  once 
under  translated  forms.  The  process  of  copying 
such  from  antecedent  maps  was  far  more  liable 
to  error  than  the  transmission  of  the  general 
direction  and  the  sinuosities  of  the  coast  line. 
The  cartographers  sometimes  scattered  names, 
seemingly  for  little  purpose  but  to  fill  up  spaces. 
Coast  names,  before  settlements  were  fixed,  were 
of  the  utmost  delusiveness,  except  sometimes  in 
the  case  of  isolated  features,  not  to  be  con- 
founded. —  Ed.] 

^  [See  vol.  iv.  of  this  present  work. — Ed.] 
*  [The  Legends  are  as  follows :  — 

1.  Rio  de  S.  Spo. 

2.  Rio  Salado. 

3.  C.  de  S.  Joan, 


^* 


C.  de  las  arenas. 
C.    de    Pero    (are- 
nas). 
Santiago. 

B.  de   S.  Christo- 
foro. 

Monte  Viride. 
R.  de  buena  madre. 
St.  John  Baptista. 
Terrallana. 

C.  de  las  Saxas. 
Archipelago. 

C.  S.  Maria. 
C.  de  mucas  y^ 


16.  R.  das  Guamas. 

17.  Aracifes. 

18.  R.  de  Motanas 

19.  R.  de  la  Plaia.  —  Ed.] 


198  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

earliest  to  give  a  configuration  of  the  coast,  approaching  accuracy;  and  he  could  have 
found  little  in  Lescarbot's  and  Champlain's  maps  to  assimilate,  even  if  he  had  known 
them.  Cape  Cod  now  for  the  first  time  was  drawn  with  its  characteristic  bend.  Smith 
says  that  he  had  brought  with  him  five  or  six  maps,  neither  true  to  each  other  nor  to  the 
coast. 

Smith's  map  did  not  originally  contain  a  single  English  name,^  but  the  young  Prince 
Charles,  to  whom  it  was  submitted  in  accordance  with  Smith's  request,  changed  about 
thirty  "barbarous"  Indian  names  for  others,  in  order  that  "posterity"  might  be  able  to 
say  that  that  royal  personage  was  their  *' godfather."  A  number  of  Scotch  names  were 
selected,  among  others,  by  the  grandson  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Smith  gave  the  name  of 
Nusket  to  Mount  Desert,  confusing  it,  perhaps,  with  the  aboriginal  Pemetic,  which 
was  changed  to  Lomond,  given  as  "  Lowmonds  "  on  the  map.  The  prince  very  naturally 
desired  to  give  names  recalling  the  country  of  his  birth  ;  and  while  Ben  Lomond,  one  of 
the  noblest  Caledonian  hills,  bears  a  certain  grand  resemblance  to  its  namesake,  the  breezes 
of  the  lake  of  Mount  Desert,  like  "  answering  Lomond's," 

"Soothe  many  a  chieftain's  sleep." 

In  a  similar  spirit  he  named  the  Blue  Hills  of  Milton  the  "  Cheuyot  hills  ;  "  the  ancient 
river  of  Sagadahoc  being  the  Forth,  with  what  was  intended  for  "  Edenborough  "  standing 
near  its  headwaters.  There  is  nothing  on  the  map  to  recall  the  nonconformists  of  Notting- 
hamshire and  Lincolnshire,  who  afterwards  came  upon  the  coast,  except  Boston  and  Hull 
which  stand  near  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  being,  in  fancy,  close  together  on  the  map,  as  after- 
wards they  were  reproduced  farther  south,  in  fact. 

The  young  prince,  then  a  lad  of  about  fifteen,  no  doubt  had  suggestions  made  to  him 
respecting  the  names  to  be  selected,  as  he  favored  the  southern  and  southwestern  com- 
munities like  Bristol  and  Plymouth,  which  furnished  those  expeditions  encouraged  by 
churchmen  like  Popham  and  Gilbert.  Poynt  Suttliff  forms  a  distinct  recognition  of  Dr. 
Sutliffe,  the  Dean  of  Exeter,  who  took  so  much  interest  in  New  England. 2 

On  this  map  we  find  the  ancient  Norumbega  called  New  England.  Rich  says  that  Smith 
was  the  first  to  apply  this  name.  In  reply,  Mr.  Henry  C.  Murphy  has  referred  to  its  alleged 
use  by  a  Dutchman  in  1612.^  Special  reference  is  made  to  a  statement  printed  upon  the 
back  of  a  map  contained  in  a  book  brought  out  by  Hessell  Gerritsz  at  Amsterdam,  giving 
a  description  of  the  country  of  the  Samoieds  in  Tartary,  The  phrase  used,  however,  is 
not  "  New  England,"  nor  "  Nova  Anglia,"  but  "  Nova  Albion,""  which  was  applied  to  the 
whole  region  by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  in  his  explorations  on  the  Pacific  coast.  At  that  time 
the  continent  lying  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  was  regarded  as  a  narrow  strip  of 
land;  and  as  late  as  165 1  it  was  estimated  that  it  was  only  ten  days'  journey  on  foot  from 

1  On  the  variations  found  in  ten  different  is  reduced  from  this  re-engraving  in  Bryant  and 

impressions   of   the   map,   see    Winsor,   in   the  Gay's  U?tited  States,  \.  ^i^.  —  Ed.] 
Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  52  [where  a  sec-  ^  in  his  Descriptioti,  p.  67,  Smith  says,  "  At 

tion  of  it,  with  the  portrait  of  Smith,  is  given  in  last  it  pleased  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge,  and  Master 

heliotype.    A  reduced  heliotype  of  the  whole  map  Doctor  Stitliffe,  Deane  of  Exceter,  to  conceve  so 

is  given  herewith.     Hulsius,  when  he  translated  well  of  these  proiects  and  my  former  imploy- 

Smith's  book  for  his  voyages,  made  an  excellent  ments,  as  induced  them  to  make  a  new  adven- 

reproduction  of  the  map,  which  appears  in  three  ture  with  me  in  those  parts,  whither  they  have 

of  his  sections.     The  earliest  of  the  modern  re-  so  often  sent  to  their  continuall  losse." 
productions  was  that  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  ^  See  his  Henry  Hudson  in  Holland,  printed 

Palfrey   has    given   it,  reduced    by   photolitho-  at  The  Hague,  1859,  pp.  43-66. 
graphy,  but  not  very  satisfactorily,  in  his  New  *  Beschryvinghe  van  der  Samoyeden  Landt  iit 

England,  i.  95.     It  was  re-engraved  by  Swett  in  Tartarien,  etc..  Amsterdam,  161 2.     The  language 

1865  for  Veazie's  edition  of  the  Description,  and  on  the  map  is,  "ende  by  Westen  Nova  Albion 

the  plate  was  subsequently  altered  to  correspond  in  mar  del  sur."      See  also  Henry  Hudson  in 

with  later  states  of  the  original  plate,  and  in  this  Holland,  which  shows  how  Hudson  happened  to 

condition  appears  in  Jenness's  Isles  of  Shoals.     It  make  his  voyage  to  our  coast. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


199 


the  headwaters  of  the  James  to  the  Pacific. ^  In  1609  the  country  was  called  Nova 
Britannia.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  according  to  present  indications,  that  Smith  was 
entitled  to  the  credit  given  him  by  Rich.  At  all  events  the  importance  of  Smith's  work  in 
New  England  cannot  be  questioned.  Smith  himself  was  not  backward  in  asserting  the 
value  of  his  services,  declaring  in  one  place  that  he  "brought  New  England  to  the  Subjec- 
tion of  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain."^  After  the  publication  of  his  map,  Norumbega 
wellnigh  disappeared  from  the  pages  of  travellers,^  and  a  new  series  of  observation  of  the 
territory  was  begun  by  the  authors  of  works  like  those  which  chronicled  the  doings  of  the 
Leyden  Adventurers  in  New  England. 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


A.  Earliest  English  publications  on 
America.  —  The  backwardness  of  the  English 
in  all  that  related  to  the  extension  of  x\merican 
discovery  is  distinctly  apparent  in  the  compara- 
tively few  publications  from  the  London  press 
in  the  sixteenth  century  which  conduced  to 
spread  intelligence  of  the  New  World  on  the 
land  and  incite  rivalry  on  the  ocean.  The  fol- 
lowing list  will  show  this :  — 

1509.  When  Alexander  Barclay  put  Sebas- 
tian Brant's  Ship  of  Fools  into  English  verse 
and  published  it  in  folio  in  London,  he  disclosed 
one  of  the  earliest  references  to  the  Spanish  dis- 
coveries which  the  English  people  could  have 
read.  This  book  is  very  rare ;  a  copy  brought 
;^I20  at  the  Perkins  sale  in  London  in  1873, 
—  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p.  245.  This  edition 
has  of  late  been  reprinted  in  England,  edited  by 
Jamieson. 

1511.  (?)  A  book  Of  the  Jiewe  Lades,  printed 
about  this  time  at  Antwerp,  but  in  English,  is 
thought  to  have  been  the  earliest  original  trea- 
tise in  the  English  tongue  which  makes  any 
mention  of  America.  The  New  World  is  sup- 
posed to  be  meant  by  "  Armenica."  Harrisse, 
however,  assigns  1522  as  its  date,  —  Bihl.  Ainer. 
Vet.  p.  196.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  British 
Museum. 

1519,  though  put  by  some  as  early  as  1510. 
A  new  Interlude  of  the  iiij.  Elements.  This  has 
been  already  described  in  Mr.  Deane's  chapter. 


1517.  Wynkyn  de  Worde  printed  Watson's 
English  prose  translation  of  Brant's  Ship  of 
Fools. 

A  half  century  and  more  slipped  away  with- 
out the  English  press  taking  heed,  except  in 
such  chance  notices  as  these,  of  what  was  so 
closely  engaging  the  attention  of  the  rest  of 
Europe.     But  in 

1553  appeared  the  earliest  book  produced  in 
England  chiefly  devoted  to  the  American  discov- 
eries, and  this  was  Richard  Eden's  Treaty se  of  the 
newe  India,  which  he  had  translated  from  the  Lat- 
in of  the  fifth  book  of  Sebastian  Munster's  Cosmo- 
graphia,^]y.  1099  to  1113.  See  Carter-Bro7vn  Cat. 
p.  171,  and  further  in  the  chapter  on  the  Cabots. 

Munster  was  one  of  the  most  popular  cosmog- 
raphers  of  his  day.  He  had  begun  his  work  in 
1 532  by  supplying  a  map  by  Apianus  to  Gyrnaeus's 
Novus  Or  bis  of  that  date,  which  was  not  very  cred- 
itable, being  much  behind  the  times  ;  and  he  made 
amends  by  trying  to  give  the  latest  information 
in  an  issue  of  Ptolemy,  which  he  edited  in  1 540, 
to  which  he  supplied  a  woodcut  map  that  did  ser- 
vice in  a  variety  of  publications  for  nearly  all  the 
rest  of  the  century.  It  was  one  of  the  earliest 
maps,  in  which  interstices  were  left  in  the  block 
for  the  insertion  of  type  for  the  names,  and  in 
this  way  it  was  made  to  accompany  both  German 
and  Latin  texts.  It  was  also  used  in  Sylvanus's 
Ptolemy,  the  names  being  in  red.  Kohl,  Disc,  of 
Maine,  p.  296;  Harvard  Coll.  Lib.  Bull.  i.  270. 


1  Verrazano  the  Explorer,  1881,  p.  57.  -  Hakluyt,  iii.  737.     Endicott,  in  1661,  called  New  England  "This 
Patmos  ;  "  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and  the  West  Indies,  London,  1880,  p.  9. 

2  True  Travels,  p.  58. 

«  [It  however  still  kept  its  place  on  the  maps  of  De  Laet,  1633,  1640,  etc.  —  Ed.] 


200 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Munster's  Cosmographia,  to  which  he  trans- 
ferred this  map,  was  first  published  in  German, 
according  to  Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet,  no.  258, 
quoting  the  Labanoff  Catalogue,  in  1541,  and 
again  in  1544,  with  a  new  map.  After  this  there 
were  two  German  (1545  and  1550)  and  one  Latin 
(1550)  edition,  each  published  at  Basle,  and  a 
French  edition  (1552),  all  of  which  are  generally 
noted,  besides  Eden's  version  of  1552  (owned  by 
Mr.  Brevoort) ;  cf .  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  1865, 


C^  tcutV^t  of 

eaatoaroe  as  tDcRtoaroc,  ag  t^ep 

are  ftnotoen  anD  founD  in  iWt  oure 

aape0,a{ter  tbeDcfcnpcionof  i^c^ 

baftcan  fii^imfler  in  bi^  tjohc  of  bni^ 

uerfall  Colmograpbirtto^frmtbe 

Diligenrtral3crmapfrcri}raooD 

(uccelTeanD  retoarDe  of  noble 

anO  Ijonefte  enrerp?pfes, 

bp  tbf  tphut^^ot  onfp  tB02U)«  •, 

(ptpdicd  areobiapneo, 

butairou3oDi9gIo« 

ftian  faptbfti; 
ff  WnaatcD  out  of  ifatCa  into  if  itglift^f .  xar 


TITLE   OF   EDEN'S   MUNSTER.^ 

p.  27,  and  an  earlier  one  (1543),  cited  in  Poggen- 
dorff's  Biog.-lit.  Handworterbuch,  ii.  234,  which 
is  not  so  generally  recognized,  if  indeed  it  ex- 
ists at  all.  The  statement  is,  however,  enough  to 
indicate  that  Eden  thus  made  a  popular  book 
the  medium  of  his  first  presentation  to  the  Eng- 
lish public. 


1555.  Richard  Eden,  who  to  his  book-learn- 
ing added  the  results  of  converse  with  sailors, 
next  published  his  Decades  of  the  Newe  IVorlde, 
or  West  India,  derived  in  large  part,  as  shown 
in  Mr.  Deane's  chapter,  from  the  Latin  of  Peter 
Martyr.  This  made  to  the  English  public  the 
first  really  collective  presentation  of  the  results 
of  the  maritime  enterprise  of  that  time.  (H. 
Stevens,  Bibl.  Hist.  1870,  no.  632  ;  Field,  Indian 
Bibliog.  no.  484;  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p.  184, 
with  fac-simile  of  title.)  Among  the 
supplemental  matters  was  a  "  Descrip- 
tion of  the  two  Viages  made  out  of 
England  into  Guinea,"  in  1 553-54,  which 
were  the  earliest  English  voyages  ever 
printed.  This  1555  edition,  which  fifty 
)ears  ago  was  worth  in  good  copies  six 
guineas  (Rich's  Catalogue,  1832,  no.  30), 
will  now  bring  about  ^^25.  The  Editor 
has  used  the  Harvard  College  and  Mr. 
Charles  Deane's  copies.  There  was  sold 
in  the  Brinley  sale,  no.  40,  the  1533  edi- 
tion of  Peter  Martyr,  which  was  the  copy 
used  by  Eden  in  making  this  translation, 
and  it  is  enriched  with  his  little  mar- 
ginal maps  and  annotations.  See  Sa- 
bin's  Dictionary,  \.  201,  where  it  is  said 
Bellero's  map,  measuring  5  x  6j^  inches, 
is  found  in  some  copies.  The  Lenox 
copy  has  a  larger  map,  lo^  x  7  inches, 
with  a  similar  title. 

1559.  "A  perticular  Description  of 
suche  partes  of  America  as  are  by  trav- 
aile  founde  out,"  made  the  last  chapter 
of  a  heavy  folio,  The  Cos7nographicalle 
Glasse,  which  appeared  in  London,  the 
work  of  a  young  man,  William  Cunning- 
ham, twenty-eight  years  old,  a  doctor  in 
physics  and  astronomy.  See  Carter' 
Brawn  Catalogue,  p.  214,  where  a  fac- 
simile of  the  author's  portrait  as  it 
appeared  in  the  book  is  given. 

1563.  The  whole  and  true  discouerie 
of  Terra  Florida,  as  set  forth  in  English, 
following  Ribault's  narrative,  was  pub- 
lished in  London  on  the  30th  of  May. 
The  book  is  so  scarce  that  the  Lenox 
and  Carter-Brown  Libraries  have  been 
content  with  manuscript  copies  from  the 
volume  in  the  British  Museum.  This 
may  possibly  indicate  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  edition  followed  upon  much  reading 
and  thumbing. 

1568.  The  Ne^a  found  Worlde,  or  Antarc- 
tike  .  .  .  travailed  and  written  in  the  French  tojtg 
by  that  excellent  learned  man.  Master  Andrewe 
Thevet,  and  no7V  newly  translated  into  English. 
Imprinted  at  London  for  Thomas  Hacket.     This 


'  The  cut  is  taken  from  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue.     The  Colophon  reads :  "  C  Thus  endeth  this  fyf th 
boke  of  Sebastian  Munster,  of  the  lades  of  Asia  the  greater,  and  of  the  newefounde  landes,  and  Ilandes.     1553." 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


20I 


is   a  translation    of  Thevet's    well-known   but  of  Sebastian  Munster.     See  Carter- Brown  Cata- 

untrustworthy  book.  See    Carter-Brown    Cata-  logue,  p.  172. 

logue^  p.  241 ;    there  is   also    a   copy  in  H.  C  1574.  Eden's  Brief e  Collection  was  re-issued. 

Murphy's  collection  There  was  a  copy  in  the  Heber  sale,  and  one 


S   e 


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s  a 


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6 

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s   .^ 

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1.°?.      d^ 

1  This  ske 
.  India  Super 
.  Archipelagi 
Insularun 
.  Francisca. 
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.  Terra  Flori 
.  Cortereali. 
.  Hispaniola. 

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1570.  Another  English  edition  of  Barclay's 
version  of  the  Ship  of  Fools*  Tht  Carter-Brown 
Catalogue,  p.  243,  gives  the  title  and  portrait  of 
Brant  in  fac-simile. 

1572.     Eden's    version    of    Munster    again 

appeared   under  the  title  of  A  briefe  Collection 

and  Compendious  Exti'act  of  Straunge  and  Mem- 

arable  TJiinges,  gathered  out  of  the  Cosmographeye 

VOL.    III.  —  26. 


is   now  in   the   British   Museum,   according  to 
Sabin. 

1576.  In  April  appeared  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert's  Discourse  of  a  Discoverie  for  a  new 
passage  to  Cataia,  a  Gothic-letter  tract  of  great 
rarity  in  these  days.  It  is  credited  with  giving  a 
new  impulse  to  English  explorations;  and  had 
exerted    some   influence    in  manuscript  copies 


202  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

StuItiferaNauis, 

quaomniummortaliumnarraturftultitia^admoi 

diunvdlis&neccflariaab  omnibus  adfuam  falutcm  pcrlcgcndo, 
c  Latinafcrmonc  in  noftrum  vulgarcm  vcrfa,&iam  diligcnter 
imprcira.   An.  Do.  1570, 


TheShipof  Fooles^whcrin  is  fhewed  the  folly 

ijetpKofitaWc  anbfrttttfuttfo?allmen» 

iCtdnflateO  out  oC  Jlatin  mto  dhigUdjc  b  j  Alexander 
BarcUy  i??itft. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


203 


before  being  printed.  See  Carter-Brown  Cata-  «^r//57£;^j^?'^o2V7«j,  the  author  having  accompanied 
logue^  p.  258;  Brmley  Catalogue,  no.  31,  Heber's  Frobisher  on  his  voyage  in  1577.  Its  rarity — 
copy,  which  brought  $255.  It  is  also  in  the  for  besides  the  Grenville  copy  in  the  British 
Lenox  Library;  and  this 
and  the  Carter-Brown  copy 
have  the  rare  map  which  in 
the  Catalogue  of  the  latter 
collection  is  given  slightly 
reduced,  and  it  is  in  part 
reproduced  herewith.  See 
Fox  Bourne's  English  Sea- 
men, chs.  5  and  7.  Gilbert 
in  this  had  undertaken  to 
prove,  both  from  reasoning 
and  report,  that  there  was 
a  northwest  passage,  and 
that  America  was  an  island,  and  he  recounts  Museum,  that  in  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p. 
traditions  of  its  being  sailed  through.  See  Mr.  266,  where  its  title  is  given  in  fac-simile,  is  the 
Deane's  chapter  on  "  The  Cabots."  only  one  we  have  noted — may  signify  the  eager- 


AUTOGRAPH   OF   SIR    HUMPHREY    GILBERT. 


4>^^::^^4^^^^^ 


PAPT  OF  gilbert's   MAP,    1 5  76. 


1577.  Settle  published  in  London  his  True     ness  there  was  to  read  it,  with  a  consequent  use 
Reporte  of  the  laste    Voyage  into   the  west  and    great  enough  to  destroy  the  edition,  though  there 


204 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


are  said  to  have  been  two  issues  the  same  year. 
A  fac-simile  reprint  (fifty  copies)  has  been  pri- 
vately made  from  the  Carter-Brown  copy ;  and  it 
is  also  reprinted  in  Brydges's  Restihitay  1814, 
vol.  ii.  See  N.  E.  Hist,  aiid  Geneal.  Reg.^  1869, 
p.  363,  —  a  notice  by  John  Russell  Bartlett. 

1577.  Richard  Willes  brought  out  in  Lon- 
don, with  some  augmentation,  an  edition  of 
Eden's  Peter  Martyr,  under  the  new  title  of  The 
History  of  Trauvayle,  a  stout  volume,  which  in 
the  known  copies  has  stood  wear  better. 
Willes's  preface  tells  the  story  of  Eden's  labors, 
and  adds,  "Many  of  his  Englysche  woordes 
cannot  be  excused  in  my  opinion  for  smellyng 
to  much  of  the  Latine." 

It  would  seem  that  the  arrangement  was  still 
mostly  the  labor  of  Eden,  who  did  not  die  till 
1576.  Willes,  however,  suppressed  Eden's 
preface  of  1555. 

This  edition  has  likewise  much  appreciated 
in  value.  Rich,  in  his  1832  Catalogue,  no.  57, 
priced  a  fine  copy  at  £\  \s. ;  now  one  is  worth 
£20  or  more.    There 

are  copies  in  Harvard  A^  V-uV\tH%, 

College,  Carter-Brown        ^^''^  Vt^rn^-^ 


njeum,  Lenox  Library,  etc.  See  Carter-Braivn 
Catalogite,  p.  275,  for  fac-simile  of  title  ;  Sabin's 
Dictionary y  vii.  311;  W.  C.  Hazlitt's  Bibliog, 
Coll.  and  notes,  2d  ser.  p.  265. 

1580.  A  new  edition  of  Frampton's  Joyfuh 
Newes.  This  edition  is  worth  about  £\.  There 
is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Rich, 
Catalogue,  1832,  no.  64. 

1580.  John  Florio  published  a  retranslation 
into  English  from  Ramusio's  Italian  version  of 
Cartier's  Voyage  to  A'ew  France  (1534),  which 
had  appeared  originally  in  French,  but  was  not 
now  apparently  accessible  to  Florio.  Carter- 
Brown  Catalogue,  no.  331. 

1561.  T.  Nicholas  published  an  English 
translation,  now  very  rare,  of  Zarate's  account 
of  the  Conquest  of  Peru. 

1582.  Hakluyt  began  his  active  participa- 
tion in  furthering  English  maritime  exploration 
by  his  ^rst  publication,  the  little  Divers  Voyages, 
dedicating  it  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney  ;  and  in  this  he 
says:   "I  marvaile  not  a  little  .  .  .  that  we    of 


A 


A/C 


* /w  a  »»         /—^  ' 


^t(o^M^     ^/f-^yyr  fx^ 


T'^A 


CLf^f-Oytnm, 


r 


1^ 


(no.  312),  Charles 
Deane's  and  Boston 
Athenaeum  Libraries. 
See  also  Brinley  Cata- 
logue, no.  41  ;  Sunder- 
land Catalogue,  no.  4180;  Field,  Irid.  Bibl,  no. 
485;  Huth  Catalogue,  p.  922. 

1577.  John  Frampton  translated  and  pub- 
lished, under  the  title  of  Joyfull  Newes  out  of 
the  New  foimde  Worlde,  a  book  of  the  Seville 
Physician,  Nicholas  de  Monardes.  See  Brinley 
Catalogue,  no.  46;  Stevens's  Nuggets,  1924;  Car- 
ter-Brown Catalogue,  no.  313. 

1578.  Thomas  Churchyard's  Prayse  and 
Report  of  Maister  Martyjte  Forboisher* s  Voyage  to 
Meta  Incognita,  London.  Bohn's  Lowndes,  p. 
450>  reports  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum. 

1578.  George  Best  published  his    True  Dis- 
course of  the    late   voyage  of  discoverie  for  the 
finding  of  a  passage  to  Cathay  a  by  the  North-weast, 
under  the  Conduct  of  Martin  Frobisher,  generall. 
This  is  also  very  rare.    See  Carter-Brown  Cata- 
logtte,  no.  319,  which  shows  the  two  rare  maps,  a 
portion  of  one  of  which  is  given  in  fac-simile  in 
ch.  iii.  from  that  in  Collinson's  Martin  Frobisher. 
1578.  Thomas  Nicholas  printed,  under  his 
initials  only,  an   English  version    of  Gomara's 
account   of    Cortes*  conquest    of   New    Spain, 
called  The  Pleasant  Historic  of  the  Conquest  of  the 
Weast    Indies.      Fine  copies    are   worth   about 
;^io     There  are  copies   in   the   Boston  Athe- 


^^ic/Uy/  }-iaLCnv. 


■^r 


i,JiLr^H^ 


England  could  never  have  the  grace  to  set  fast 
footing  in  such  fertill  and  temperate  places  as 
are  left  as  yet  unpossessed."  Again  he  says: 
"  In  my  public  lectures  I  was  the  first  that  pro- 
duced and  showed  both  the  olde  imperfectly 
composed  and  the  new  lately  reformed  mappes, 
globes,  and  spheares,  to  the  generall  contentment 
of  my  auditory."  See  further  in  Mr.  Deane's 
chapter  on  "The  Cabots."  Cf.  W.  C.  Hazlitt's 
Bibliog.  Coll.  and  notes,  ist  ser.  p.  10 1. 

There  is,  unfortunately,  no  sufficiently  ex- 
tended account  of  Hakluyt,  and  the  most  we 
know  of  him  must  be  derived  from  his  own  pub- 
lications. The  brief  account  in  Anthony  Wood's 
Athena;  Oxonienses  is  the  source  of  most  of  the 
notices.  Mr.  J.  Payne  Collier  has  added  some- 
thing in  a  paper  on  "  Richard  Hakluyt  and 
American  Dj^covery"  in  the  Archceologia,  xxxiii. 
383 ;  and  Mr.  Winter  Jones  in  his  Introduction 
to  the  reprint  of  the  Divers  Voyages  has  told 
about  all  that  can  be  gleaned,  and  in  his  Ap- 
pendix he  gives  some  papers  before  unprinted, 
including  Hakluyt's  will.  The  subject  has  had 
later  treatment,  with  the  advantage  of  some  re» 
cent  information,  in  the  Introduction  to  the  IVes- 
terne  Planting,  by  Dr.  Woods  and  Mr.  Deane.    - 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


205 


With  the  exception  of  the  criticism  of  John 
Locke,  —  if  he  be  the  editor  of  Churchill's  Col- 
lection,—  who  wished  Hakluyt  had  condensed 
more,  and  of  Biddle,  who  accuses  him  of  per- 
versions in  his  account  of  the  Cabots  (see  Mr. 
Deane's  chapter),  the  general  opinion  of 
Hakluyt's  labor  has  been  very  high.  Locke's 
explanatory  catalogue  of  voyages,  which  ap- 
peared in  Churchill,  is  reprinted  in  Clarke's 
Maritime  Discovery.  Oldys  in  the  British  Li- 
brarian, p.  136,  analyzes  Hakluyt's  books,  and 
there  is  a  list  of  them  in  Sabin's  Dictionary  and 
in  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p.  448.  An 
account  of  the  set  in  the  Lenox  Library  is 
printed  in  Norton's  Literary  Gazette,  i.  384. 

Of  the  Divers  Voyages,  perfect  copies  are 
excessively  rare,  and  the  two  maps  are  almost 
always  wanting.  The  two  British  Museum 
copies  have  them,  but  the  Bodleian  has  only  the 
Lok  map,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  Carter- 
Brown  copy  {Catalogue,  p.  290).  The  other 
copies  in  America  belong  to  Harvard  College 
(imperfect),  Charles  Deane,  and  Henry  C.  Mur- 
phy. Of  the  maps,  that  by  Lok  is  given  in 
reduced  fac-simile  in  the  Carter-Brown  Cata- 
logue (as  also  in  chapter  i.  of  the  present  vol- 
ume), and  both  are  given  full  size  in  the  reprint 
of  the  Hakluyt  Society. 

1583.  Captain  J.  Carleill's  little  Discourse 
upon  the  entended  Voyage  to  the  hethermoste  Partes 
of  America,  a  tract  of  a  few  leaves  only,  in 
Gothic  letter,  was  probably  printed  about  this 
time  with  the  aim  to  induce  emigration  and  the 
fixing  of  commercial  advantages.  Hakluyt 
thought  it  of  enough  importance  to  include  it  in 
his  third  volume  seventeen  years  later.  Carter- 
Brown  Catalogue,  p.  292. 

1583.  Sir  George  Beckham's  True  Report  of 
the  late  Discoveries,  etc.  See  further  on  this 
tract  on  a  preceding  page. 

1583.  M.  M.  S.  published  at  London  a'small 
tract  giving  a  translation  of  Las  Casas'  story 
of  the  Spanish  deeds  in  the  New  World.  Car- 
ter-Brown Catalogue,  p.  293. 

1588.  What  is  called  the  second  original 
work  published  in  England  on  the  New  World 
is  Hariot's  New  Foundland  of  Virginia,  a  small 
quarto  of  twenty-three  leaves,  imprinted  at  Lon- 
don. Heber  had  a  copy ;  and  Brunet,  the  first  to 
describe  it,  took  the  title  from  Heber's  Catalogue. 
There  are  copies  in  the  Lenox,  Huth  {Catalogue, 
ii.  652),  Grenville  (British  Museum)  and  the 
Bodleian  libraries.  Sabin,  Dictionary,  viii.  30377, 
who  says  this,  adds  that  there  was  a  copy  sold 
surprisingly  low  at  Dublin  in  1873,  escaping  the 
attention  of  collectors.  It  was  reprinted  at 
Frankfort  in  1 590.     See  chapter  iv. 

1588.  Appeared  an  English  version  of  the 
Latin  account  of  Drake's  voyage. 

1589.  Hakluyt  gave  out  the  first  edition  of 
his  PrincipalJ  Navigations.     Copies  are  at  pres- 


ent worth  from  ;i^5  to  £\o,  according  to  con- 
dition ;  and  we  have  noted  the  following  :  Har- 
vard College,  Brinley  (no.  33),  Carter-Brown 
(no.  384),  Charles  Deane,  Long  Island  His- 
torical Society,  Field  {Ind.  Bibliog.  no.  631), 
Crowninshield  {Catalogue,  no.  487),  etc.  The 
catalogues  usually  note  the  six  suppressed  leaves 
of  Drake's  voyage  when  present. 

Hakluyt,  at  the  end  of  his  preface,  speaks  of 
"  The  comming  out  of  a  very  large  and  most 
exact  terestriall  Globe,  collected  and  reformed 
according  to  the  newest,  secretest,  and  latest  dis- 
coveries, .  .  .  composed  by  Mr.  Emmerie  Mollin- 
eaux,  of  I^ambeth,  a  rare  gentleman  in  his 
profession." 

In  place  of  this  Molineaux  map,  there  some- 
times appears,  at  p.  597,  what  Hakluyt  calls 
"One  of  the  best  general  mappes  of  the  world," 
which  is  a  recut  plate  of  one  in  Ortelius's  Atlas ; 
and  in  other  copies  instead  we  find  another 
edition  of  the  same,  which  is  also  found  in  the 
English  translation  of  Linschoten.  Sabin  says 
he  has  sometimes  found  a  woodcut  of  Gilbert's 
map  substituted.  The  Ortelius  map  is  repro- 
duced in  chapter  i.  of  the  present  volume. 

1591.  Job  Hortop's  Rare  Travales  of  an 
Englishmany  published  in  London.  Bohn's 
Lowndes,  p.  11 24.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Brit- 
ish Museum.  Hortop  was  one  of  Ingram's  com- 
panions, and  after  being  captured  and  confined 
in  Mexico,  reached  England  after  very  many 
years'  absence. 

1595.  John  Davis  published  his  Worlde'i 
Hydrographical  Descriptions,  v]]\\c\\  in  parts  reite- 
rates the  views  of  Gilbert's  Discotirse.  The  only 
copies  known  are  in  the  Grenville  Library  (Brit- 
ish Museum)  and  Lenox  Library,  New  York. 
It  is  reprinted  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition 
of  Davis's  Voyages,  p.  191,  and  in  the  181 2 
edition  of  Hakluyt's  Principall  Navigations. 

1596.  A  third  edition  of  Frampton's  Joyfull 
Nezves.  A  fine  copy  is  worth  about  three  guineas. 
See  Carter-Brozvjz  Catalogue,  no.  497. 

1596.  Second  edition  of  Nicholas's  trans- 
lation of  Gomara.  Brinley  Catalogue,  nos.  32 
and  5309;  Sabin,  Dictionary,  27752;  Field,  Ind. 
Bibl.  no.  611;  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  no.  499. 

1598.  Wolfe,  of  London,  published  an  Eng- 
lish translation,  by  William  Philip,  of  Lins- 
choten's  Discours  of  Voyages  into  y"-  Easte  and 
West  Indies,  in  foure  Bookes,  with  a  dedication 
to  Sir  Julius  Caesar, 
Judge   of  the  High 

Court  of  Admiralty.  y^  ////^  / /^/^j/^ 
The  preface  adds:  ^/J/H^  '  Uu/j^  ' 
"  Which  Booke  be-  // 
ing  commended  by  [j/ 
Maister  Richard 
Hackluyt,  a  man  that  laboureth  greatly  to  ad- 
vance our  English  Name  and  Nativity,  the 
Printer  thought    good    to  cause   the  same    to 


206 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


bee  translated  into  the  English  Tongue."  The 
original  became  a  very  popular  book  on  the 
Continent.  The  maps  of  American  interest  are 
those  of  the  World,  of  the  Antilles,  and  of  South 
America.  The  description  of  America  begins 
on  p.  216.  Carter- Brown  (^atalogue^  i.  no.  527; 
Crowmnshield  Catalogue,  no.  625;  Rich  (1832), 
no.  84,  prices  a  copy  at  ;^8  Sj. 

These  are  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  publications 
brought  out  in  English  and  relating  to  America 
prior  to  the  enlarged  edition  of  Hakluyt's  Col- 
lection, which  was  dedicated  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil, 


and  such  as  they  are,  it  will  be  seen  that  of  the 
thirty-four  separate  issues  enumerated  above 
only  fourteen 
are  of  Eng- 
lish origin, 
and  of  the 
whole  num- 
ber only 
twelve  be- 
long to  the 
first  three  quarters  of  the  century. 

During   this   same  century   the  literature  of, 


^^^^V'^'^'^g^'^A'ir^sg^.yycrS^g^^  , 


and  of  which  the  third  volume,  bearing  date 
1600,  was  devoted  to  America.  Compared  with 
the  publications  of  the  Continent  for  the  same 
century,  they  are  strikingly  fewer  in  number; 


navigation  took  its  origin.  The  ContinentaV 
nations  had  already  preceded.  It  was  not  till 
1 528  that  the  first  sea-manual  appeared  in  Eng» 
land,  and  no  copy  of  it  is  now  known.    This 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


207 


was  a  translation  of  the  French  Le  Routier  de  la 
Mer,  the  antetype  of  the  later  rutters.  The 
English  edition  was  called  The  Rutter  of  the  Sea, 
and  other  editions  appeared  in  1536,  1 541,  and 
1560  {?);  the  second  of  these  adding,  "A 
rutter  of  the  northe,  compyled  by  Rychard 
Proude."  None  of  these,  however,  recognized 
the  American  discoveries. 

In  1 561,  Eden,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Arctic 
navigator,  Stephen  Burrough  (b.  1525,  d.  1586), 
again  tried  to  give  some  impulse  to  English  in- 
terest by  his  translation  of  Martin  Cortes'  Art 
of  Navigation,  which  had  appeared  at  Seville 
ten  years  before.  {Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p. 
151.)  Cortes  was  the  first  to  suggest  a  magnetic 
pole.  Frobisher,  when  he  made  his  first  voy- 
age, fifteen  years  later  (1576),  perhaps  because 
Eden's  translation  was  out  of  print,  took  with 
him  a  Spanish  edition  of  Medina's  Arte  de 
Navegar,  —  a  work  which  preceded  Cortes',  but 
never  became  so  popular  in  England. 

In  1565  came  a  fifth  edition  of  the  Rutter  of 
the  Sea,  and  in  1573  William  Bourne  first  issued 
his  Regiment  of  the  Sea,  which  long  remained 
the  chief  English  book  on  navigation.^ 

Eden  put  forth,  at  what  precise  date  is  not 
known,  but  not  later  than  1576,  A  very  necessarie 
and  profitable  book  concerning  Navigation,  com- 
piled in  Latin  by  Joannes  Taisnierus,  in  which 
the  translator  intimates  that  Cabot  knew  more 
of  the  ways  of  discovering  longitude  than  he 
had  disclosed.  See  Carter-Brown  Catalogue, 
p.  262.  Davis's  Voyages  (Hakluyt  Society)  gives 
the  date  1579. 

Such  books,  as  the  interest  in  America  be- 
came more  general,  increased  rapidly,  and  I  note 
them  in  chronological  order. 

1577.  Second  edition,  Regiments  of  the  Sea. 

1578.  Edward  Hellowes  published  in  Lon- 
don, in  a  small  tract,  a  translation,  A  booke  of 
the  Invention  of  Navigation  of  Antonio  de  Gae- 
vara.  Bishop  of  Mondonedo,  originally  printed 
at  Valladolid  in  1539. 

1578.  Second  edition,  Eden's  Cortes. 
1580.  Sixth  edition  of  The  Rutter  of  the  Sea. 

1580.  Third  edition,  Eden's  Cortes. 

1581.  The  Arte  of  Navigation.  By  Pedro  de 
Medina.  Translated  out  of  the  Spattish  by  John 
Frampton.  Medina's  Arte  de  Navegar  originally 
appeared  at  Valladolid  in  1545. 

1584.  Fourth  edition,  Eden's  Cortes.  See 
Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  19,  for  a  copy  which  has  a 
folding  woodcut  map  of  the  New  World,  which 
is  usually  wanting  in  later  editions. 

1585.  Robert  Norman,  hydrographer,  pub- 
lished his  Newe  Attractive,  with  rules  for  the 
art  of  navigation  annexed. 


1587,  Robert  Tanner's  Mirror  for  Mathe- 
matiques,  .  .  .  a  sure  safety  for  Saylers,  etc. 

1587.  Seventh  edition  of  The  Rutter  of  the 
Sea. 

1588.  The  first  marine  atlas  ever  made  ap- 
peared at  Leyden  in  1583-84,  and  this  year  in 
London  as  The  Mariner's  Mirrour,  .  .  .  first 
made  by  Luke  Wagenaer,  of  Enchuisen,  and 
now  fitted  with  necessarie  additions  by  Anthony 
Ashley. 

1588.  Fifth  edition,  Eden's  Cortes. 

1589.  Thomas  Blundeville's  Brief  Descrip- 
tion of  Universal  Mappes  and  Cardes,  and  of  their 
Use,  and  also  the  Use  of  Ptolemy  his  tables. 

1589.  A  sixth  edition  of  Eden's  version  of 
Martin  Cortes'  Arte  of  Navigation  appeared. 
Good  copies  of  this  small  black-letter  quarto 
are  worth  about  seven  guineas.  It  is  known  that 
Hakluyt  about  this  time  was  endeavoring  with 
the  aid  of  Drake  to  found  in  London  a  public 
lecture  for  the  purpose  of  advancing  the  art  of 
navigation. 

1590.  Robert  Norman  translated  from  the 
Dutch  The  Safeguard  of  Saylers,  or  Great  Rutter. 
Edward  Wright  corrected  and  enlarged  this  in 
1 61 2.  Norman  was  the  inventor  of  the  dipping- 
needle,  in  1576. 

1590.  Thomas  Hood's  Use  of  the  Jacob's 
Staffe ;  also  a  dialogue  touching  the  use  of  the 
Crosse  Staffe.  These  were  instruments  for  the 
taking  of  latitude.  The  astrolabe,  an  instrument 
of  remote  antiquity,  had  been  adapted  to  sea-use 
by  Martin  Behaim;  but  it  was  soon  found  that 
it  did  not  adapt  itself  to  the  automatic  move- 
ment of  the  observer's  body  in  a  rolling  sea,  and 
in  1 514  the  cross-staff  was  invented,  or  at  least 
was  first  described. 

1592.  A  third  edition  of  Bourne's  Regiment 
of  the  Sea,  corrected  by  Thomas  Hood. 

1592.  Thomas  Hood's  Use  of  both  the  Globes, 
celestiall  and  terrestriall,  written  to  accompany 
the  Molineaux  globes. 

1592.  Thomas  Hood's  Marritter's  Guide. 

1594.  John  Davis  published  his  Seaman's 
Secrets,  wherein  is  taught  the  three  kindes  of 
Sayling,  —  Horizontall,  Paradoxall,  and  Sayling 
upon  a  great  Circle.  He  held  up  the  example 
of  the  Spaniards:  "For  what  hath  made  the 
Spaniard  to  be  so  great  a  Monarch,  the  Com- 
mander of  both  Indies,  to  abound  in  wealth  and 
all  Nature's  benefites,  but  only  the  painefull  in- 
dustrie  of  his  Subjects  by  Navigation."  No  copy 
of  this  first  edition  is  known.  The  second  edi- 
tion, 1607,  is  in  the  British  Museum,  and  from 
this  copy  the  tract  is  reprinted  in  Davis's  Voy- 
ages (Hakluyt  Society  ed.). 

1594.  M.  Blundevile,  His  Exercises,  with  in- 


'  Bourne  (d.  1582)  first  issued  almanacs  with  Rules  of  Navigation  in  1567.  In  1578  he  printed  an  account 
of  sea  devices,  making  in  It  tho  earliest  mention  of  Humphrey  Cole's  invention  of  the  log.  Cruden's  History 
of  Gravesend,  1843, 


208 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


struction  in  the  art  of  navigation.  This  proved 
a  popular  instruction  book. 

1594.  Robert  Hues  printed  in  London  a 
Latin  treatise  on  the  Molineaux  globes,  Tract- 
atus  de  Globis,  et  eorum  usu.  This  includes  a 
chapter  by  Thomas  Hariot  on  the  rhumbs,  or 
the  lines  which  so  perplexingly  cover  the  old 
maps. 

1596.  Another  edition  of  Hood's  corrected 
issue  of  Bourne's  Regiment  of  the  Sea. 

1596.  Second  edition  of  Norman's  Newe  At- 
tractive, etc. 

1596.  John  Blagrave's  Necessary  and  Pleas- 
aunt  Solace  and  recreation  for  Navigators.  .  .  . 
Whereunto  .  .  .  he  has  anexed  another  inven- 
tion expressing  on  one  face  the  zvhole  globe  te^-- 
restrialy  with  the  two  great  English  voyages 
lately  performed  round  the  world.  This  last  is 
a  map  by  Hondius,  reproduced  in  Drake's 
World  Encompassed  (Hakluyt  Soc.  ed.). 

1596.  Thomas  Hood's  Use  of  the  mathemati- 
call  Instrumetits,  the  Crosse  Staffe  differing  from 
that  in  co?nmon  use,  and  the  Jacob's  Staffe. 

1596.  Seventh  edition  of  Eden's  version  of 
Cortes. 

1597.  Second  edition  of  Blundevile,  his  Ex- 
ercises. 

1597.  William  Barlow's  Navigator's  Supply, 
containing  many  things  of  principal  importance 
belonging  to  navigation.     Largely  on  compasses. 

1598.  John  Wolfe  translated  and  printed  A 
treatyse  .  .  .  for  all  seafaringe  men,  by  Mathias 
Sijverts  Lake?nan,  alias  Sofridus. 

1599.  Simon  Stevin's  De  Haven-vinding  ap- 
peared at  Leyden,  and  Edward  Wright  brought 
it  out  at  once  in  English,  as  The  Havefi-Finding 
Art. 

1599.  Edward  Wright  published  his  Certain 
Errors  in  Navigation,  detected  and  corrected. 
Wright  was  born  in  1560,  was  lecturer  on  navi- 
gation for  the  East  India  Company,  was  the 
verifier  and  improver  of  Mercator's  projection, 
and  is  thought  to  have  been  the  author  of  the 
Molineaux  map. 

It  will  be  observed  that  of  this  list  of  thirty- 
three  publications  for  twenty-five  years  about 
one  half  is  of  foreign  origin. 


B.  Hakluyt's  "Westerne  Planting" 
AND  THE  Maine  Historical  Society.  — The 
history  of  this  manuscript,  so  far  as  known,  is 
as  follows :  — 

The  family  of  Sir  Peter  Thomson  (who  died 
in  1770)  possessed  it,  from  whom  Lord  Valentia 
secured  it,  and  this  collector  indorsed  upon  it 
"unpublished"  and  "extremely  curious."  It 
subsequently  is  found  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Henry 
Stevens,  who  put  it  into  a  public  sale  in  London, 
May,  1854;  and  in  the  Catalogue  (lot  474)  it  is 
called  "  a  most  important  unpublished  manuscript, 


63  pages,  closely  and  neatly  written,  in  the  orig- 
inal calf  binding."  It  brought  ;^44,  and  passed 
into  the  Collection  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps. 
(Stevens's  Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  1869,  p.  20,) 
This  gentleman  began  in  1837  to  print  privately 
a  catalogue  of  his  library,  then  kept  at  Middle 
Hill,  Worcestershire,  and  continued  the  printing, 
sheet  by  sheet,  and  under  no.  14097  this  manu- 
script appears  as  "A  Hakluyt  Discourse."  In 
1859  Sir  Thomas  bought  Thirlestane  House, 
Cheltenham,  the  seat  of  Lord  Northwick,  and 
hither  he  removed  his  vast  collections  of  manu- 
scripts and  books,  where  they  now  are,  in  the 
possession  of  his  heirs,  Sir  Thomas  having  died 
in  1872.  They  are  open  to  inquirers  under  re- 
strictions. See  N  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1873,  p.  429. 

The  manuscript  of  the  Westerne  Planting  is 
not  thought  to  be  in  Hakluyt's  hand,  though 
in  a  contemporary  script ;  and  the  writing  of  it 
by  Hakluyt  seems  to  have  been  in  progress  dur- 
ing the  summer  of  1584,  while  its  author  was 
thirty-two  years  old.  There  is  evidence  that  it 
existed  in  four  or  five  copies, —  of  which  the 
only  one  known  at  this  day  is  the  Phillipps 
copy,  —  one  of  which  was  for  the  queen,  and 
all  were  made  with  the  view  of  recommending 
the  planting  of  Norumbega. 

In  1867  Dr.  Woods  was  commissioned  by  the 
Governor  of  Maine  to  procure  in  Europe  material 
for  the  early  history  of  the  State,  and  the  first 
fruit  was  the  engaging  of  Dr.  Kohl  in  the  work, 
which  subsequently  assumed  shape  in  his  Dis- 
covery of  Maine,  and  the  second  the  procurement 
of  this  Hakluyt  manuscript.  Dr.  Woods  was 
engaged  in  preparing  it  for  the  press,  when  his 
health  declined,  and  the  labor  was  completed  by 
Mr.  Charles  Deane,  the  book  being  published  by 
the  Maine  Historical  Society  in  1877. 

Under  the  auspices  of  this  Society  some  im- 
portant historical  work  has  been  done.  Dr. 
Kohl's  book  is  the  most  elaborate  summary  yet 
made  of  the  early  explorations  on  our  New  Eng- 
land coast.  The  labors  of  Dr.  Woods  have  been 
the  subject  of  consideration  in  Dr.  E.  A.  Park's 
Life  and  Character  of  Leonard  Woods,  Andover, 
1880,  52  pp.,  and  in  Dr.  C.  C.  Everett's  notice  in 
Me.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  481,  and  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  xviii.  1 5.  The  late  George  Folsom  opened 
an  important  field  of  investigation  in  his  Catalogue 
of  Original  Documents  in  the  English  Archives 
relating  to  the  Early  History  of  Maine,  privately 
printed,  New  York,  1858,  which  covers  the  years 
1601-1700,  and  is  said  to  have  been  compiled  for 
him  by  Mr.  H.  G.  Somerby.  See  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.  1859,  p.  262,  and  1869,  p.  481.  Of 
the  labors  of  William  D.  Williamson,  the  prin- 
cipal historian  of  the  State,  there  is  due  record  in 
the  Historical  Magazine,  xiii.  265,  May,  1868,  and 
in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  i.  90.     The 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


209 


Hon.  William  Willis,  of  whom  there  are  accounts 
in  the  Maine  Hist.  Coll.  vii.  473,  and  in  the  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  1873,  p.  i,  was  for  many 
years  the  president  of  the  Society,  and  besides 
furnishing  many  communications,  he  issued  a 
bibliography  of  Maine  in  Norlands  Literary  Let- 
ter., no.  4,  1859,  which  was  much  enlarged  in  the 
Historical  Magazine,  xvii.  145,  March,  1870.  In 
•connection  with  this 
subject  the  bibliogra- 
phy in  Griffin's  His- 
tory of  the  Press  in 
Maine,  1872,  deserves 
notice.  There  is  in 
the  Hist.  Mag.,  Jan. 
1868,  an  account  of 
the  Maine  Historical 
Society  and  the  histor- 
ical investigations  it 
has  patronized. 

A  list  of  the  char- 
ters and  grants  on  the 
Maine  coast  is  given 
in  the  Hist.  Mag. 
March,  1870,  p.  154. 
See  in  this  connection 
S.  F.  Haven's  lecture 
in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Lowell  Lectures. 


C.    The  Popham 
Colony.  —  It  was  un- 
fortunate,  as    it  was 
unnecessary,  that  any 
theological   color 
should  have  been  giv- 
en to   the  discussion 
arising     out     of    the 
claims  made  for  this 
colony,  since  the  mer- 
its of  the  case  concerned  solely  the  historical 
significance  of  secular  events,   upon  which  all 
were  agreed  in  the  main.    The  claim  asserted  by 
the  Maine  Historical  Society,  or  by  those  rep- 


resenting it,  was  this :  That  the  temporary  set- 
tlement at  Sabino,  being  made  under  the  charter 
of  1606,  was  the  first  event  to  secure  New  Eng- 
land for  the  English  crown,  and  should  there- 
fore be  deemed  the  beginning  of  the  existence 
of  its  colonies.  The  claim  of  those  historical 
students  who  took  issue  was  this :  That  the 
granting  in  1606  of  a  patent  by  the  king  to  his 


DR.    JOHN    G.    KOHL. 


subjects  concerned  no  further  the  question  than 
that  it  simply  formulated  a  pre-existing  claim, 
while  the  actual  attempts  at  colonization  by  Gos- 
nold  in  1602,  whether  authorized  or  not,  —  the  lat- 


1  We  are  indebted  for  the  photograph  used  by  the  engraver  to  Dr.  Kohl's  successor  in  the  librarianship  of 
the  Public  Library  at  Bremen,  Dr.  Heinrich  Bulthaupt.  No  name  ranks  higher  than  Kohl's  in  the  investiga- 
tions of  our  early  North  American  geography.  "  From  my  childhood,"  he  says,  "  I  was  highly  interested  in 
geographical  researches  in  connection  with  history."  Having  gathered  much  material  on  the  early  cartographical 
history  of  America  in  the  archives  and  libraries  of  Europe,  he  came  to  this  country,  and  receiving  an  appropri- 
ation from  Congress  to  enable  him  to  make  copies  of  his  maps  for  the  Government,  he  undertook  that  work,  the 
results  of  which  are  now  in  the  State  Department  at  Washington.  All  that  lie  desired  to  do  was  not  provided 
for  by  the  order  of  Congress,  and  he  returned  to  Europe  disappointed  in  his  hopes,  but  leaving  behind  him, 
besides  the  collections  in  Washington,  a  memoir  with  maps  on  the  discovery  of  the  western  coast  of  America, 
which  is  now  in  the  library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.  In  Europe  he  annotated  and  published  at 
Munich  in  fac-simile  the  two  oldest  general  maps  of  America,  those  known  as  Ribero's  and  Ferdinando  Colum- 
bus's, and  a  treatise  on  the  history  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  as  well  as  a  condensed  popular  history  of  the  discovery  of 
America.  In  1868  he  undertook,  what  proved  to  be  his  chief  contribution  to  American  historical  geography,  his 
Discovery  of  Maine.  He  did  not  feel  that  he  had  accomplished  all  in  this  that  he  would  ;  but  it  still  remains 
the  most  important  essay  since  Humboldt  in  that  peculiar  field.  See  Charles  Deane's  notice  of  Kohl  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  Dec.  1878,  and  the  memoir  in  the  Beilage  zur  Allgemcinen  Zeitimg,  Augsburg,  July  9,  1879. 
VOL.   III.  —27. 


2IO 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ter  alternative  having  of  late  years  been  brought 
forward  by  Dr.  DeCosta,  —  were  more  practi- 
cally demonstrative  of  that  claim,  in  accordance 
with  the  English  interpretation  of  rights  in  new 
countries,  namely,  actual  possession.  Further, 
that  the  true  historic  beginning  of  New  England 
was  not  in  the  abortive  attempts  of  Gosnold  and 
Popham  to  effect  a  settlement,  however  much,  in 
connection  with  many  other  events,  they  helped 
in  preparing  a  way,  but  in  the  permanent  colo- 
nization which  was  made  at  Plymouth  in  1620, 
which  was  the  first  founded  upon  family  life, 
and  which  under  greater  distress  than  befell 
either  of  the  others,  was  rendered  permanent 
more  by  the  spirit  of  religious  independency, 
as  evinced  by  their  Holland  exile,  than  by  the 
mercenary  longing,  which  was  professedly  the 
chief  motive  of  the  others.  Strachey  distinctly 
says  of  the  Popham  Colony,  that  mining  was 
"  the  main  intended  benefit  expected." 

It  is  susceptible  of  proof  that  the  blood  of  the 
Pilgrims  and  of  their  congeners  runs  through  the 
veins  of  a  large  part  of  the  population  of  New 
England  to-day.  No  genealogical  tree  has  been 
produced  which  connects  our  present  life  with  a 
single  one  of  the  Sabino  party.  How,  then,  was 
New  England  saved  for  the  English  race  ?  The 
decisive  historical  event  is  never  those  scattering 
forerunners  which  always  harbinger  an  epoch, 
but  the  fulfilment  of  the  idea  which  comes  in  the 
ripeness  of  time. 

The  controversy  as  it  was  waged  was  a  re- 
action from  the  views  with  which  the  Pilgrims 
had  long  been  regarded  for  their  devotion  under 
trial  and  for  the  pluck  of  their  constancy  in  first 
making  English  homes  on  this  part  of  the  conti- 
nent. Maine  writers  like  George  Folsom  and 
William  Willis  had  never  questioned  such  estab- 
lished claims,  but  had  reasserted  them.  The 
leading  spirit  in  this  revocation  of  judgment  was 
Mr.  John  A.  Poor,  of  Portland.  This  gentleman, 
having  done  much  to  increase  the  material  inter- 
ests of  his  native  State,  entered  with  pertinacity 
into  a  process  of  rendering,  as  he  claimed,  the 
position  of  Maine  in  history  more  conspicuous. 
This  required  the  aggrandizement  of  the  fame 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  ;  and  he  began  his 
missionary  work  with  a  vindication  of  Gorges' 
claims  to  be  considered  the  father  of  English 
colonization  in  America.  It  was  no  new  idea, 
for  George  Folsom  had  done  Gorges  justice  in 
his  Discourse  in  1846.  Mr.  Poor's  lecture  was 
printed,  and  was  subsequently  appended  to  the 
Popham  Memorial.  To  emphasize  this  claim, 
he  secured  the  naming  of  a  new  fort  in  Portland 
Harbor  after  Sir  Ferdinando  in  i860;  and  in 
1862,  when  the  General  Government  built  a  for- 
tification on  the  old  peninsula  of  Sabino,  his 
efforts  caused  it  to  be  named  Fort  Popham,  and 
his  zeal  planned  and  directed  a  commemorative 
service  in  August  of  that  year  on  the  spot,  when 


a  tablet  recounting  the  claims  of  which  he  was 
the  champion  was  placed  near  its  walls.  The 
address  which  he  then  delivered,  which  showed 
the  intemperance,  if  not  the  perversity,  of  an 
iconoclast,  and  which  appeared  with  other  papers 
and  addresses  more  or  less  pronounced  in  the 
same  way  in  a  Popham  Memorial,  opened  the 
controversy.  See  also  Historical  Magazine,  Jan. 
1863,  and  Sept.  1866,  and  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle's 
account  of  Mr.  Poor's  agency  in  a  "  Memorial  of 
J.  A.  Poor,"  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
Oct,  1872.  The  committee  charged  with  the 
preparation  of  the  Metnorial  unwisely  omitted 
a  counter  speech  of  the  late  J.  Wingate  Thorn- 
ton, on/' The  Colonial  Schemes  of  Popham  and 
Gorges,"  which  was  accordingly  printed  in  the 
Congregational  Quarterly,  April,  1863,  and  sepa- 
rately, and  is  examined  favorably  by  Abner  C. 
Goodell  in  the  Essex  Institute  Collections,  Aug. 
1863,  p.  175.  A  similar  unfavorable  estimate  of 
Popham's  colonists  had  been  taken  by  R.  H, 
Gardiner  in  the  Maine  Historical  Collections,  ii. 
269;  V.  226. 

For  some  years  the  spirit  was  kept  alive  by 
recurrent  commemorations.  Mr.  Edward  E. 
Bourne  (see  memoir  of  him  in  N.  E.  Hist  and 
Geneal.  Reg.,  1874,  p.  9,  and  Ale.  Hist.  Coll., 
viii.  386)  answered  the  detractors  in  an  address,^ 
"  The  Character  of  the  Colony  founded  by  George 
Popham,"  Portland,  1864.  The  statements  of 
Poor  and  Bourne  led  to  a  review  by  S.  F.  Haven 
in  the  Amer.  Ajitiq.  Soc.  Proc,  April  26,  1865, 
and  in  the  Hist.  Mag.  (Dec.  1865,  p.  358;  March, 
July,  Sept.,  Nov.,  1867  ;  Feb.  and  May,  1869). 
There  was  a  dropping  fire  on  both  sides  for  some 
time.  Meanwhile  the  address  in  1865  ^Y  James 
W.  Patterson,  on  The  Responsibilities  of  the  Foun- 
ders of  Republics,  led  to  a  controversy  between 
William  F.  Poole  attacking,  and  Rev.  Edward 
Ballard  and  Frederick  Kidder  defending,  the 
colonists ;  and  their  papers  were  printed  together 
as  The  Popham  Colony:  a  Discussion  of  its  Historic 
Claims,  to  which  Mr.  Poole  appended  a  bibliog- 
raphy of  the  subject  up  to  1866.  Poole  also 
gave  his  view  of  Gorges  and  the  colony  in  his 
edition  of  Johnson's  Wonder  Working  Providence, 
and  in  the  North  American  Review,  Oct.  1868. 
At  the  celebration  in  187 1  Mr.  Charles  Deane 
reviewed  the  erroneous  conclusions  presented  at 
earlier  anniversaries,  in  a  paper  on  "  Early  Voy- 
ages to  New  England,  and  their  Influence  on 
Colonization,"  which  was  printed  in  the  Boston 
Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  2, 1 871.  A  paper  by  R.  K. 
Sewall  on  "  Popham's  Town  of  Fort  St.  George," 
which  contains  a  summary  of  the  arguments  and 
events  on  the  side  of  its  historic  importance,  is 
given  in  the  Me.  Hist.  Coll.  vii.,  accompanied 
by  a  map  of  the  region.  The  latest  statement  of 
the  claim,  apart  from  the  review  in  the  Preface 
to  The  Voyage  to  Sagadahoc,  referred  to  on  an 
earlier  page,  is  in  General  Chamberlain's  Maine  '• 


NORUMBEGA    AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


211 


her  Place  in  History,  which  is  too  moderate  to 
provoke  any  criticism.  Thus  a  reaction  that  at 
one  time  claimed  the  necessity  of  rewriting  his- 
tory, has  in  the  end  engaged  few  advocates,  and 
is  almost  lost  sight  of. 

D.  Captain  John  Smith's  Publications. 
^The  Description  is  now  a  rare  book,  worth 
with  the  genuine  map,  should  one  be  offered, 
fifty  pounds  or  upwards.  There  is  some  biblio- 
graphical detail  regarding  it  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  i.  50,  52,  53.  Latin  and  Ger- 
man versions  of  it  were  included  in  De  Bry, 
part  X.  Michael  Sparke,  the  London  printer, 
issuing  Higginson's  New  England's  Plantation 
in  1630,  appended  this  recommendation:  — 

"  But  whosoever  desireth  to  know  as  much  as  yet 
can  be  discovered,  I  advise  them  to  buy  Captaine  John 
Smith's  booke  of  the  description  of  New  England  in 
folio,  and  reade  from  fol.  203  to  the  end ;  and  there 
let  the  reader  expect  to  have  full  content." 

Smith's   letter    (1618)  to  Bacon,  upon    New 
England,  is  in  the  Hist.  Mag.,  July,  1861,  and  the 
annexed  autograph  is 
^^  taken  from  the  origi- 

T^  *  ip       nal  in  the  Public  Rec- 

^7^      (3>l7>tln'      ord  office.  See  Sains- 
\y  bury's     Calendar     of 

Colonial  Papers,  no. 
42,  p.  21  ;  Popham  Alemorial,  Apj:).  p.  104;  Pal- 
frey, AWu  England,  i.  97. 

A  little  tract  of  Smith's,  Neiu  Ejigland's 
Trials  [/.  e.  Attempts  at  Settlements],  needs  to 
be  taken  in  connection  with  the  Description.  Of 
this  tract,  of  eight  pages,  published  in  1620,  there 
is  no  copy  known  in  America,  and  Mr.  Deane 
describes  it  and  reprints  it  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc.  xii.  428,  449,  from  the  Bodleian  copy,  which 
differs  in  the  names  of  the  dedication  from  the 
British  Museum  copy.  In  1622  it  was  issued  in 
a  second  edition,  enlarged  to  fourteen  pages, 
which  is  also  very  rare,  though  copies  are  in 
the  Deane  Collection  and  in  that  of  John  Car- 
ter-Brown, from  the  last  of  which  a  privately 
printed  reprint  has  been  made.  It  was  this  text 
which  Force  used  in  his  Tracts,  ii.  See  Brinley 
Catalogue,  no.  363. 

Smith  had  moved,  April  12,  1621,  in  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Virginia  Company,  that  its  official 
sanction  should  be  given  to  a  compiled  history 
of  "  that  country,  from  her  first  discovery  to  this 
day,"  showing  that  the  purpose  of  his  Generall 
Historic  was  then  in  his  mind.  (Neill's  Virginia 
Company,  p.  210.)  The  first  edition  of  it  was 
issued  in  1624,  and  in  it  he  included,  besides  ab- 
stracts of  various  other  writings,  substantially 
all  his  previous  publications  on  America  (see  the 
chapter  on  Virginia  in  the  present  volume),  ex- 
cept his  True  Relation,  in  the  place  of  which  he 
had  put  the  Map  of  Virginia,  a  tract  covering  the 


same  transactions.  When  reissued  in  1626  it 
was  from  the  same  type,  and  again  in  1627,  and 
twice  in  1632.  An  account  of  the  various  edi- 
•  tions  in  the  Lenox  Library,  which  differ  only  in 
the  front  matter  and  plates,  can  be  found  in  Nor- 
ton's Literary  Gazette,  new  ser.  i.  pp.  1340-,  218  r. 
Mr.  Deane  has  printed  a  part  of  the  original 
prospectus.     Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  ix.  454. 

The  best  opportunity  for  studying  the  slight 
diversities  of  the  different  issues  of  this  book 
may  be  found  in  the  Lenox  Library,  which  has 
ten  copies,  showing  all  the  varieties.  Among 
other  copies,  the  following  are  noted :  — 

1624.  Charles  Deane.  A  large  paper  dedi- 
cation copy  of  this  edition,  bound  for  Smith's 
patron,  the  Duchess  of  Richmond  and  Lenox, 
was  bought,  at  the  Brinley  Sale  in  1879,  ^o-  364? 
for  the  Lenox  Library,  $1,800.  The  Menzies  and 
Barlow  copies  are  also  called  large  paper  ones. 
See  Griswold  Catalogjie,  no.  778 ;  Field's  Ind. 
Bibliog.  no.  1435.  The  Huth  Catalogue,  p.  1367, 
gives  a  copy  of  this  edition  in  the  original  rich 
binding,  showing  the  arms  of  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk quartered  with  those  of  his  wife,  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  Duchess  of  Richmond  and  Lenox. 

1626.  Harvard  College  Library.  Sparks's 
Collection,  now  at  Cornell  University,  no.  2424. 

1627.  Prince  Library  in  Boston  Public  Li- 
brary. Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  See 
the  Crowninshield  Catalogue,  no.  992. 

1 63 1.  The  Huth  Catalogue,  p.  1367,  gives, 
perhaps  by  error,  an  edition  of  this  date.  I 
have  noted  no  other  copy. 

1632.  Harvard  College  Library. 

The  two  portraits  of  the  Duchess  of  Rich- 
mond and  of  Matoaka  are  usually  wanting.  See 
the  note  to  chapter  v.  Average  copies  without 
the  genuine  portraits,  which  in  Rich's  day  (1832) 
were  worth  five  guineas,  are  now  valued  at 
more  than  three  times  that  sum.  The  portrait 
of  Smith,  which  is  shown  reduced  on  the  map 
of  New  England  already  given,  has  been  simi- 
larly reproduced  full  size  in  the  Mejnorial History 
of  Bosto7t,  i.,  and  is  engraved  in  the  Richmond 
edition  of  the  Generall  Historic,  in  Bancroft, 
Drake's  Boston,  Hillard's  Life  of  Smith,  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  Jan.  1858,  etc. 

The  Generall  Historic,  in  conjunction  with 
the  True  Travels,  was  carelessly  reprinted  at 
Richmond,  in  1819,  at  the  cost  of  the  Rev.  John 
Holt  Rice,  D.D.,  who  lost  by  the  speculation. 
{N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  1877,  P-  ii4-)  A 
large  part  appeared  in  Purchas's  Pilgri7ns,  iv. 
1838.  It  is  given  entire  in  Pinkerton's  Collec- 
tions of  Voyages,  xiii. 

It  is  the  sixth  book  of  this  Generall  Historic 
which  relates  to  New  England,  and  in  this  Smith 
supplements  his  own  experience,  and  brings  the 
details  down  beyond  the  limits  of  this  present 
chapter,  by  borrowing  from  Mourfs  Relation  and 
reporting  upon  other  accounts,  as  he  did  in  his 


212 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


still  later  publication,  the  tract  called  Advertise- 
ments for  the  Unexperienced  Planters  of  New 
England,  which  brings  the  story  down  to  1630. 

Dr.  Palfrey  has  a  note  on  the  confidence  to  be 
reposed  in  Smith's  books,  in  his  History  of  New 
England,  i.  89. 

Smith  was  born  in  1579  at  Willoughby,  as 
the  parish  records  show.  [Hist.  Mag.  i.  313; 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  ix.  451.)  He  died  June  21, 
1631,  signing  his  will  the  same  day  {Ibid.  ix. 
452),  and  was  buried  in  St.  Sepulchre's,  London, 
where  the  inscription  above  his  grave  is  said  to 
be  now  illegible.  A  committee  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society  was  appointed  in  1874  to  see 
to  its  restoration,  but  were  prevented  from  acting 
by  the  demand  of  a  fee  for  the  privilege  from  the 
vestry  of  the  church.  {N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  1874,  p.  222.)  In  Sparks's  American  Biog- 
raphy is  a  memoir  of  him  by  George  S.  Hillard ; 
another,  by  W.  Gilmore  Simms,  was  printed  in 
1846 ;  and  a  recent  study  of  his  life  and  writings 
has  been  made  by  C.  D.  Warner,  who  says  that 
the  inscription,  with  the  three  (Turks'  .'')  heads 
in  St.  Sepulchre's,  long  supposed  to   mark  the 


NEW    WORLD    FROM    THE    LENOX    GLOBE. 


grave  of  Smith,  is  proved  to  commemorate  some 
one  who  died  in  September,  aged  66,  while  Smith 
died  June,  1631,  aged  51.  Stow's  Sicrvey  of  Lon- 
don, 1633,  gives  the  long  epitaph  which  could 
be  read  on  the  walls  of  the  church  previous  to 
its  destruction  in  the  great  London  fire  in  1666. 
Of.  Deane  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  Jan.  1867, 
P-  454- 


Simon  Passe,  whose  Latinized  name  we  see 
on  the  engraving  of  Smith's  map,  was  ten  years 
in  England,  and  engraved  many  of  the  chief  peo- 
ple of  the  time ;  and  as  he  was  his  own  draughts- 
man, it  is  probable  the  portrait  of  Smith  was 
drawn  by  Passe  from  life,  though  Robert  Gierke 
is  credited  with  draughting  the  map. 


E.  Early  Globes.  —  The  Molineaux  globe 
referred  to  in  the  text  was  constructed  at  the 
instance  of  that  great  patron  of  navigation,  Wil- 
liam Sanderson.  {Davis's  Voyages,  Introduction 
by  Markham,  pp.  xii.  211.)  It  is  said  to  be  the 
earliest  ever  made  in  England.  {Ibid.  p.  lix.)  It 
is  two  feet  in  diameter,  and  was  completed  in 
1592.  (Asher's  Henry  Hudson,  p.  274.)  The 
oldest  globe  known  antedates  it  more  than  a 
century,  and  of  those  intervening  which  are 
known,  the  following,  with  the  prototype,  de- 
serve mention :  — 

I.  Martin  Behaim's,  1492,  preserved  in  the 
library  at  Nuremberg.  It  presents  an  open 
ocean  between  Europe  and  Asia.  The  first 
meridian  runs  through  Madeira. 
There  is  a  copy  in  fac-simile 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale, 
at  Paris.  There  have  been  en- 
graved delineations  of  it  by  Dop- 
pelmayr  at  Nuremberg  in  1730; 
by  Dr.  Ghillany,  in  connection 
with  his  Geschichte  des  Seefahi'ers 
Ritter  Marti7i  Behaim,  1853 ;  by 
Jomard  in  his  Mommients  de 
la  Geographic,  1854-56,  pi.  15. 
There  are  sections  and  reduc- 
tions in  Cladera's  Investigaciones 
Historicas,  Madrid,  1794;  in  Le- 
lewel's  Moyen  Age ;  in  Xht  Jour- 
nal of  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society,  xviii.;  in  Kohl's  Dis- 
covery of  Maine  ;  in  some  of  the 
editions  of  Irving's  Columbus ; 
in  Bryant  and  Gay's  United 
States,  i.  103;  and  in  Maury's 
paper  in  Harper'' s  Monthly,  xlii. 
(February,  187 1). 

2.  Acquired  from  a  friend  in 
Laon  in  i860  by  M.  Leroux,  of 
the  Administration  de  la  Marine 
at  Paris,  and  represents  the  geo- 
graphical knowledge  current  at 
Lisbon,  1486-87,  according  to 
D'Avezac,  who  gives  a  projection  of  it  in  the 
Bulletin  de  la  Soci^t€  de  Geographic  de  Paris,  4th 
series,  viii.  (i860).  It  is  dated  1493.  The  first 
meridian  runs  through  Madeira. 

3.  A  small  copper  globe  in  the  Lenox  Li- 
brary, in  New  York,  which  is  said  to  be  the  ear- 
liest globe  to  show  the  American  coast,  and  its 
date  is  fixed  at  about  1 510-12.  but  by  some  as 


NORUMBEGA  AND    ITS    ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


213 


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214 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


early  as  1506-7.  It  was  bought  in  Paris  about 
twenty- five  years  ago  by  R.  M.  Hunt,  the  archi- 
tect, and  was  given  by  him  to  Mr.  Lenox.  It 
is  about  five  inches  in  diameter.  Dr.  De  Costa 
has  described  it  and  given  a  draught  of  its  geog- 
raphy in  the  Alag.  of  Amer.  Hist.  Sept.  1879.  This 
paper,  translated  by  M.  Gravier,  appeared  in  the 
Bulletin  de  la  Societe  normande  de  Geogfafhie, 
1880.  A  projection  of  it  is  said  to  have  been 
made  in  the  Coast  Survey  Bureau  in  1869,  at  the 
instance  of  Mr.  Henry  Stevens,  and  a  reduction 
of  this  is  given  in  the  Encyclopcedia  Brita?imca, 
9th  edition,  x.  681,  of  which  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere is  herewith  reproduced.  The  globe  opens 
on  the  line  of  the  equator,  and  was  probably 
used  as  a  pyx.  It  may  be  said  to  be  the  oldest 
globe  showing  any  part  of  the  New  World. 

4.  Brought  to  light  in  a  Catalogue  de  Livres 
j'ares  appartenant  ^  M.  H.  Tross,  annee  188 1, 
no.  xiv.  4924,  where  a  fac-simile  by  S.  Pilinski 
is  given.  The  gores  composing  it  are  found  in 
a  copy  of  the  Cosmographia  Jntrodiictio,  sup- 
posed to  have  been  printed  at  Lugduni,  1514. 
This  is  the  claim  of  the  Catalogue  ;  but  if  it  be- 
longed to  the  tract  it  could  hardly  have  been 
earlier  than  1518.  It  is  understood  that  the  book 
has  been  added  to  an  American  collection.  The 
plate  is  styled  Uni-versalis  Cosmographie  Descrip- 
tio  tarn  in  solido  quern  [sic]  piano,  and  is  given 
in  twelve  sections.  The  delineation  of  South 
America  is  marked  "  America  noviter  reperta." 
It  is  claimed  that  this  gives  this  copper-plate, 
"essentiellement  fran^aise,"  the  honor  of  being 
the  earliest  to  bear  the  name  of  America,  —  that 
credit  having  been  claimed  for  the  woodcut  map 
in  Camer's  edition  of  Solinus,  1520.  The  man- 
uscript delineation  by  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  also 
giving  tlie  name,  and  preserved  at  Windsor  in 
the  Queen's  collection,  probably  antedates  it. 

5.  Made  by  Johann  Schoner  at  Bamberg  in 
1520,  preserved  in  the  library  at  Nuremberg, 
and  thought,  until  the  discovery  of  the  Lenox 
globe,  to  be  the  earliest  showing  the  discov- 
eries in  America.  The  northern  section  is  still 
broken  up  into  islands  large  and  small ;  but 
South  America  is  delineated  with  approximate 
correctness.  Dr.  Ghillany  gave  a  representa- 
tion of  the  American  hemisphere  in  the  Jahres- 
bericht  der  technischen  Anstalten  in  Niirnberg 
fiir  1842 ;  also  see  his  Erdglobus  von  Behaim 
vom  Jahre  1492,  tend  der  des  Joh.  Schoner  von 
1520,  Niirnberg,  1842,  p.  18,  two  plates.  Hum- 
boldt examines  this  Schoner  globe  in  his  Ex- 
amen  critique,  and  in  his  Appendix  to  Ghillany's 
Ritter  Behaim,  where  a  reproduction  is  given. 
There  are  also  delineations  or  sections  in  Lele- 
wel's  Moyen  Age  ;  in  Kohl's  Discovery  of  Maine  ; 
in  Santarem's  Atlas;  and  in  Maury's  paper  in 
Harper'' s  Monthly,  February,  1 87 1 .  Schoner  pub- 
lished, in  1 51 5,  a  TerrcB  totius  descriptio,vf \t\vo\xt 
a  map,  of  which  there  are  copies  in  Harvard 


College  Library  and  the  Carter-Brown  Collection 
at  Providence. 

6.  Preserved  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main;  of 
unknown  origin.  It  is  figured  in  Jomard's 
Momiments  de  la  Geographie.  See  also  the  Jour- 
nal of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  xviii.  45.  It 
resembles  Schoner's,  and  Wieser  ascribes  it  to 
that  maker,  and  dates  it  1 51 5.  It  is  10^  inches  in 
diameter,  and  by  some  the  date  is  fixed  at  1520. 

7.  Given  by  Duke  Charles  V.  of  Lorraine 
to  the  church  at  Nancy,  and  opening  in  the 
middle,  long  used  there  as  a  pyx,  is  now  pre- 
served in  the  Public  Library  in  that  town,  and 
was  described  (with  an  engraving)  by  M.  Blau 
in  the  Mhnoires  de  la  Societe  royale  de  Nancy,  in 
1836,  and  again  in  the  Compte-Rendu,  Congrls 
des  Americanistes,  1877,  p.  359,  and  from  a 
photograph  by  Dr.  DeCosta,  in  the  Magazine 
of  American  History,  March,  1881.  It  makes 
North  America  the  eastern  part  of  Asia,  and 
transforms  Norumbega  into  Anorombega.  It 
is  made  of  silver,  gilt,  and  is  six  inches  in 
diameter. 

8.  Supposed  to  be  of  Spanish  origin;  pre- 
served in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  at  Paris, 
and  formerly  belonged  to  the  brothers  De  Bure. 
It  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  the  Frankfort 
globe. 

9.  In  the  custody  of  the  successors  of  Canon 
L'Ecuy  of  Premontre.  It  is  without  date,  and 
DAvezac  fixed  it  before  1524;  others  put  it 
about  1540.  It  is  the  first  globe  to  show  North 
America  disconnected  from  Asia.  It  is  said  to 
be  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  at  Paris. 
Cf.  Raemdonck,  Les  Spheres  de  Mercator,  p.  28. 

ID,  What  was  thought  to  be  the  only  copy 
known  of  one  of  Gerard  Mercator's  engraved 
globes  was  bought  at  the  sale  of  M.  Benoni-  j 
Verelst,  at  Ghent,  in  May,  1868,  by  the  Royal 
Library  at  Brussels.  In  1875  i^  ^^^^  reproduced 
in  twelve  plane  gores  at  Brussels,  in  folio,  as  a 
part  of  Sphere  terrestre  et  sphere  celeste  de  Gerard 
Mercator,  editees  h  Louvain  en  1541  et  1551,  and  . 
one  of  the  sections  is  inscribed,  "  Edebat  Ge- 
RARDUS    Mercator     Rupelmundanus    cum 

PRIVILEGIO    CES:    MaIESTATIS  AD  AN   SEX   LOV- 

anii  an  1 541."  Only  two  hundred  copies  of  the 
fac-simile  were  printed.  There  are  copies  in 
the  Library  of  the  State  Department  at  Wash- 
ington, of  Harvard  College,  and  of  the  Ameri- 
can Geographical  Society,  New  York.  The  out- 
line of  the  eastern  coast  of  America  is  shown 
with  tolerable  accuracy,  though  there  is  no  in- 
dication of  the  discoveries  of  Cartier  in  the 
St.  Lawrence  Gulf  and  River,  made  a  few  years 
earlier.  In  1875  a  second  original  was  discov- 
ered in  the  Imperial  Court  Library  at  Vienna ; 
and  a  third  is  said  to  exist  at  Weimar. 

II.  Of  copper,  made  apparently  in  Italy,  —  at 
Rome,  or  Venice, — by  Euphrosynus  Ulpius  in 
1542,  is  fifteen  and  one  half  inches  in  diameter, 


NORUMBEGA    AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


215 


was  bought  in  1859  out  of  a  collection  of  a  dealer  C.  Murphy's  Verrazzano,  p.  114.  See  Harrisse, 
in  Spain  by  Buckingham  Smith,  and  is  now  in  Notes  sur  la  Noiivelle  France^xio.  2(^\.  The  fullest 
the  Cabinet  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,     description,  accompanied  by  engravings  of  it,  is 


SKETCH  FROM  THE  FRANKFORT  GLOBE. 


The  first  meridian  runs  through  the  Canaries, 
and  it  shows  the  denaarcation  line  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander VI.  It  is  described  in  the  Historical 
Magazine,  1862,  p.  302,  and  the  American  parts 
are  engraved  in  B.  Smith's  Inqtciry  into  the 
Authejiticity  of  Verrazano's  Claims,  and  Henry 


given  by  B.  F.  De  Costa  in  the  Magazine  of  Amer- 
ican History,  January,  1879  5  ^rid  in  his  Verrazano 
the  Explorer,  New  York,  1881,  p.  64. 

Mr.  C.  H.  Coote,  in  his  paper  on  *'  Globes  " 
in  the  new  edition  of  the  Encyclopcedia  Britan- 
nica,  X.  680,  mentions  two  other  globes  of   the 


2l6 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


sixteenth  century,  which  may  antedate  that  of 
Molineaux,  both  by  A.  F.  van  Langren, —  one  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,  and.  the 
other,  discovered  in  1855,  in  the  Bibliotheque 
de  Grenoble. 

The  globe-makers  immediately  succeeding 
Molineaux  were  W,  J.  Blaeu  (i  571-1638)  and 
his  son  John  Blaeu,  and  their  work  is  rare  at 
this  day.  Mr.  P.  J.  H.  Baudet,  in  his  Leven 
en  werken  van  W.  J.  Blaeu,  Utrecht,  187 1,  re- 
ports finding  but  two  pair  of  his  (Blaeu's)  globes 
(terrestrial  and  celestial)  in  Holland.  His  first 
editions  bore  date  1599,  but  he  constantly  cor- 


to  that  date.  See  Davis's  Voyages  (Hakluyt 
Society),  p.  351.  Hondius  and  Langeren  were 
rivals. 


F.  Molineaux  Map,  1600.  —  Emetic  Moli- 
neaux, the  alleged  maker  of  this  map,  belonged 
to  Lambeth,  "a  rare  gentleman  in  his  profes- 
sion, being  therein  for  divers  years  greatly  sup- 
ported by  the  purse  and  liberality  of  the  wor- 
shipful merchant,  Mr.  William  Sanderson." 
Captain  Markham  {Davis's  Voyages,  Hakluyt 
Society,    London,    1880,    pp.    xxxiii,    Ixi,    also- 


••c^,  ; 


SKETCH  FROM  THE  MOLINEAUX  MAP. 


rected  the  copper  plates,  from  which  he  struck 
the  gores.  MuUer,  of  Amsterdam,  offered  a 
pair,  in  1877,  for  five  hundred  Dutch  florins, 
and  in  his  Books  on  America,  iii.  164,  another 
at  seven  hundred  and  fifty  florins.  ( Catalogue, 
1877,  no,  329.)  A  pair,  dated  1606,  was  in 
the  Stevens  sale,  1881.    Hist.  Coll.  i.,  no.  1335. 

I  find  no  trace  of   the  globe  of    Hondius, 
IS97>  which  gives  the  American  discoveries  up 


p.  Ixxxviii)  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  true  au- 
thor is  Edward  Wright,  the  mathematician,  who 
perfected  and  rendered  practicable  what  we 
know  to-day  as  Mercator's  projection, — first  de- 
monstrating it  in  his  Certain  Errors  in  Nav- 
igation Detected,  1599,  and  first  introducing  its 
formulae  accurately  in  the  1600  map.  Hakluyt 
had  spoken  of  the  globe  by  Molineaux  in  his 
1589  edition,  but  it  was  not  got  ready  in  time 


The  Legends  are  as  follows :  — 

.  This  land  was  discovered  by  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  for  Kinge  Henry  ye  7,  1497. 


2.  BaCrtlaos. 

6.  I.  Sables. 

10.  C.  Chesepick. 

14.  La  Florida. 

3.  C.  Bonavista. 

7.   I.  S.  John. 

It.  Hotorast. 

15.  The  Gulfe  of  Mexico. 

4.  C.  Raso. 

8.  Claudia. 

12.  La  Bermudas. 

16.  Virginia. 

5.  C.  Britton. 

9.  Comokee. 

13.  Bahama. 

1 7.  The  lacke  of  Tadenac,  the  bounds  whereof  are  unknowne. 
18.  Canada.  19.  Hochelague. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS   ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


217 


for  his  use.  The  map  followed  the  globe,  but 
was  not  issued  till  about  1600,  the  discoveries 
of  Barentz  in  1596  being  the  last  indicated  on 
it.  It  measures  16^  x  25  inches.  Quaritch 
in  1875  advanced  the  theory  that  the  globe 
of  Molineaux  was  referred  to  in  Shakespeare's 
Twelfth  Night  (act  iii.  sc.  2),  as  the  "new 
map."  (Quaritch's  1879  Catalogue,  no.  321, 
book  no.  11919),  —  a  theory  made  applicable  to 
the  map  and  sustained  by  C.  H,  Coote  in  1878, 
in  Shakespeare^ s  "  new  map "  in  Twelfth  Night 
(also  in  Transactions  of  the  New  Shakspere 
Society,  1877-79,  i-  88-100),  and  reasserted  in 
the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  Davis's  Voyages, 
p.  Ixxxv.  Henry  Stevens  [Hist.  Coll.  \.  200), 
however,  is  inclined  to  refer  Shakespeare's  ref- 
erence ("the  new  map  with  the  augmentation 
of  the  Indies")  to  the  "curious  little  round-face 
shaped  map  "  in  Wytfliet's  Ftolemceiim  Augmen- 
tuni,  1597. 

The  Molineaux-Wright  map  has  gained 
reputation  from  Hallam's  reference  to  it  in  his 
Literature  of  Europe  as  "  the  best  map  of  the 
sixteenth  century."  It  is  now  accessible  in  the 
autotype  reproduction  which  was  made  by  Mr, 
Quaritch  from  the  Grenville  copy  of  Hakluyt 's 
Principall  Navigations  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  which  accompanies  the  Hakluyt  Society's 
edition  of  Davis's  Voyages.  There  are  nine 
copies  of  the  map  known,  as  follows:  i.  King's 
Library.  2.  Grenville  Library.  3.  Cracherode 
Copy.  (These  three  are  in  the  British  Museum.) 
4.  Admiralty  Office.  5.  Lenox  Library,  New 
York.  6.  University  of  Cambridge.  7.  Christie 
Miller's  Collection.  8.  Middle  Temple.  9.  A 
copy  in  Quaritch's  Catalogue,  188 1,  no.  340, 
title-number,  6235,  which  had  previously  ap- 
peared in  the  Stevens  sale,  Hist.  Collections,  i. 
199.  Quaritch  held  the  Hakluyt  (3  vols.)  with 
this  genuine  map  at  ^^156,  and  it  is  said  no 
other  copy  had  been  sold  since  the  Bright 
sale. 

It  may  be  noted  that  Blundeville,  who  in  his 
Exercises,  pp.  204-42,  describes  the  Mercator  and 
Molineaux  globes,  also,  pp.  245-78,  gives  a  long 
account  of  a  mappamundi  by  Peter  Plancius, 
dated  1592,  of  which  Linschoten,  in  1594,  gives 
a  reduction. 

G.  Modern  Collections  of  Early 
Mai?-  —  The  collections  of  reproductions  of  the 
older  maps,  showing  portions  of  the  American 
coast,  and  representing  what  may  be  termed  the 
beginnings  of  modern  cartography,  are  the  fol- 
lowing :  — 

JOMARD,  E.  F.  Les  Momiments  de  la  Geo- 
graphic. Paris,  1866.  The  death  of  Jomard  in 
1862  (see  Memoir  by  M.  de  la  Roquette,  in  Bul- 
letin de  la  Soc.  Geog.  February,  1863,  or  5th  ser. 
v.  81,  with  a  portrait ;  Cortambert's  Vie  et  (Euvres 
de  yomard,  Paris,  1868,  20  pages ;  and  Mass.  Hist. 
VOL.   III.  —  28. 


Soc.  Proc,  iv.  232,  vi.  334)  prevented  the  com- 
pletion by  him  of  the  text  which  he  intended 
should  accompany  the  plates.  M.  D'Avezac's 
intention  to  supply  it  was  likewise  stayed  by  his 
death,  in  1875.  It  proved,  however,  that  Jomard 
had  left  behind  what  he  had  meant  for  an  in- 
troduction to  the  text ;  and  this  was  printed  in 
a  pamphlet  at  Paris  in  1879,  as  hitroduction  h 
r Atlas  des  Monuments  de  la  Geographic,  edited 
by  E.  Cortambert.  It  is  a  succinct  account  of 
the  progress  of  cartography  before  the  times  of 
Mercator  and  Ortelius.  The  atlas  contains  five 
maps,  of  great  interest  in  connection  with  Amer- 
ican discovery :  — 

The  Frankfort  Globe,  circa  1520. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa's  map,  1500. 

The  Cabot  map  of  1544. 

A  French  map,  made  for  Henri  11. 

Behaim's  Globe,  1492. 

These  reproductions  are  of  the  size  of  the 
original.     Good  copies  are  worth  ;^io  los. 

Santarem,  Visconde  de.  Atlas  Compose  de 
Cartes  des  XIV-^  XV'  XVP  et  XVII"  siecles. 
Paris.  1841-53.  This  was  published  at  the 
charge  of  the  Portuguese  Government,  and  is 
the  most  extensive  of  modern  fac-similes.  Cop- 
ies, which  are  rarely  found  complete,  owing  to 
its  irregular  publication  over  a  long  period,  are 
worth  from  $175  to  $200.  A  list  of  the  maps  in 
it  is  given  in  Leclerc,  Bibliotheca  Americana, 
1878,  no.  529 ;  and  of  them  the  following  are  of 
interest  to  students  of  American  history :  — 

51.  Mappemonde  de  Ruysch.  This  appeared 
in  the  Ptolemy  of  1 508  at  Rome,  the  earliest  en- 
graved map  of  America. 

52.  Globe  of  Schoner,  and  the  map  in  Cam- 
er's  edition  of  Solinus,  each  of  1520. 

53.  Mappemonde  par  F.  Koselli,  Florence, 
1532,  and  the  maps  of  Sebastian  Munster,  1544, 
and  Vadianus,  1546. 

The  atlas  should  be  accompanied  hj  Essai  snr 
rhistoire  de  la  Cosmographie  et  de  la  Cartographic 
pendant  le  Moyen  Age,  et  sur  les  progres  de  la  Geo- 
graphic apres  les  grandes  decouvertes  du  XV"^  sihle. 
3  vols.     Paris.     1849-52. 

Kunstmann,  F.  Entdeckung  Amerikas  nach 
den  dltesten  Quellen  geschichtlich  dargestcllt.  Mu- 
nich, 1859.  This  was  published  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  Royal  Bavarian  Academy  of  Sciences^ 
and  is  accompanied  by  a  large  atlas,  giving  fac- 
similes of  the  principal  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
maps  of  the  sixteenth  century,  including  one  of 
the  California  coast,  and  that  of  the  east  coast 
of  North  America,  by  Thomas  Hood,  1592. 
Copies  are  worth  from  $15  to  $20. 

Lelev^'EL,  J.  Geographic  du  Moyen  Age  etu^ 
dice.  Bruxelles.  1852.  3  vols.  8vo.  With  a 
small  folio  atlas,  of  thirty-five  plates,  containing 
fifty-two  maps.  The  text  is  useful;  but,  as  a 
rule,  the  maps  are  on  too  small  a  scale  for  easy 
study. 


2l8 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


A  series  of  photographic  reproductions  of 
early  maps  is  now  appearing  at  Venice,  under 
the  title  of  Raccolta  di  Mappamondi  e  Carte  nau- 
tiche  del XIII al XVI secolo.    There  are  two  which 
have  a  particular  interest  in  connection  with  the 
earliest  explorations  in  America ;  namely,  — 
i6.    Carta  da  navigare.     Attributed  to  Alberto 
Canting,  supposed  to  be  a.d.  1501-03, 
and  to  illustrate  the  third  voyage  of  Co- 
lumbus.    The  original  is  in  the  Bibl,  Es- 
tense  at  Modena.     [Not  yet  published.] 
17.   Agnese,   Battista.     Facsimile  delle  Carte 
natitiche  deW  anno  1554,  illustrate  da  Teo- 
baldo  Fischer.     Venezia.     1881. 

The  editor,  Fischer,  is  Professor  of  Geogra- 
phy at  Kiel.  The  original  is  in  the  Bibliotheca 
Marciana,  at  Venice.  The  sheets  which  throw 
light  upon  the  historical  geography  of  America 
are  these  :  — 

XVII.  4.  North  America  northward  to  the 
Penobscot  and  the  Gulf  of  California ;  and  the 
west  coast  of  South  America  to  15°  south;  then 
blank,  till  the  region  of  Magellan's  Straits  is 
reached. 

XVII.  5.  North  America,  east  coast  from 
Labrador  south ;  Central  America  ;  South  Amer- 
ica, all  of  east  coast,  and  west  coast,  as  in  XVII.  4. 

XVII.  iy  The  World,  — the  American  con- 
tinent much  as  in  XVII.  4  and  5. 

We  note  the  following  other  maps  of  Ag- 
nese :  — 

a.  Portolano  in  the  British  Museum,  bearing 
date  1536.  Index  to  MSS.  in  British  Micseum, 
19,927.  If  this  is  the  one  Kohl  [Discovery  of 
Maine,  p.  293)  refers  to  as  no.  5,463,  MS.  De- 
partment British  Museum,  it  is  signed  and  dated 
by  the*author. 

b.  Portolano,  dated  1536,  in  the  royal  library 
at  Dresden,  of  ten  plates,  —  one  being  the  World, 
the  western  half  of  which,  showing  America,  is 
given  reduced  by  Kohl,  p.  292.  It  resembles 
XVII.  33,  above,  but  is  not  so  well  advanced, 
and  retains  a  trace  of  Verrazano's  Sea,  which 
makes  New  England  an  isthmus.     It  wants  the 


California  peninsula,  a  knowledge  of  whose  dis- 
covery had  hardly  yet  reached  Venice. 

c.  Portolano,  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford*, 
thought  by  Kohl,  who  gives  a  sketch  (pi.  xv.  c), 
to  be  the  work  of  Agnese,  since  it  closely  resem- 
bles, in  its  delineations  of  the  American  conti- 
nent, that  Venetian's  notions.  This,  perhaps,  is 
earlier  than  the  previous  map ;  for  it  puts  a  strait 
leading  to  the  Western  sea,  where  Cartier  had 
just  before  supposed  he  had  found  such  in  the 
St.  Lawrence. 

d.  Map  in  the  archives  of  the  Duke  of  Co- 
burg-Gotha,  marked  "  Baptista  Agnes  fecit,  Vene- 
tiis,  1543,  die  18  Febr."  Kohl  (pi.  xvii.  3)  gives 
from  it  a  draft  of  the  eastern  coast  of  the  United 
States. 

e.  Map,  like  d,  in  the  Huth  Library  at  Lon- 
don. 

/.  Portolano  in  the  Royal  Library,  Dresden. 
It  shows  California.     Kohl,  p.  294. 

g.  Portolano  in  the  British  Museum,  dated 
1564.     Index  to  MSS.  25,442. 

Kohl  says  (p.  293)  there  are  other  MS.  maps 
of  Agnese  in  London,  Paris,  Gotha,  and  Dres- 
den, not  here  enumerated. 

A  few  other  books,  less  extensive  and  more 
accessible,  deserve  attention  in  connection  with 
the  study  of  comparative  early  American  cartog- 
raphy. 

Henry  Stevens.  History  and  Geographical 
Notes  of  the  Early  Discoveries  in  America,  I453~ 
1530,  New  Haven,  1869,  with  five  folding  plates 
of  photographic  fac-similes  of  sixteen  of  the 
most  important  maps. 

Dr.  J.  G.  Kohl.  Discovery  of  Maine  {Docu- 
mejitary  History  of  Maine,  i),  with  reduced 
sketches,  not  in  fac-simile,  of  many  early  charts 
of  our  eastern  seaboard. 

Charles  P.  Daly.  Early  History  of  Cartog- 
rafihy,  or  juhat  we  know  of  Maps  atid  Map-making 
before  the  time  of  Mercator,  —  being  his  annual 
address,  1879,  before  the  American  Geographical 
Society.  The  maps  are  unfortunately  on  a  very 
much  reduced  scale. 


NOTE. —Since  this  chapter  was  completed  Henry  Harrisse's  y^««  et  Sebastien  Cabot,  Paris,  1882,  has 
given  us  the  fullest  account  of  Agnese's  cartographical  labors,  with  much  other  useful  information  about  the 
maps  from  1497  to  1550  ;  and  George  Bancroft  (^Magazine  of  American  History,  1883,  pp.  459,  460),  in  defence 
of  his  latest  revision,  has  controverted  Dr.  De  Costa's  statement  (Ibid.,  1883,  p.  300),  that  Gosnold  had  no  per- 
mission from  Ralegh,  and  has  set  forth  his  reasons  for  believing  that  Waymouth  ascended  the  George's  River. 
De  Costa  replied  to  Bancroft  in  the  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist.,  Aug.,  1883,  p.  143. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    THE    SETTLEMENT    OF    NEW 
ENGLAND.  — PURITANS  AND   SEPARATISTS   IN   ENGLAND. 

BY  GEORGE   EDWARD   ELLIS, 

Vice-President  of  the  Massachtcsetts  Historical  Society, 

THERE  is  no  occasion  to  offer  any  elaborate  plea  for  making  this 
theme  the  subject  of  a  chapter  of  American  history,  however  ex- 
tended into  detail  or  compressed  in  its  dealing  with  general  themes  that 
history  might  be.  In  the  origin  and  development,  the  strengthening  and 
the  triumph,  of  those  agencies  which  transferred  from  the  Old  World  to 
the  New  the  trial  of  fresh  ideas  and  the  experiment  with  free  institutions, 
the  colonists  of  New  England  had  the  leading  part.  The  influence  and  the 
institutions  which  have  gone  forth  from  them  have  had  a  prevailing  sway 
on  the  northern  half  of  this  continent.  Their  enterprise  —  in  its  seemingly 
feeble,  but  from  the  first  earnest  and  resolute,  purpose  —  took  its  spring 
from  religious  dissension  following  upon  the  earlier  stages  of  the  Protestant 
Reformation  in  England.  The  grounds,  occasions,  and  results  of  that  dis- 
sension thus  become  the  proper  subject  of  a  chapter  in  American  history. 
It  is  certain  that  in  tracing  the  early  assertion  in  England  of  what  may  be 
called  the  principles  of  dissent  from  ecclesiastical  authority,  we  are  dealing 
with  forces  which  have  wrought  effectively  on  this  continent. 

The  well-established  and  familiar  fact,  that  the  first  successful  and  effec- 
tive colonial  enterprises  of  Englishmen  in  New  England  found  their  motive 
and  purpose  in  religious  variances  within  the  English  communion,  is  illus- 
trated by  an  incident  anticipatory  by  several  years  of  the  period  which 
realized  that  result.  A  scheme  was  devised  and  entered  upon  in  England 
in  the  interest  of  substantially  the  same  class  of  men  known  as  Separatists 
and  Nonconformists,  who  twenty-three  years  afterward  established  them- 
selves at  Plymouth,  and  ten  years  later  in  Massachusetts  Bay.  In  the  year 
1597,  there  were  confined  in  London  prisons  a  considerable  number  of  men 
known  confusedly  as  Barrowists  or  Brownists,  who  had  been  seized  in  the 
conventicles  of  the  Separatists,  or  had  made  themselves  obnoxious  by  dis- 
affection with  the  government,  the  forms,  or  the  discipline  of  the  English 
hierarchy.     In  that  year  a  scheme  was  proposed,  apparently  by  the  Gov- 


220  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 

ernment,  for  planting  some  permanent  colonists  somewhere  in  the  northern 
parts  of  North  America.  Some  of  these  Separatists  petitioned  the  Council 
for  leave  to  transport  themselves  for  this  purpose,  promising  fidelity  to  the 
Queen  and  her  realm.  Three  merchants  at  the  time  were  planning  a  voy- 
age for  fishing  and  discovery,  with  a  view  to  a  settlement  on  an  island 
variously  called  Rainea,  Rainee,  and  Ramees,  in  a  group  of  the  Magdalen 
Islands,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  they  were  to  furnish  two  ships  for 
the  enterprise.  Reinforcing  the  petition  of  the  Separatists,  they  asked  per- 
mission to  transport  with  them  "  divers  artificers  and  other  persons  that  are 
noted  to  be  Sectaries,  whose  minds  are  continually  in  an  ecclesiastical  fer- 
ment." Permission  was  granted  for  the  removal  of  two  such  persons  in 
each  of  the  two  ships,  the  merchants  giving  bonds  that  the  exiles  should 
not  return  unless  willing  to  obey  the  ecclesiastical  laws.  The  four  prisoners 
who  embarked  for  the  voyage,  April  8,  1597,  were  Francis  and  George 
Johnson,  brothers,  who  had  been  educated  at  Cambridge,  and  Daniel 
Studley  and  John  Clarke,  who  shared  with  them  their  Separatist  prin- 
ciples. One  of  the  vessels  was  wrecked  when  near  its  destination,  and  the 
company  took  refuge  on  the  other,  which,  proving  unseaworthy  and  scantily 
provisioned,  returned  to  England,  arriving  in  the  Channel,  September  1. 
The  four  exiles  found  their  way  stealthily  to  a  hiding-place  in  London,  and 
by  the  middle  of  the  month  were  in  Amsterdam.  Their  history  there  con- 
nects with  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  the  Separatists  in  England,  and  with 
those  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth.^ 

The  facts,  persons,  and  incidents  with  which  we  have  to  deal  in  treating 
of  this  special  matter  of  religious  contention  within  the  English  Church, 
give  us  simply  the  opening  in  series  and  course  of  what  under  various 
modifications  is  known  as  the  history  of  Dissent.  The  strife  then  engend- 
ered has  continued  essentially  the  same  down  to  our  own  times,  turning 
upon  the  same  points  of  controversy  and  upon  contested  principles,  rights, 
and  methods.  The  present  relations  of  the  parties  to  this  entailed  dissen- 
sion may  throw  some  light  back  upon  the  working  of  the  elements  in  it 
when  it  was  first  opened.  The  result  which  has  been  reached,  after  the 
processes  engaged  in  it  for  nearly  four  centuries,  shows  itself  to  us  in  a 
still  existing  National  Church  establishment  in  England,  with  authority 
and  vested  rights,  privileges,  and  prerogatives,  yet  nevertheless  repudiated 
by  nearly,  if  not  quite,  half  of  the  subjects  of  the  realm.  The  reason  or 
the  right,  the  grounds  or  the  justification,  of  the  original  workings  of  Dis- 
sent have  certainly  been  suspended  long  enough  for  discussion  and  judg- 
ment upon  their  merits  to  help  us  to  reach  a  fair  decision  upon  them. 

The  indifference,  even  the  strong  distaste,  which  writers  and  readers  alike 
feel  to  a  rehearsal  in  our  days  of  the  embittered  and  aggravated  strife,  —  often 
concerned,  too,  with  what  seem  to  us  petty,  trivial,  and  perverse  elements  of 
scruple,  temper,  and  passion, — in  the  early  Puritan  controversy  in  the  Church 

1  In  Dexter's  Congregationalism^  pp.  277-78,  are  citations  of  English  State  Papers  relating  to 
this  voyage  and  to  journals  of  it. 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  221 

of  England,  may  be  sensibly  relieved  by  the  spirit  of  fairness  and  consid- 
eration in  which  the  subject  is  treated  in  the  most  recent  dealing  with  it  by 
able  and  judicious  writers.  There  are  even  now  in  the  utterances  of  pulpit 
and  platform,  and  in  the  voluminous  pages  of  pamphlet,  essay,  and  so-called 
history,  survivals  and  renewals  of  all  the  sharpness  and  acrimoniousness  of 
the  original  passions  of  the  controversy.  And  where  this  spirit  has  license, 
the  lengthening  lapse  of  time  will  more  or  less  falsify  the  truth  of  the  rela- 
tion of  either  side  of  the  strife.  One  whose  sympathies  are  with  either 
party  may  rightly  claim  that  it  be  fairly  presented,  its  limitations,  excesses, 
and  even  its  perversities  being  excused  or  palliated,  where  reasons  can 
be  shown.  Nor  is  one  who  for  any  fair  purpose  undertakes  a  statement 
or  exposition  of  the  views  and  course  of  either  of  those  parties  to  be 
regarded  as  also  its  champion  and  vindicator.  But  no  rehearsal  of  the 
controversy  will  have  much  value  or  interest  for  readers  of  our  day  which 
does  assume  such  championship  of  one  party.  As  the  Puritans,  Non- 
conformists, or  Dissenters,  from  the  beginning  up  to  this  day,  were  sub- 
stantially defeated,  disabled,  and  made  the  losers  of  the  object  for  which 
they  contended,  they  may  fairly  claim  the  allowance  of  making  the  best 
possible  statement  of  their  cause. 

Those  who  at  this  distance  of  time  accede  in  their  lineage  and  principles 
to  the  -heritage  of  the  first  Dissenters  from  the  English  Church  system, 
might  naturally  eulogize  them  for  their  noble  service  in  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  religious  and  civil  liberty  in  the  realm.  But  there  are  not  lacking 
in  these  days  Royalists  and  Churchmen  alike  who  in  the  pages  of  history  and 
in  essays  equally  extol  the  English  Nonconformists  as  the  foremost  cham- 
pions, the  most  effective  agents,  in  bringing  to  trial  and  triumph  the  free 
institutions  of  the  realm.  Making  the  fullest  allowances  for  all  the  perver- 
sities and  fanaticisms  wrought  in  with  the  separating  tenets  and  principles 
of  individuals  and  sects,  their  protests  and  assertions,  their  sufferings  and 
constancy  under  disabilities,  all  wrought  together  at  last  to  insure  a  grand 
result.  Boldly  is  the  assertion  now  maintained,  that  the  Church  of  England 
at  several  critical  periods  would  have  been  unable  to  withstand  the  recu- 
perative forces  of  the  Roman  Church,  had  it  not  been  for  the  persistent 
action  of  the  Nonconformists  in  holding  the  ground  won  by  the  Refor- 
mation, and  in  demanding  advance  in  the  same  line.  The  partial  schemes 
of  toleration  and  comprehension  which  were  hopefully  or  mockingly  enter- 
tained by  parties  in  the  Government  down  to  the  period  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, were  avowedly  designed  ''  to  strengthen  the  Protestant  interest."  The 
strength  of  Dissent,  in  all  its  forms  and  stages,  lay  in  its  demanding  for 
the  laity  voice  and  influence  in  all  ecclesiastical  affairs.  It  was  this  that 
restrained  the  dominance  of  priestly  power. 

There  is  a  very  important  consideration  to  be  had  in  view  when  we  aim 
to  form  a  fair  and  impartial  judgment  of  the  spirit  and  course  of  those 
earnest,  if  contentious,  men,  scholars,  divines,  heads  and  fellows  of  univer- 
sities, who  in  their  Nonconforming  or  Separatist  principles  originated  dis- 


222  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

sensions  in  the  English  Church,  and  withdrew  from  it,  bearing  various  pains 
and  penalties.  Even  in  the  calmer  dealing  with  them  in  the  religious  liter- 
ature of  our  own  times  coming  from  Episcopal  writers,  we  find  traces  of 
the  irritation,  reproach,  and  contempt  felt  and  expressed  for  these  original 
Dissenters  when  they  first  came  into  notice,  to  be  dealt  with  as  mischief- 
makers  and  culprits.  They  were  then  generally  regarded  as  unreasonable, 
perverse,  and  contentious  spirits,  exaggerating  trifling  matters,  obtruding 
morbid  scruples,  and  keeping  the  realm  in  a  ferment  of  petty  squabbles 
on  subjects  in  themselves  utterly  indifferent.  They  withstood  the  hearty, 
harmonious  engagement  of  the  rulers  and  the  mass  of  the  people  of  the 
realm  in  the  difficult  task  of  securing  the  general  principles  and  interests 
of  the  Reformation,  when  perils  and  treacheries  of  a  most  formidable  char- 
acter from  the  Papacy  and  from  internal  and  external  enemies  threatened 
every  form  of  disaster.  To  this  charge  it  might  be  replied,  that  the  Puritans 
believed  that  a  thorough  and  consistent  work  of  reformation  within  the 
realm  would  be  the  best  security  for  loyalty,  internal  harmony,  and  protec- 
tion from  the  plottings  of  all  outside  enemies. 

The  most  interesting  and  significant  fact  underlying  the  origin  and  the 
principles  alike  of  Nonconformity  and  of  Separatism  in  England  at  the 
period  of  the  Reformation,  is  this :  the  facility  and  acquiescence  with  which 
changes  were  made  in  the  English  ecclesiastical  system  up  to  a  certain 
point,  while  further  modifications  in  the  same  direction  were  so  stiffly 
resisted.  It  would  seem  as  if  it  had  been  assumed  at  once'  that  there  was 
a  well-defined  line  of  division  which  should  sharply  distinguish  between 
what  must  necessarily  or  might  reasonably  be  made  a  part  of  the  new 
order  of  things  when  the  Papacy  was  renounced,  and  what  must  be  con- 
served against  all  further  innovation.  The  pivot  of  all  subsequent  contro- 
versy, dissension,  and  alienation  turned  upon  the  question  whether  this 
sharply  drawn  line  was  not  wholly  an  arbitrary  one,  not  adjusted  by  a 
principle  of  consistency,  but  of  the  nature  of  a  compromise.  This  ques- 
tion was  followed  by  another :  Why  should  the  process  of  reformation  in 
the  Church,  so  resolute  and  revolutionary  in  changing  its  institution  and 
discipline  and  ritual,  stop  at  the  stage  which  it  has  already  reached?  Could 
any  other  answer  be  given  than  that  the  majority,  or  those  who  in  office  or 
prerogative  had  the  power  to  enforce  a  decision,  had  decided  that  the  right 
point  had  been  reached,  and  that  an  arrest  must  be  made  there? 

We  must  indicate  in  a  summary  way  the  stage  which  the  Reformation 
had  reached  in  England  when  Puritanism,  in  its  various  forms,  made  itself 
intrusive  and  obnoxious  in  demanding  further  changes.  We  need  not  open 
and  deal  with  the  controverted  point,  about  which  English  Churchmen  are 
by  no  means  in  accord,  as  to  whether  their  Church  had  or  did  not  have  an 
origin  and  jurisdiction  independently  of  all  agency,  intrusion,  or  interven- 
tion of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  or  the  Pope.  It  is  enough  to  start  with  the 
fact,  that  up  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  the  Pope  asserted  and  exercised 
a  supremacy  both  in  civil  and  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  the  realm.     If  there 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  223 

was  a  Church  in  England,  it  was  allowed  that  that  Church  must  have  a  / 
head.  The  Pope  was  acknowledged  to  be  that  head.  Henry  VIII.,  with 
the  support  of  his  Parliament,  renounced  the  Papal  supremacy,  and  himself 
acceded  to  that  august  dignity.  The  year  600  is  assigned  as  the  date  when 
Pope  Gregory  I.  put  Augustin,  or  Austin,  over  the  British  Church.  The 
headship  of  the  Pope  was  acknowledged  in  the  line  of  monarchs  till  Henry 
VIII.  became  the  substitute  of  Clement  VII.  In  the  twenty-sixth  year  of 
Henry's  reign  his  Parliament  enacted  that  "whatsoever  his  Majesty  should 
enjoin  in  matters  of  rehgion  should  be  obeyed  by  all  his  subjects."  Some 
of  the  clergy,  being  startled  at  this  exaltation  of  a  layman  to  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  office,  demanded  the  insertion  of  the  qualifying  words  *'  as 
far  as  is  agreeable  to  the  laws  of  Christ."  The  King  for  a  time  accepted 
this  qualification,  but  afterward  obtained  the  consent  of  Parliament  for  its 
omission.  Whatever  may  be  granted  or  denied  to  the  well-worn  plea  that 
the  King's  reformatory  zeal  was  inspired  by  his  feud  with  the  Pope  about 
his  matrimonial  infelicities,  it  is  evident  that,  notwithstanding  the  unre- 
strained royal  prerogative,  the  monarch  could  not  have  struck  at  the  very 
basis  of  all  ecclesiastical  rule  and  order  in  his  kingdom,  had  there  not  been 
not  only  in  his  Council  and  Parliament,  but  also  working  among  all  orders 
of  the  people,  a  spirit  and  resolve  against  the  Papal  rule  and  discipline, 
ready  to  enter  upon  the  unsounded  and  perilous  ventures  of  radical  reform- 
ation. None  as  yet  knew  where  the  opened  way  would  lead  them.  The 
initiatory  and  each  onward  step  might  yet  have  to  be  retraced.  Not  for 
many  years  afterward  did  the  threat  and  dread  of  the  full  restoration  of  the 
Papal  power  cease  to  appal  the  people  of  the  realm.  The  final  and  the 
impotent  blow  which  severed  the  Papacy  from  the  realm  came  in  the  Bull 
of  Pope  Pius  V.  in  1571,  .which  denounced  Elizabeth  as  a  heretic,  and, 
under  pain  of  curse,  forbade  her  subjects  to  obey  her  laws.  The  measures 
of  reform  under  Henry  were  tentative  and  arbitrary  on  his  part.  They 
made  no  recognition  of  any  defined  aim  and  stage  to  be  reached.  We 
must  keep  this  fact  in  view  as  showing  that  while  the  realm  was  ready  for 
change,  it  was  as  yet  a  process,  not  a  mark. 

It  is  necessary  to  start  with  a  definition  of  terms  which  are  often  con- 
founded in  their  use.  "  Puritans,"  *'  Separatists,"  and  "  Nonconformists  " 
might  in  fact  be  terms  equally  appHcable  to  many  individuals,  but  none 
the  less  they  were  distinctive,  and  in  many  cases  indicated  very  broad 
divergencies  and  characteristics  in  opinion,  belief,  and  conduct.  Noncon- 
formists and  Separatists  were  alike  Puritans,  —  the  latter  intensively  such. 
Puritanism  developed  alike  into  Nonconformity  and  Separatism.  The  ear- 
liest Puritans  came  to  be  Nonconformists,  after  trying  in  vain  to  retain  a 
ministry  and  communion  in  the  English  Church  as  established  by  royal 
and  civil  authority,  and  after  being  driven  from  it  because  of  their  per- 
sistent demands  for  further  reform  in  it.  As  heartily  as  did  those  who 
remained  in  its  communion,  they  believed  in  the  fitness  of  an  established 
nationalized   Church.      They   wished   to    be   members   of  such   a  Church 


224  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

themselves ;  and  not  only  so,  but  also  to  force  upon  others  such  member- 
ship. It  was  not  to  destroy,  but  to  purify ;  not  to  deny  to  the  civil  au- 
thority a  legislative  and  disciplinary  power  in  religious  matters,  but  to  limit 
the  exercise  of  that  right  within  Scriptural  rules  and  methods.  They  had 
sympathized  in  the  processes  of  reform  so  far  as  these  had  advanced,  but 
complained  that  the  work  had  been  arbitrarily  arrested,  was  incomplete, 
was  inconsistently  pursued,  was  insecure  in  the  stage  which  it  had  reached, 
and  so  left  without  the  warrant  which  Scripture  alone  could  furnish  as  a 
substitute  for  repudiated  Rome. 

Who  were  the  Separatists,  whose  utterances,  scruples,  and  conduct 
seemed  so  whimsical,  pertinacious,  disloyal,  .and  refractory  in  Old  England, 
and  whose  enterprise  has  been  so  successful  and  honorable  in  its  develop- 
ment in  New  England?  When  the  unity  of  the  Roman  Church  was  sundered 
at  the  Reformation,  all  those  once  in  its  communion  who  parted  from  it  were 
Separatists.  It  is  an  intricate  but  interesting  story,  which  has  been  often  told, 
wearisomely  and  indeed  exhaustively,  in  explanation  of  the  fact  that  this 
epithet  came  to  designate  a  comparatively  small  number  of  individuals  in 
a  nation  to  the  mass  of  whose  population  it  equally  belonged.  The  term 
**  separatist "  or  *'  sectary  "  carries  with  it  a  changing  significance  and  asso- 
ciation, according  to  the  circumstances  of  its  application.  It  was  first  used 
to  designate  the  Christians.  The  Apostle  Paul  was  called  "  a  ringleader  of 
the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes"  (Acts  xxiv.  5).  The  Roman  Jews  described  the 
Christians  as  a  ''sect''  that  was  "everywhere  spoken  against"  (Acts  xxviii. 
22).  The  civil  power  gave  a  distinctive  limitation  to  the  epithet.  It  is 
always  to  be  remembered  that  every  national-church  establishment  existing 
among  Protestants  is  the  creation  of  the  civil  authority.  Its  inclusion  and 
its  exclusion,  the  privileges  and  disabilities  which  it  gives  or  imposes,  its 
titles  of  honor  or  reproach,  are  the  awards  of  secular  magistrates.  All 
ecclesiastical  polity,  outside  of  Scriptural  rule  and  sanction,  receives  its  au- 
thority, for  those  who  accept  and  for  those  who  reject  it,  from  the  extension 
of  the  temporal  power  into  the  province  of  religion.  When  King  Henry 
VIII.  and  the  English  Parliament  assumed  the  ecclesiastical  headship  and 
prerogative  previously  exercised  by  Pope  Clement  VII.,  all  the  loyal  people 
of  the  realm  became  Separatists.  All  the  Reformed  bodies  of  the  Con- 
tinent substantially  regarded  themselves  as  coming  under  that  designation, 
which  might  have  been  applied  and  assumed  with  equal  propriety  as  the 
epithet  "  protestants."  The  Curia  of  the  hierarchy  at  Rome  from  the  first 
until  now  regards  English  and  all  other  Protestants  as  Separatists.  An 
archbishop  or  bishop  of  the  English  Church  is  ranked  by  the  Church  of 
Rome  in  the  same  category  of  unauthorized  intruders  upon  sacred  func- 
tions with  the  second-advent  exhorter  and  the  field-preacher.  The  pages 
of  English  history,  so  diligently  wrought,  and  the  developments  of  eccle- 
siastical polity  in  the  realm  must  be  studied  and  traced  by  one  who  would 
fully  understand  the  occasion,  the  grounds,  and  the  justice  of  the  restric- 
tion which  confined  the  title  of  "separatists  "  to  the  outlawed  and  persecuted 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW    ENGLAND.  225 

and  exiled  class  of  persons,  many  of  them  graduates  of  English  universities, 
ordained  and  serving  in  the  pulpits  of  the  Church,  who  were  represented  in 
and  out  of  English  jails  by  the  four  men  whose  abortive  scheme  of  plant- 
ing a  colony  in  North  America  has  just  been  referred  to.     However,  justly 
or  unjustly,  the  epithet  "  separatists  "  came  to  be  applied  and  accepted  as 
designating  those  who  would  not  only  not  conform  to  the  discipline  of  the 
Church,  as  still  members  of  it,  but  who   utterly  renounced  all  connection  \ 
with  it,  kept  away  from  it,  and  organized  assemblies,  conventicles,  or  fellow-  I 
ships,  subject  only  to  such   discipline   as  they  might  agree  upon  among  ( 
themselves. 

A  suggestion  presents  itself  here,  to  which  a  candid  view  of  facts  must  \ 
attach  much  weight.  Nonconformity,  Separatism,  Dissent,  are  not  to  be  / 
regarded  as  factiously  obtruding  themselves  upon  a  peaceful,  orderly,  and 
well-established  system,  already  tried  and  approved  in  its  general  workings. 
The  Reformation  in  England  was  then  but  in  progress,  in  its  early  stages ; 
everything  had  been  shaken,  all  was  still  unsettled,  unadjusted,  not  reduced 
to  permanence  and  order.  There  was  an  experiment  to  be  tried,  an  insti- 
tution to  be  recreated  and  remodelled,  a  substitute  Church  to  be  provided 
for  a  repudiated  Church.  The  early  Dissenters  regarded  themselves  as  sim-  "^ 
ply  taking  part  in  an  unfinished  reform.  The  Church  in  England,  under  J 
entanglements  of  civil  policy  and  complications  of  State,  gave  tokens  of 
stopping  at  a  stage  in  reform  quite  different  from  that  reached,  and  allowed 
progressive  advance  and  unfettered  conditions  among  Protestants  on  the 
Continent.  There  the  course  was  free.  The  French,  Dutch,  and  Italian 
systems,  though  not  accordant,  were  all  unlike  the  English  ecclesiastical 
system.  In  England  it  was  impeded,  leading  to  a  kind  of  establishment 
and  institution  in  hierarchical  and  ritual  administration  which  had  more 
regard  for  the  old  Church,  and  looked  to  more  compromise  with  it.  It 
was  not  as  if  yielding  to  their  own  crotchets,  self-willed  idiosyncrasies,  and 
petty  fancies  that  those  who  opened  the  line  of  the  Dissenters  obtruded 
their  variances,  scruples,  and  contentions  in  assailing  what  was  already 
established  and  perfected.     They  meant  to  come  in  at  the  beginning,  at  i 

the  first  stage,  the  initiation  of  what  was  to  be  the  new  order  of  things  in  j 

the  Church,  which  was  then,  as  they  viewed  it,  in  a  state  of  formation  and 
organization  for  time  to  come.  They  took  alarm  at  the  simulation  of  the 
system  and  ritual  of  the  Roman  Church,  which  the  English,  alone  of  all 
the  Reformed  Churches,  in  their  view  evidently  favored.  They  wished  to 
have  hand  and  voice  in  initiating  and  planning  the  ecclesiastical  institu- 
tions under  which  they  were  to  live  as  Christians.  Individual  conscience, 
too,  which  heretofore  had  been  a  nullity,  was  thenceforward  to  stand  for 
something.  It  remained  to  be  proved  how  much  and  what  was  to  be  allowed 
to  it,  but  it  was  not  to  be  scornfully  slighted.  Then,  also,  with  the  first 
manifestations  of  a  Nonconforming  and  Separatist  spirit,  we  note  the  agi- 
tation of  the  question,  which  steadily  strengthened  in  its  persistency  and 
emphasis  of  treatment,  as  to  what  were  to  be  the  rights  and  functions  of 

VOL.   HI.  —  29. 


226  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

lay  people  in  the  administration  of  a  Christian  Church.  Were  they  to 
continue,  as  under  the  Roman  system,  simply  to  be  led,  governed,  and 
disciplined,  as  sheep  in  a  fold,  by  a  clerical  order?  Hallam  gives  it  as  his 
conclusion,  that  the  party  in  the  realm  during  Elizabeth's  reign  "  adverse 
to  any  species  of  ecclesiastical  change,"  was  less  numerous  than  either  of 
the  other  parties,  Catholic  or  Puritan.  According  to  this  view,  if  one  third 
of  the  people  of  the  realm  would  have  consented  to  the  restoration  of  the 
Roman  system,  and  less  than  one  third  were  in  accord  with  the  Protestant 
prelatical  establishment,  certainly  the  other  third,  the  Puritanical  party, 
might  assert  their  right  to  a  hearing. 
j\  While  claiming  and  pleading  that  the  strict  rule  and  example  of  Scrip- 

ture precedent  and  model  should  alone  be  followed  in  the  institution  and 
discipline  of  the  Christian  Church,  there  was  a  second  very  comprehensive 
and  positive  demand  made  by  the  Puritans,  which,  —  as  we  shall  calmly  view 
it  in  the  retrospect,  as  taking  its  impulse  and  purpose  either  from  substan- 
tial and  valid  reasons  of  good  sense,  discretion,  and  practical  wisdom,  or  as 
starting  from  narrow  conceits,  perversity,  and  eccentric  judgments  leading 
it  on  into  fanaticism,  —  put  the  Puritans  into  antagonism  with  the  Church 
party.  From  the  first  token  of  the  breach  with  Rome  under  Henry  VIII. 
through  the  reigns  of  his  three  children  and  the  four  Stuarts,  the  Reform- 
ation was  neither  accomplished  in  its  process,  nor  secure  of  abiding  in  the 
stage  which  it  had  reached.  More  than  once  during  that  period  of  one  and 
a  half  centuries  there  were  not  only  reasonable  fears,  but  actual  eviden- 
ces, that  a  renewed  subjection  to  the  perfectly  restored  thraldom  of  Rome 
might,  in  what  seemed  to  be  merely  the  cast  of  a  die,  befall  the  distracted 
realm  of  England.  The  Court,  Council,  and  Parliament  pulsated  in  regular 
or  irregular  beats  between  Romanism  and  Protestantism.  Henry  VIII. 
left  the  work  of  reform  embittered  in  its  spirit  for  both  parties,  unaccom- 
plished, insecure,  and  with  no  settlement  by  fixed  principles.  His  three 
children,  coming  successively  to  the  crown,  pursued  each  a  policy  which 
had  all  the  elements  of  confusion,  antagonism,  inconsistency,  and  extreme 
methods. 

The  spirit  which  vivified  Puritanism  had  been  working  in  England,  and 
had  been  defining  and  certifying  its  animating  and  leading  principles,  before 
any  formal  measures  of  King  and  Parliament  had  opened  the  breach  with 
Rome.  The  elemental  ferment  began  with  the  circulation  and  reading  of 
parts  or  the  whole  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  English  tongue.  The  surprises 
and  perils  which  accompanied  the  enjoyment  of  this  fearful  privilege  by 
private  persons  of  acute  intelligence  and  hearts  sensitive  to  the  deepest 
religious  emotions,  were  followed  by  profound  effects.  The  book  was  to 
them  a  direct,  intelligible,  and  njost  authoritative  communication  from  God. 
To  its  first  readers  it  did  not  seem  to  need  any  help  from  an  interpreter 
or  commentator.  It  is  a  suggestive  fact,  that  for  English  readers  the  now 
mountainous  heaps  of  literature  devoted  to  the  exposition,  illustration,  and 
extended  and  comparative  elucidation  of  Scripture  were  produced  only  at 


THE    RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  227 

a  later  period.  The  first  Scripture  readers,  antedating  the  actual  era  of 
the  EngHsh  Reformation  and  the  formal  national  rupture  with  the  Roman 
Church,  were  content  with  the  simple  text.  They  were  impatient  with  any 
glosses  or  criticisms.  When  afterward,  in  the  interests  of  psalmody  in 
worship,  the  first  attempts  were  made  in  constructing  metrical  versions 
of  the  Psalms,  the  intensest  opposition  was  raised  against  the  introduction 
of  a  single  expletive  word  for  which  there  was  no  answering  original  in 
the  text. 

We  must  assign  to  this  early  engagedness  of  love  and  devoted  regard 
and  fond  estimate  of  the  Bible  the  mainspring  and  the  whole  guiding 
inspiration  of  all  the  protests  and  demands  which  animated  the  Puritan 
movements.  The  degree  in  which  afterward  any  individual  within  the 
communion  of  the  English  Church  was  prompted  to  pursue  what  he 
regarded  as  the  work  of  reformation,  whether  he  were  prelate,  noble, 
gentleman,  scholar,  husbandman,  or  artisan,  and  whether  it  drove  him  to 
conformity  or  to  any  phase  of  Puritanism,  or  even  Separatism,  depended 
mainly  upon  the  estimate  which  he  assigned  to  the  Scriptures,  whether  as 
the  sole  or  only  the  co-ordinate  authority  for  the  institution  and  discipline 
of  the  Christian  Church.  The  free  and  devout  reading  of  the  Scriptures, 
when  engaging  the  fresh  curiosity  and  zeal  of  thoroughly  earnest  men 
and  women,  roused  them  to  an  amazed  surprise  at  the  enormous  discord- 
ance between  the  matter  and  spirit  of  the  sacred  book  and  the  ecclesias- 
tical institutions  and  discipline  under  which  they  had  been  living,  —  ''the 
simplicity  that  was  in  Christ,"  constrasted  with  the  towering  corruptions 
and  the  monstrous  tyranny  and  thraldom  of  the  Papacy !  This  first  sur- 
prise developed  into  all  shades  and  degrees  of  protest,  resentment,  indig- 
nation, and  almost  blinding  passion.  Those  who  are  conversant  with  the 
writings  of  either  class  of  the  Puritans  know  well  with  what  paramount  dis- 
tinctness and  emphasis  they  use  the  term,  "the  Word."  The  significance 
attached  to  the  expression  gives  us  the  key  to  Puritanism.  For  its  most 
forcible  use  was  when,  in  a  representative  championship,  it  was  made  to 
stand  in  bold  antagonism  with  the  term  "the  Church,"  as  inclusive  of  what 
it  carried  with  it  alike  under  the  Roman  or  the  English  prelatical  system. 
"  The  Church,"  "  the  Scriptures,"  are  the  word-symbols  of  the  issue  be- 
tween Conformity  and  Puritanism.  Christ  did  not  leave  Scriptures  behind 
him,  said  one  party,  but  he  did  leave  a  Church.  Yes,  replied  the  other 
party;  he  left  apostles  who  both  wrote  the  Scriptures  and  planted  and 
administered  the  Church.  The  extreme  to  which  the  famous  "  Se-Baptist," 
John  Smyth,  carried  this  insistency  upon  the  sole  authority  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, led  him  to  repudiate  the  use  of  the  English  Bible  in  worship,  and 
to  require  that  the  originals  in  Greek  and  Hebrew  should  be  substituted.^ 
The  fundamental  distinguishing  principle  which  is  common  to  all  the 
phases  of  Puritanism,  Dissent,  and  Separatism  in  the  English  Church  is 
this,  —  of  giving  to  the  Scriptures  sole  authority,  especially  over  matters  in 

1  Dexter,  Congregationalism^  p.  314. 


228  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

which  the  Church  claimed  control  and  jurisdiction.  There  was  in  the  ear- 
lier stage  of  the  struggle  little,  if  any,  discordance  as  to  doctrine.  Dis- 
cipline and  ritual  were  the  matters  in  controversy.  The  rule  and  text  of 
Scripture  were  to  displace  canon  law  and  the  Church  courts.  The  first  rep- 
resentatives of  the  sect  of  Baptists  resolved,  ''  by  the  grace  of  God,  not 
to  receive  or  practise  any  piece  of  positive  worship  which  had  not  pre- 
cept or  exarnple  in  the  Word."  ^  Nor  were  the  Baptists  in  this  respect 
singular  or  emphatic  beyond  any  others  of  the  Dissenting  company. 
None  of  them  had  any  misgiving  as  to  the  resources  and  sole  authority 
of  Scripture  to  furnish  them  with  model,  guide,  and  rule.  It  is  remark- 
able that  in  view  of  the  positive  and  reiterated  avowal  of  this  principle 
by  all  the  Puritans,  there  should  have  been  in  recent  times,  as  there  was 
not  in  the  first  era  of  the  controversy,  any  misapprehension  of  their  frank 
adoption  of  it,  their  resolute  standing  by  it.  Archbishop  Whately  repeat- 
edly marked  it  as  evidence  of  the  inspired  wisdom  of  the  New  Testament 
writers,  that  they  do  not  define  the  form  or  pattern  of  a  church  institu- 
tion for  government,  worship,  or  discipline.  The  Puritans,  however,  be- 
lieved that  those  writers  did  this  very  thing,  and  had  a  purpose  in  doing 
it.  It  was  to  strike  at  the  very  roots  of  this  exclusive  Scriptural  theory 
of  the  Puritans  that  Hooker  wrought  out  his  famous  and  noble  classical 
production,  The  Laws  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity.  He  admitted  in  this  elegant 
and  elaborate  work  that  Scripture  furnished  the  sole  rule  for  doctrine, 
1  but  argued  with  consummate  ability  that  it  was  not  such  an  exclusive 
»  and  sufficient  guide  for  government  or  discipline.  The  apostles  did  not, 
he  said,  fix  a  rule  for  their  successors.  The  Church  was  a  divinely  insti- 
tuted society;  and,  like  every  society,  it  had  a  full  prerogative  to  make 
laws  for  its  government,  ceremonial,  and  discipline.  He  argued  that  a 
true  Church  polity  must  be  taken  not  only  from  what  the  Scriptures  afifirm 
distinctly,  but  also  "  from  what  the  general  rules  and  principles  of  Scrip- 
ture potentially  contain,"  ,  Starting  with  his  grand  basis  of  the  sanctity 
and  majesty  of  Law,  as  founded  in  natural  order,  he  insisted  that  the 
Church  should  establish  such  order  in  laws,  rites,  and  ceremonies  within 
its  fold,  and  that  all  who  have  been  baptized  into  it  are  bound  to  conform 
to  its  ecclesiastical  laws.  He  would  not  concede  to  the  Puritans  their 
position  of  denial,  but  he  insisted  that  Episcopacy  was  of  apostolic  insti- 
tution. He  was,  however,  at  fault  in  afiirming  that  the  Puritans  admitted 
\that  they  could  not  find  all  the  parts  of  the  discipline  which  they  stood 
for  in  the  Scriptures.  Dean  Stanley  comes  nearer  to  the  truth,  in  what 
is  for  him  a  sharp  judgment,  when  he  writes  :  ''The  Puritan  idea  that 
there  was  a  Biblical  counterpart  to  every  —  the  most  trivial  —  incident  or 
institution  of  modern  ecclesiastical  life,  has  met  with  an  unsparing  criti- 
cism from  the  hand  of  Hooker."  ^  Indeed,  it  was  keenly  argued  as  against 
these  Puritan  sticklers  for  adhesion  to  Scripture  rule  and  model,  that  they 
by  no  means  conformed  rigidly  to  the  pattern,  as  they  dropped  from  observ 

^  Neal,  History  of  the  Puritans,  iii.  347.  -  Preface  to  Christian  l7istitittions.  " 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELExMENT   IN   NEW   ENGLAND.  229 

ance  such  matters  as  a  community  of  goods,  the  love  feast,  the  kiss  of  peace, 
the  Lord's  Supper  in  upper  chambers,  and  baptism  by  immersion. 

It  is,  in  fact,  to^this  attempt  of  all  Nonconformists  to  make  the  Scriptures" 
the  sole  and  rigid  guide  alike  in  Church  discipline  as  in  doctrine,  that  we 
are  to  trace  their  divergencies  and  dissensions  among  themselves,  their 
heated  controversies,  their  discordant  factions,  their  constant  parting  up  of. 
their  small  conventicles  into  smaller  ones,  even  of  only  two  or  three  mem-J 
bers,  and  the  real  origin  of  all  modern  sects.  This  was  the  common  expe- 
rience of  such  Dissenters  from  the  Church,  alike  in  England  before  their 
exile  and  then  in  all  the  places  of  their  exile,  —  Holland,  Frankfort,  Geneva, 
and  elsewhere.  It  could  not  but  follow  on  their  keen,  acute,  and  concen- 
trated searching  and  scanning  of  every  sentence  and  word  of  Scripture  as 
bearing  upon  their  contest  with  prelacy,  that  they  should  be  led  beyond 
matters  of  mere  discipline  into  those  of  doctrine.  A  very  small  point  was 
enough  to  open  a  new  issue.  It  is  vexing  to  the  spirit,  while  winning  some- 
times our  admiration  for  the  intense  and  awful  sincerity  of  the  self-inflicting 
victims  of  their  own  scruples,  magnified  into  compunctions  of  conscience, 
to  trace  the  quarrels  and  leave-takings  of  those  poor  exiles  on  the  Continent, 
struggling  in  toil  and  sacrifice  for  a  bare  subsistence,  but  finding  compen- 
sation if  not  solace  in  their  endless  and  ever-sharpening  altercations.  But 
while  all  this  saddens  and  oppresses  us,  we  have  to  allow  that  it  was  natural 
and  inevitable.  The  Bible,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  will  never  henceforward  toj 
any  generation,  in  any  part  of  the  globe,  be,  or  stand  for,  to  individuals  orl 
groups  of  men  and  women,  what  it  was  to  the  early  English  Puritans.  To  it 
was  intrusted  all  the  honor,  reverence,  obedience,  and  transcendent  respon- 
sibility in  the  life,  the  hope,  and  the  salvation  of  men,  which  had  but  recently 
been  given,  in  awe  and  dread,  to  a  now  dishonored  and  repudiated  Church, 
against  which  scorn  and  contempt  and  hate  could  hardly  enough  embitter 
reproach  and  invective.  With  that  Book  in  hand,  men  and  women,  than 
whom  there  have  never  lived  those  more  earnest  and  sincere,  sat  down  in 
absorbed  soul-devotion,  to  exercise  their  own  thinking  on  the  highest  sub- 
jects, to  decide  each  for  himself  what  he  could  make  of  it.  Those  who 
have  lived  under  a  democracy,  or  a  full  civil,  mental,  and  religious  freedom 
like  our  own,  well  know  the  crudity,  the  perversity,  the  persistency,  the  con- 
ceits and  idiosyncrasies  into  which  individualism  will  run  on  civil,  social, 
and  political  matters  of  private  and  public  interest.  How  much  more  then 
will  all  exorbitant  and  eccentric,  as  well  as  all  ingenious  and  rational,  man- 
ifestations of  like  sort  present  themselves,  when,  instead  of  dealing  with 
ballots,  fashions,  and  social  issues,  men  and  women  take  in  hand  a  book 
which,  so  to  speak,  they  have  just  seized  out  of  a  descending  cloud,  as  from 
the  very  hand  of  God.  It  was  easy  to  claim  the  right  of  private  judgment; 
but  to  learn  how  wisely  to  use  it  was  quite  a  different  matter.  It  was,  how- 
ever, in  those  earnest,  keen  studies,  those  brooding  musings,  those  searching 
^xnd  subtle  processes  of  speculation  and  dialectic  argument  engaged  upon 
the  Bible  and  upon  institutional  religion,  that  the  wit,  the  wisdom,  the  logic. 


230  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

and  the  vigor  of  the  understanding  powers  of  people  of  the  EngHsh  race^ 
were  sharpened  to  an  edge  and  a  toughness  known  elsewhere  in  no  other. 
The  aim  of  Prelatists,  Conformists,  and  clerical  and  civil  magistrates  in 
religion,  to  bring  all  into  a  common  belief  and  ritual,  was  hopeless  from  the 
start.  It  made  no  allowance  for  the  rooted  varieties  and  divergencies  in 
nature,  taste,  sensibility,  judgment,  and  conscience  in  individuals  who  were 
anything  more  than  animated  clods.  How  was  it  possible  for  one  born  and 
furnished  in  the  inner  man  to  be  a  Quaker,  to  be  manufactured  into  a 
Churchman?  It  soon  became  Very  evident  that  bringing  such  a  people 
as  the  English  into  accord  in  belief  and  observance  under  a  hierarchical 
and  parochial  system  would  be  no  work  of  dictation  or  persuasion,  but 
would  require  authority,  force,  penalties  touching  spiritual,  mental,  and 
bodily  freedom,  and  resorting  to  fines,  violence,  and  prisons. 

The  consumptive  boy-king,  Edward  VL,  dying  when  sixteen  years  of 
age,  through  his  advisers,  advanced  the  Reformation  in  some  of  its  details 
beyond  the  stage  at  which  it  was  left  by  his  father,  and  put  the  work  in 
the  direction  of  further  progress.  But  *'  Bloody  Mary,"  with  her  spectral 
Spanish  consort,  Philip  II.,  overset  what  had  by  no  means  become  a  Pro- 
testant realm,  and  made  it  over  to  cardinal  and  pope.  Nearly  three  hun- 
dred martyrs,  including  an  archbishop  and  four  bishops,  perished  at  the 
stake,  besides  the  uncounted  victims  in  the  dungeons.  No  one  had 
suffered  to  the  death  for  religion  in  the  preceding  reign.  After  her 
accession,  Elizabeth  stiffly  held  back  from  accepting  even  that  stage  of 
reform  reached  by  Edward.  In  the  Convocation  of  1562,  only  a  single 
vote,  on  a  division,  withstood  the  proposal  to  clear  the  ritual  of  nearly 
every  ceremony  objectionable  to  the  Puritans.  The  two  statutes  of  su- 
premacy and  uniformity,  passed  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
brought  the  English  Church  under  that  subjection  to  the  temporal  or 
civil  jurisdiction  which  has  continued  to  this  day.  The  firmness,  not  to 
say  the  obstinacy,  with  which  the  Queen  stood  for  her  prerogative  in  this 
matter  has  been  entailed  upon  Parliament;  and  the  ecclesiastical  Convo- 
cation has  in  vain  struggled  to  assert  independency  of  it.  Elizabeth  ex- 
hibited about  an  equal  measure  of  zeal  against  Catholics  and  Puritans. 
She  frankly  gave  out  her  resolution  that  if  she  should  marry  a  Catholic 
prince,  she  should  not  allow  him  a  private  chapel  in  her  palace.  About 
two  hundred  Catholics  suffered  death  in  her  reign. 

An  important  episode  in  the  development  of  Puritanism  and  Separatism 
in  the  English  Church  brings  to  our  notice  the  share  which  different  parties 
came  to  have  in  both  those  forms  of  dissent  during  a  period  of  temporary 
exile  on  the  Continent  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Mary,  and  after- 
ward of  Elizabeth.  The  results  reached  by  the  two  classes  of  those  exiles 
were  manifested  respectively  in  the  colonization,  first  by  Separatists,  at  Ply- 
mouth, and  next  by  Nonconformists  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  by  other 
New  England  colonists. 

In  the  thirty-first  year  of  Henry's  reign,   1539,  while  the  monarch  was 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  23^ 

vacillating  between  the  old  religion  and  the  new,  was  enacted  what  was 
called  "  The  Bloody  Statute."  This  was  of  "  six  articles."  These  articles 
enforced  the  dogmas  of  Transubstantiation,  of  Communion  in  One  Ele- 
ment, of  the  Celibacy  of  the  Clergy,  of  the  Vows  of  Chastity,  of  Private 
Masses,  and  of  Auricular  Confession.  An  infraction  of  these  articles  in 
act  or  speech  or  writing  was  to  be  punished  either  by  burning,  as  heresy, 
or  by  execution,  as  felony.  The  articles  were  to  be  publicly  read  by  all 
the  clergy  quarterly.  To  escape  the  operation  of  this  statute,  many  of  the 
clergy  went  to  Geneva.  Returning  on  the  accession  of  Edward,  they  had  to 
exile  themselves  again  when  Mary  came  to  the  throne,  to  venture  home  once 
more  under  Elizabeth,  in  1559.  As  early  as  1528,  there  had  been  a  small 
but  earnest  religious  fellowship  of  devout  scholars  in  Cambridge,  meeting 
for  exercises  of  prayer  and  reading.  Three  of  its  members  —  Bilney, 
Latimer,  and  Bradford — were  burned  under  Mary.  Afterward  Travers  and 
Cartwright,  both  of  them  men  of  eminent  ability  and  religious  fervor,  had 
found  refuge  in  Geneva;  and  to  them,  on  their  return,  is  to  be  ascribed 
the  strength  and  prevalence  of  the  spirit  of  Puritanism  in  Cambridge. 
The  fact  that  so  many  men  of  parts  and  scholarship  and  distinguished 
position  were  thus  principal  agents  in  the  first  working  of  Puritanism, 
should  qualify  the  common  notion  that  Nonconformity  in  England  had 
its  rise  through  obscure  and  ordinary  men.  Some  of  the  most  eminent 
Puritans,  and  even  Separatists,  were  noted  university  men  and  scholars, — 
like  Cartwright,  Perkins,  Ames,  Bradshaw,  and  Jacob,  the  last  being  of 
Oxford.  Robinson,  the  pastor  at  Leyden,  has  been  pronounced  to  have 
been  among  the  first  men  of  his  time  in  learning  and  comprehensiveness 
of  mind.^  It  was  really  in  the  churches  of  the  English  exiles  in  Hol- 
land that  the  ultimate  principles  of  Independency  and  Congregationalism 
were  wrought  out,  to  be  asserted  and  so  manfully  stood  for  both  in  Old 
and  in  New  England.  Indeed,  the  essential  principles  of  largest  tolera- 
tion and  of  equality,  save  in  civil  functions,  had  been  established  in  Hol- 
land in  1572,  before  the  coming  of  the  English  exiles.  Almost  as  real  as 
ideal  was  the  recognition  there  of  the  one  all-comprehensive  church  rep- 
resented by  a  multitude  of  independent  elements.  Greenwood  and  his 
fellow-student  at  Cambridge,  —  Barrow,  a  layman, — joined  the  Separatists 
in  1586.  The  Separatists  in  England  might  well,  as  they  did,  complain 
to  King  James  that  he  did  not  allow  the  same  liberty  to  them,  his  own 
subjects,  as  was  enjoyed  by  the  French  and  Walloon  churches  in  London 
and  elsewhere  in  England. 

On  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  who  was  crowned  in  1553,  more  than 
eight  hundred  of  the  English  Reformers  took  refuge  on  the  Continent. 
Among  them  were  five  bishops,  five  deans,  four  archdeacons,  fifty  doctors 
of  divinity  and  famous  preachers,  with  nobles,  merchants,  traders,  me- 
chanics, etc.  Among  the  **  sundrie  godly  men  "  who  went  to  Frankfort, 
the  Lutheran  system   gained  much  influence.     Those  who  found  a  refuge 

1  Dexter,  Conj^reoationalism,  pp.  395,  397. 


232  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

in  Zurich  and  Geneva  were  more  affected  towards  the  Calvinistic.  Soon 
after  a  flourishing  and  harmonious  church,  with  the  favor  of  the  magistrates, 
had  been  estabhshed  at  Frankfort,  dissension  about  matters  of  discipHne 
and  the  use  of  the  Prayer-book  of  King  Edward  VI.,  with  or  without  a 
revision,  was  opened  by  some  new-comers.  The  advice  of  Knox,  Calvin, 
and  others,  which  was  asked,  did  not  prevent  an  acrimonious  strife,  which 
ended  in  division.^  Carrying  back  their  differences  to  England,  we  find 
them  contributing  to  deepen  the  ahenation  and  the  variances  between  Con- 
formists, Nonconformists,  and  Separatists.  The  intimacy  and  sympathy 
with  Reformers  on  the  Continent  naturally  induced  the  exiles,  even  the 
English  bishops  who  had  been  among  them',  to  lay  but  little  stress  on  the 
exclusive  prerogatives  of  Episcopacy,  including  the  theory  of  Apostohc 
Succession. 

The  English  bishops  who  were  most  earnest  in  the  early  measures 
of  reform,  —  such  as  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and  Latimer,  —  realizing  that  in  the 
minds  of  the  common  people  the  strong  ties  of  association  connected  with 
the  emblems,  forms,  and  vestments  of  the  repudiated  Church  of  Rome 
would  encourage  lingering  superstitions  in  their  continued  use,  would  have 
had  them  wholly  set  aside.  Especially  would  they  have  had  substituted  in 
the  chancels  of  churches  tables  instead  of  altars,  as  the  latter  would  always 
be  identified  with  the  Mass.  The  people  also  associated  the  validity  of 
clerical  administrations  with  priestly  garments.  The  starting  point  of  the 
Puritan  agitation  and  protest  as  to  these  matters  may  well  be  found,  there- 
fore, in  the  refusal  of  Dr.  Hooper  to  wear  the  clerical  vestments  for  his 
consecration  as  Bishop  of  Gloucester  in  1550.  Having  exiled  himself  at 
Zurich  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VHL,  Hooper  had 
become  more  thoroughly  imbued  with  Reforming  principles,  and  withstood 
the  compromising  compliances  which  some  of  the  Continental  Reformers 
yielded.  Even  Ridley  insisted  upon  his  putting  on  t;he  vestments  for  his 
consecration ;  and  after  being  imprisoned  for  his  recusancy,  he  was  forced 
to  a  partial  concession.  This  matter  of  habits,  tippets,  caps,  etc.,  may  be 
viewed  either  as  a  bugbear,  or  as  representative  of  a  very  serious  principle. 

In  an  early  stage  of  the  Puritan  movement  as  working  in  the  progress  of 
the  Reformation  in  England,  it  thus  appeared  that  what,  as  represented  in 
men  and  principles,  might  be  called  a  third  party,  was  to  assert  itself.  As 
the  event  proved,  in  the  struggle  for  the  years  following,  and  in  the  accom- 
plished result  still  triumphant,  this  third  party  was  to  hold  the  balance  of 
power.  There  was  a  general  accord  in  dispensing  with  the  Pope,  renoun- 
cing his  sway,  and  retaining  within  the  realm  the  exercise  of  all  ecclesi- 

^  A  full  and  evidently  impartial  account  of  the  zvhich  discoiirs  the  gentle  reader  shall  see  the 

this    dissension,    its    method    and    its    results,  very  origlnall  and  beginnenge  off  all  the  contejition 

though   anonymous,  was   published   in   London  that  hath  byn,  and  luhat  7vas  the  cause  off  the  same 

'"   ^575'  under  the  title  of  A  Brieff  di scours  off  {no place  given).    This,  with  an  Introduction,  was 

the  troubles  begonne  at  Franckford,  in  Germany,  reprinted  in  London  in  1846,  as  A  Brief  Discourse 

Anno  Domini  1554,  Abo7ute  the  Booke  of  common  of  the    Troubles  begun  at  Frankfort  iti  the  Year 

prayer  and  Ceremonies,  and  continued  by  the  Eng-  1554,   about  the   Book   of  Common    Prayer  and 

lishe  men  there  to  thende  of  Q.  Maries  Raigne,  in  Ceremonies. 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW    ENGLAND.  233 

astical  jurisdiction.  A  Romanizing  party  was  still  in  strength,  with  its 
hopes  temporarily  reviving,  its  agencies,  open  and  secret,  on  the  alert,  and 
its  threats  bold,  if  opportunity  should  favor  the  execution  of  them.  This 
Romanizing  faction  may  represent  one  extreme ;  the  Puritans  may  repre- 
sent another.  A  third,  and  for  a  considerable  space  of  time  weaker,  as 
already  stated,  than  either  of  them,  intervened,  to  win  at  last  the  victory. 
In  ridding  themselves  of  Rome,  the  Puritans  aimed  to  rid  the  Church  of 
everything  that  had  come  into  it  from  that  source,  —  hierarchy,  cere- 
monial, superstition,  discipline,  and  assumption  of  ecclesiastical  preroga- 
tive, —  reducing  the  whole  Church  fabric  to  what  they  called  gospel 
simplicity  in  rule  and  order;  the  apostolic  model.  This,  as  we  have 
noticed,  was  to  be  sought  full,  sufficient,  and  authoritative  in  the  Scrip- 
tures. But  neither  of  the  Reforming  monarchs,  nor  the  majority  of  the 
prelates  successively  exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  were  prepared 
for  this  reversion  to  so-called  first  principles.  They  would  not  allow 
the  sufficiency  nor  the  sole  authority  of  the  Scriptural  model ;  nor 
would  they  admit  that  all  that  was  wrought  into  the  hierarchy,  the  cere- 
monial, the  institution,  and  the  discipline  of  the  English  Church  came 
into  it  through  Popery,  and  had  the  taint  or  blemish  of  Popery.  The 
English  Church  now  represents  the  principles  then  argued  out,  main- 
tained, and  adopted.  It  followed  a  principle  of  selection,  sometimes 
called  compromise,  to  some  seeming  arbitrary,  to  others  reasonable  and 
right.  It  proceeded  upon  the  recognition  of  an  interval  between  the  close 
of  the  ministry  of  the  apostles  and  the  rise  of  the  Papacy,  with  its  super- 
stitious innovations  and  impositions,  during  which  certain  principles  and 
usages  in  the  government  and  ceremonial  of  the  Church  came  into  observ- 
ance. Though  these  might  not  have  the  express  warrant  of  Scripture, 
they  were  in  nowise  inconsistent  with  Scripture.  They  might  claim  to 
have  the  real  warrant  and  approval  of  the  apostles,  because  they  were 
^'  primitive,"  and  might  even  be  regarded  as  essential,  as  Hooker  so 
earnestly  tried  to  show,  to  the  good  order,^  dignity,  and  efficiency  of  the 
Church  of  Christ.  With  exceeding  ability  did  the  Puritan  and  the  Church 
parties  deal  with  this  vital  issue.  The  Puritans  brought  to  it  no  less  of 
keen  acumen,  learning,  and  logic  than  did  their  opponents.  They  thor- 
oughly comprehended  what  the  controversy  involved.  When,  fifty  years 
ago,  substantially  the  same  issue  was  under  vigorous  discussion  in  the 
Oxford  or  Tractarian  agitation,  so  far  were  the  *'  Puseyites,"  so-called, 
from  bringing  into  it  any  new  matter,  that  the  old  arsenal  was  drawn 
upon  largely  for  fresh  use. 

The  Puritans  held  loyally  to  the  fundamental  position  asserted  by  their 
sturdy  champion,  Cartwright,  in  his  Admonition,  etc.,  —  ''The  discipline  of 
Christ's  Church  that  is  necessary  for  all  time  is  delivered  by  Christ,  and 
set  down  in  the  Holy  Scripture."  The  objection,  fatal  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Puritans,  to  receiving,  as  authoritative,  customs  and  vouchers  of  the  so-called 
"  Primitive  "  Church  and  of  the  Fathers,  was  that  it  compelled  to  the  practice 

VOL.    III.  —  30. 


234  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

of  a  sort  of  eclecticism  in  choosing  or  rejecting,  by  individual  preference  or 
judgment,  out  of  that  mass  of  heterogeneous  gathering  which  Milton  scorn- 
fully described  as  **the  drag-net  of  antiquity."  Though  the  pleaders  on 
both  sides  of  the  controversy  succeeded  in  showing  that  **  patristic"  au- 
thority, and  the  usages  and  institutions  which  might  be  traced  out  and 
verified  in  the  dim  past,  were  by  no  means  in  accord  or  harmony  as  to 
what  was  "primitive,"  both  parties  seem  to  have  consented  to  hide,  gloss 
over,  or  palliate  very  much  of  the  crudity,  folly,  superstition,  conceit,  and 
discordancy  so  abounding  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  Nothing  could 
be  more  positive  than  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine,  —  not  drawn  from  the 
New  Testament,  in  which  the  rite  was  for  adults,  but  from  the  then  uni- 
versal practice  of  the  Church, — that  baptism  was  to  be  for  infants,  and  by 
immersion.  That  Father  taught  that  an  unbaptized  infant  is  forever  lost; 
and  that,  besides  baptism,  the  infant's  salvation  depends  upon  its  receiving 
the  Eucharist.  Yet  this  has  not  hindered  but  that  the  vast  "majority  of 
Christians,  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant,  save  a  single  sect,  administer 
the  rite  by  sprinkling  infants.  How,  too,  could  the  Prelatists  approve  a 
quotation  from  TertuUian :  ^  "Where  there  are  only  three,  and  they  laics,, 
there  is  a  church  "  ? 

In  consistency  with  this  their  vital  principle  of  the  sole  sufficiency  of 
the  Scripture  institution  and  pattern  for  a  church,  the  work  of  purification 
led  its  resolute  asserters  to  press  their  protests  and  demands  against  not 
only  such  superstitions  and  innovations  as  could  be  traced  directly  to  the 
Roman  corruption  and  innovation,  but  to  a  more  thorough  expurgation. 
Incident  to  the  rupture  with  the  Papacy,  and  in  the  purpose  to  repel 
what  seemed  to  be  its  vengeful  and  spiteful  devices  for  recovering  its 
sway,  there  was  developed  among  the  most  impassioned  of  the  Reformers 
an  intense  and  scornful  hate,  a  bitter  heaping  of  invectives,  objurgations^ 
and  all-wrathful  epithets  against  the  old  Church  as  simply  blasphemous, — 
the  personification  of  Antichrist.  So  they  were  resolute  to  rid  themselves 
of  all  "  the  marks  of  the  Beast."  The  scrapings,  rags,  tatters  of  Popery,, 
and  everything  left  of  such  remnants,  especially  provoked  their  contempt. 
Having  adopted  the  conviction  that  the  "  Mass  "  was  an  idolatrous  per- 
formance, all  its  paraphernalia,  associated  in  the  minds  of  the  common 
people  with  it  as  a  magical  rite,  the  priestly  and  altar  habits,  the  cap, 
the  tippet,  the  rochet,  etc.,  were  denounced  and  condemned.  The  very 
word  "  priest,"  with  all  the  functionary  and  mediatorial  ofiices  going  with 
it,  was  repudiated.  The  New  Testament  knew  only  of  ministers,  pastors, 
teachers.  While,  of  course,  recognizing  that  the  apostles  exercised  special 
and  peculiar  prerogatives  in  planting  the  Church,  the  Puritans  maintained 
that  they  had  no  successors  in  their  full  authority.  The  Christian  Church 
assembly  they  found  to  be  based  upon  and  started  from  the  Synagogue, 
with  its  free,  popular  methods,  and  not  upon  the  Temple,  with  its  altar, 
priests,  and  ritual.      It   is   an   interesting    and    significant  fact,   that  while 

1  Exhort,  ad  Castita.  c.  7. 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW    ENGLAND.  235 

the  Reformation  in  its  ferment  was  working  as  if  all  the  elements  of 
Church  institution  were  perfectly  free  for  new  combinations,  the  edition 
of  the  English  Bible  called  Cranmer's,  in  1539,  translated  the  word  ecclesia 
by  ''congregation,"  not  "church,"  —  thus  providing  for  that  Puritan  prin- 
ciple of  the  province  of  the  laity.  Doctrine,  discipline,  and  ritual,  or 
ceremony,  being  the  natural  order  in  which  ecclesiastical  affairs  should 
receive  regard,  there  being  at  first  an  accord  among  the  Reformers  as 
to  doctrine,  the  other  essentials  engrossed  all  minds.  The  equality  of  the 
ministers  of  religion,  all  of  whom  were  brethren,  with  no  longer  a  master 
upon  earth,  struck  at  the  very  roots  of  all  hierarchical  order.  What 
would  have  been  simply  natural  in  the  objections  of  the  Puritans  when 
they  saw  that  Rome  was  to  leave  the  prelatical  element  of  its  system 
fastened  upon  the  realm,  was  intensified  by  the  assumption  of  dangerous 
and,  as  they  believed,  unchristian  and  unscriptural  power  and  sway  by 
a  class  of  the  clergy  of  lordly  rank  exercising  functions  in  Church  and 
State,  and  taking  titles  from  their  baronial  tenure  of  land.  These  lordly 
prelates  had  recently  been  filling  some  of  the  highest  administrative  and 
executive  offices  under  the  Crown,  and  holding  places  in  diplomacy.  In 
an  early  stage  of  the  Reformation,  the  mitred  abbots  had  been  dropped 
out  of  the  upper  house  of  Parliament.  While  they  were  in  it,  they,  with 
the  twenty-one  **Lord  Bishops,"  preponderated  over  the  temporal  peers.  As 
their  exclusion  weakened  the  ecclesiastical  power  in  the  government,  the 
prelates  who  remained  seemed  to  believe  and  to  act  as  if  it  fell  to  them  to 
represent  and  exercise  the  full  prerogative  of  sway  which  had  belonged  to 
the  old  hierarchy.  Very  marked  is  the  new  phase  assumed  by  the  spirit 
and  course  of  the  Nonconformists  under  this  changed  aspect  of  the  contro- 
versy. The  Puritans  had  begun  by  objecting  and  protesting  against  certain 
usages ;  they  now  set  themselves  resolutely  against  the  authority  of  those 
who  enforced  such  usages.  To  a  great  extent,  the  Roman  Catholic  pre- 
lates on  those  parts  of  the  Continent  where  the  Reformation  established 
itself,  deserted  their  sees.  This  left  the  way  clear  in  those  places  for  a 
church  polity  independent  of  prelacy.  The  retention  of  their  sees  and 
functions  by  the  English  bishops,  and  the  addition  to  their  number  by 
the  consecration  of  others  as  selected  by  the  Crown,  thus  made  the 
struggle  which  the  Puritans  maintained  in  England  quite  unlike  that  of 
their  sympathizers  on  the  Continent.  The  issue  thus  raised  on  the  single 
question  of  the  Divine  right  and  the  apostolic  authority  and  succession 
of  bishops  was  continuously  in  agitation  through  the  whole  contention 
maintained  by  Dissenters.  In  other  elements  of  it,  the  controversy  ex- 
hibited changing  phases,  as  the  process  of  the  reform  seemed  at  intervals 
to  be  advanced  or  impeded,  while  the  kingdom,  as  we  have  noted,  was 
pulsating  between*  the  old  and  the  new  regime,  —  as  Henry  VIII.  and 
his  three  children,  in  their  succession  to  his  throne,  sought  to  modify, 
to  arrest,  or  to  limit  it.  The  distribution  among  the  people  of  the 
Scriptures    in    the    English    tongue  was    favored    and    brought    about   by 


236  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Thomas  Cromwell  and  Cranmer.  The  privilege,  however,  was  soon  re- 
voked, as  the  people  were  thus  helped  to  take  the  matter  of  religion 
into  their  own  hands.  The  mother  tongue  was  first  used  in  worship 
with  the  translated  litany  in  1542,  which  was  revised  in  1549.  The  new 
prayer-book,  canons,  and  homilies  were  brought  into  use.  It  was  by 
royal  authority,  and  not  either  by  Convocation  or  Parliament,  that  the 
Thirty-Nine  Articles  of  Religion  were  imposed.  On  Elizabeth's  accession 
there  were  nine  thousand  four  hundred  priests  in  England.  About  two 
hundred  of  these  abandoned  their  posts  rather  than  comply  with  the 
conditions  exacted  by  the  stage  in  innovation  already  reached.  The 
more  pronounced  champions  of  the  Church"  of  England  are  earnest  in 
pleading  that  the  rupture  with  Rome  was  not  the  act  of  the  King,  but 
of  what  might  be  called  the  Church  itself.  The  as  yet  unreformed 
bishops,  we  are  told,  had  in  Convocation,  in  1531,  denied  the  Papal  su- 
premacy; then  Parliament,  the  universities,  the  cathedral  bodies,  and  the 
monastic  societies  had  confirmed  the  denial.  But  on  all  these  points 
there  are  still  open  and  contested  questions  of  fact  and  argument  not 
requiring  discussion  here. 

Another  radical  question  concerned  the  rights  and  province  of  the  laity 
in  all  that  entered  into  the  institutional  part  of  religion,  and  the  oversight 
and  administration  of  discipline  in  religious  assembhes.  There  certainly 
could  be  no  complaint  that  lay  or  civil  power  as  represented  by  the  mon- 
arch had  not  exhibited  sufficient  potency  in  fettering  the  ecclesiastical 
or  clerical  usurpation.  An  already  quoted  Act  in  the  twenty-sixth  year  of 
Henry's  reign  affirmed  that  "  whatsoever  his  Majesty  should  enjoin  in 
matters  of  religion  should  be  obeyed  by  all  his  subjects."  The  Acts  of 
Supremacy  and  Uniformity  in  the  first  year  of  Elizabeth  made  the  Church 
subordinate  to,  and  dependent  upon,  the  civil  power.  Thus  ecclesiastical 
authority  was  restrained  by  the  prerogative  of  the  Crown,  while  ceremonial 
and  discipline,  as  approved  by  the  monarch,  were  left  at  the  dictation  of 
Parliament. 

But  this  substitution  of  the  lay  power  as  represented  by  King  or  Queen 
and  the  Houses  of  Parliament  for  the  Papal  sway,  by  no  means  satisfied  the 
Puritan  idea  and  conviction  as  to  the  rightful  claims  of  the  laity  in  their 
membership  of  the  reconstructed  Church.  Barrow  described  in  the  follow- 
ing sharp  sentence  the  summary  way  of  proceeding  so  far  as  the  laity  were 
concerned :  *'  All  these  people,  with  all  their  manners,  were  in  one  day, 
with  the  blast  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  trumpet,  of  ignorant  Papists  and  gross 
idolaters,  made  faithful  Christians  and  true  professors."  It  was  said  that  the 
people,  divided  and  classed  in  local  territorial  parishes,  were  there  treated 
like  sheep  in  folds.  Illiterate,  debauched,  incompetent,  *'dumb"  ministers 
or  priests  assumed  the  pastorate  in  a  most  promiscuous  way  over  these 
flocks.  Membership  in-  the  Church  came  through  infancy  in  baptism.  The 
Puritans  wished  to  sort  out  the  draught  of  the  Gospel  net,  which  gathered 
of  every  kind.     They  claimed  that  the  laity  should  themselves  be  parties 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  237 

in  the  administration  of  religion,  in  testing  and  approving  discipline.  They 
believed,  too,  that  ministers  should  be  supported  by  their  congregations, 
and  that  the  tithes  and  the  landed  privileges  of  the  clergy  were  bribes 
and  lures  to  them,  making  them  independent  and  autocratical.  Church 
lands  and  endowments,  they  insisted,  should  be  sequestered,  as  had  been 
the  abbeys,  nunneries,  and  monasteries.  As  soon  as  Separatist  assem- 
blies were  associated  in  England  or  among  the  exiles  on  the  Continent, 
altercations  and  divisions  occurred  among  them  as  to  the  functions  and 
the  powers  of  the  eldership,  the  responsibility  and  the  authority  of  pastor 
and  covenanted  members  in  discipline. 

Our  space  will  admit  here  of  only  a  brief  recognition,  conformed  how- 
ever to  its  slight  intrinsic  importance,  of  an  element  entering  into  the 
Puritan  agitation,  which  at  the  time  introduced  into  it  a  glow  of  excitement 
and  a  marvellously  effective  engagement  of  popular  sympathy.  The  con- 
troversy between  the  Puritans  and  the  Prelatists  had  in  the  main  been 
pursued,  however  passionately,  yet  in  a  most  grave  and  serious  spirit,  with 
a  profound  sense  of  the  dignity  and  solemnity  of  its  themes  and  interests. 
But  from  the  time  and  occasion  when  Aristophanes  tossed  the  grotesque 
trifling  of  his  Clouds  around  the  sage  and  lofty  Socrates,  down  to  this  day, 
when  Mr.  Punch  finds  a  weekly  condiment  of  mischief  and  fun  for  the 
people  of  England  in  their  own  doings  and  in  their  treatment  by  their  gov- 
ernors, it  would  seem  as  if  no  subject  of  human  interest,  however  exalted 
its  moment,  could  escape  the  test  of  satire,  sarcasm,  and  caricature.  Ex- 
perimental ventures  of  this  sort  are  naturally  ephemeral,  but  they  concen- 
trate their  venom  or  their  disdain  upon  their  shrinking  victims.  Some  of 
Ben  Jonson's  plays  and  Butler's  Hiidibras  have  now  alone  a  currency,  and 
that  a  by  no  means  extended  one,  out  of  a  vast  mass  of  the  printed  ridi- 
cule which  was  turned  upon  the  Puritans.  But  the  matter  now  in  hand  is 
the  skill  and  jollity  with  which  one  or  more  Puritans,  with  the  gift  of  the 
comic  in  his  stern  make-up,  plied  that  keen  blade  in  his  own  cause.  Eras- 
mus, though  he  never  broke  from  the  communion  of  the  Papal  Church,  en- 
gaged the  most  stinging  power  of  satire  and  sarcasm,  not  only  against  mean 
and  humble  monks,  but  against  all  the  ranks  of  the  hierarchy,  not  sparing 
the  loftiest.  Helped  out  with  Holbein's  cuts,  Erasmus's  Encommin  of  Folly 
drew  roars  of  mirth  and  glee  from  those  who  winced  under  its  mocking 
exposures.  Even  the  grave  Beza,  in  Geneva,  tried  his  hand  in  this  trifling. 
But  the  venture  of  this  sort  which  cunningly  and  adroitly  intruded  itself  at 
a  peculiarly  critical  phase  of  the  Puritan  agitation,  was  of  the  most  daring 
and  rasping  character.  Under  the  happily  chosen  pseudonym  of  "  Martin 
Mar-Prelate,"  there  appeared  in  rapid  succession,  during  seven  months  of 
the  years  1588  and  1589,  the  same  number  of  little,  rudely  printed  tracts, 
the  products  of  ambulatory  presses,  which  engaged  the  full  power  of  satire, 
caricature,  and  sarcasm,  with  fun  and  rollicking,  invective  and  bitter  re- 
proach and  exposure  against  the  hierarchy,  especially  against  four  of  the 
most  odious  of  the  bishops.     The  daring  spirit  of  these  productions  was 


238  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF  AMERICA. 

well  matched  by  the  devices  of  caution  and  secrecy  under  which  they  were 
put  in  print,  and  in  the  sly  methods  by  which  they  were  circulated,  to  be 
caught  up,  concealed,  and  revelled  over  by  thousands  who  would  find 
keen  enjoyment  in  them,  as  in  the  partaking  of  the  sweets  of  stolen  food 
and  waters.  They  may  be  said  to  have  stopped  only  at  the  very  edge  of 
ribaldry,  indecency,  and  even  blasphemy.  But  they  were  free  and  trench- 
ant, coarse  and  virulent.  As  such,  they  testify  to  the  smart  under  the 
provocation  of  which  they  were  written,  and  to  the  scorn  and  contempt 
entertained  for  the  men  and  measures  to  which  were  committed  for  the 
time  the  transcendent  interests  of  religion  and  piety.  The  more  dignified 
and  serious  of  the  Puritans,  like  Greenham  amd  Cartwright,  frowned  upon 
and  repudiated  these  weapons  of  bitter  gibe  and  contumely.  But  there 
was  a  constituency  from  which  they  received  the  heartiest  welcome,  and, 
as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  their  circulation  and  efficiency  were  vastly  multi- 
plied by  equally  bitter  and  malignant  replies  to  them  from  the  pens  or 
from  the  instigation  of  bishops.  The  whole  detective  force  of  the  king- 
dom was  put  on  the  search  for  the  writers  and  the  printers.  So  adroit 
and  cunning  was  the  secret  of  their  authorship  and  production  at  the 
time,  that  up  to  this  day  it  has  not  been  positively  disclosed.  Never  has 
the  investigation  been  so  keenly  or  intelligently  pressed  for  clearing  the 
mystery  investing  the  Martin  Mar-Prelate  tracts  as  by  the  indefatigable 
researches  and  the  sharpened  inquisition  of  Dr.  Dexter.  In  his  Congre- 
gationalism he  gives  his  readers  an  exhaustive  sketch  and  summary,  in 
detail  and  analysis,  of  all  the  facts  and  documents.  His  conclusion, 
which  cannot  be  hopefully  contested  or  invalidated,  is  that  they  were 
written  by  Barrow,  a  prisoner  in  the  Fleet,  and  carried  through  the  press 
by  the  agency  of  Penry.  Tliere  is  abundant  evidence  in  the  appearance, 
publication,  and  circulation  of  tracts  known  to  have  come  from  the  hands 
of  imprisoned  Puritans,  that  the  bars  of  jails  and  dungeons  offered  no 
sufficient  barriers  to  prevent  the  secret  intercourse  and  interchange  of  in- 
telligence between  those  whom  they  enclosed  and  friends  outside,  who 
dared  all  risks  in  their  zeal  and  fidelity. 

We  must  now  close  this  narration  of  the  issues  raised  in  the  Puritan 
controversy,  whether  by  Nonconformists  in  the  Church  or  by  Separatists 
withdrawing  from  it,  that  we  may  note  the  concentration  of  forces  and  wit- 
nesses which  were  drawn  together  in  assemblies  or  fellowships  prepared  in 
Old  England  to  transfer  and  establish  their  principles  in  New  England. 
Many  of  the  clergy  whose  views  and  sympathies  were  warmly  engaged  in 
the  further  work  of  reform  and  purification  within  the  Church,  and  who  at 
the  same  time  were  moderate  and  conciliatory  in  their  spirit,  contrived  to 
remain  in  their  parochial  fields,  perhaps  in  this  way  accomplishing  the  most 
for  all  that  was  reasonable  and  good  in  the  cause  which  they  had  at  heart. 
When  occasionally  molested  or  challenged,  they  might  contrive  to  make 
their  peace.     But  the  crisis  and  its  demands  called  —  as  has  always  been  the 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  239 

case  in  such  intense  agitations  of  religious  passions  —  for  patient,  steadfast, 
and  resolute  witnesses  in  suffering,  for  those  who  should  be  hounded  and 
tracked  by  judicial  processes,  who  should  be  deprived  of  subsistence  and 
liberty,  and  be  ready  not  only  for  being  hidden  away  in  prisons  or  exiled 
beyond  the  seas,  but  for  pubhc  execution  as  martyrs.  The  emergency  of 
time  and  occasion  found  such  as  these ;  and  it  was  of  such  as  these  that 
there  were  men  and  women  in  training  for  wilderness  work  on  this  soil. 
And  the  combination  of  materials  and  persons  was  precisely  such  as  would 
meet  the  exactions  of  such  an  enterprise.  There  were  university  men, 
scholars,  doctors  in  divinity,  practised  disputants  in  their  cherished  lore, 
and  with  gifts  of  zeal,  fervor,  and  tender  eloquence  in  discourse  and 
prayer.  There  were  gentry  likewise,  —  men  and  women  lifted  in  the  social 
scale,  with  furnishings  of  mind  and  worldly  goods.  To  these  were  joined, 
in  a  fellowship  which  equalized  many  distinctions,  yeomen,  small  traders, 
artisans,  and  some  of  every  place  and  grade,  save  the  low  or  mean  or  reck- 
less, in  the  make-up  of  the  population  of  the  realm.  Governor  Bradford 
says  that  the  first  Separatist  or  Independent  Church  in  England  was  that 
of  which  John  Rough,  the  minister,  and  Cuthbert  Symson,  the  deacon, 
were  burned  alive  by  Bonner,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary.  The  laborious 
and  faithful  pages  of  Dr.  Dexter,  in  his  Congregationalism,  must  be  closely 
studied  for  the  results  of  the  marvellous  diligence  and  keen  research  by 
which  he  has  traced  every  vestige,  memorial,  and  testimony  that  can  throw 
light  on  the  little  assemblies  of  those  outlawed  Puritans.  It  is  a  curious 
and  engaging  occupation  in  our  peaceful  and  lethargic  times  of  religious 
ease,  to  scan  the  make-up,  the  spirit,  and  methods  of  those  humble  assem.- 
blies  in  their  lurking-places,  private  houses,  barns,  or  the  open  fields,  fre- 
quently changing  their  appointments  under  risks  from  spies  and  tipstaves, 
with  their  secret  code  of  signals  for  communicating  intelligence.  Their 
religious  exercises  were  of  the  intensest  earnestness,  and  above  all  things 
stimulating.  Their  conferences  about  order  and  discipline  bristled  with 
indlvidualisms  and  scruples.  Many  of  these  assemblies  might  soon  resolve 
themselves  into  constituencies  of  single  .members.  There  was  scarce  one 
of  those  assemblies,  either  in  England  or  in  exile  on  the  Continent,  that 
did  not  part  into  two  or  three.  There  was  a  stern  necessity  which  com- 
pelled variance  and  dissension  among  the  members.  They  had  in  hand 
the  Bible,  and  each  was  trying  what  he  could  draw  out  of  it,  as  an  oracle 
and  a  rule.  They  had  to  devise,  discuss,  and  if  possible  agree  upon  and 
enforce  ways  of  church  order  and  discipline,  a  form  of  worship,  rules  of 
initiation  into  church  membership,  of  suspension,  expulsion,  and  restora- 
tion. It  was  brain  work,  heart  work,  and  soul  work  with  them.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  reduce  to  any  exact  statements  the  numbers  of  persons,  or 
even  of  what  may  in  a  loose  sense  be  called  assemblies,  of  Nonconformists 
or  Separatists  who  remained  in  England,  or  who  were  in  refuge  on  the 
Continent  at  the  period  just  preceding  the  colonization  of  New  England. 
What  was  called  the  Millenary  Petition,  which  was  presented  to  James  I., 


240  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

as  he  came  in  from  Scotland,  was  claimed  to  represent  at  least  eight 
hundred  Nonconforming  ministers. 

The  way  is  now  open  for  connecting  the  principles  and  fortunes  of 
the  earnest  and  proscribed  class  of  religious  men,  whose  course  has  been 
thus  traced  in  England  and  Holland,  with  the  enterprise  of  colonization 
in  New  England.  It  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that,  dating^  from  the 
time  and  the  incident  referred  to  in  the  opening  of  this  chapter,  such  an 
enterprise  was  latent  in  conception  or  desire  in  the  thoughts  of  many 
as  a  possible  alternative  for  the  near  future.  A  resolve  or  purpose  or 
effort  of  such  a  nature  as  this  involves  much  brooding  over  by  indi- 
viduals, much  private  communing,  balancing  of  circumstances,  conditions, 
gains,  and  losses,  and  an  estimate  of  means  and  resources,  with  an  eye 
towards  allowance  by  a  governmental  or  noble  patronage,  or  at  least  to 
security  in  the  venture.  We  have  but  fragmentary  and  scattered  informa- 
tion as  to  all  these  preliminaries  to  the  emigration.  We  must  trace  them 
backward  from  the  completion  to  the  initiation  of  the  enterprise. 

And  here  is  the  point  at  which  we  should  define  to  ourselves,  as  in- 
telligently and  fairly  as  we  can  from  our  abounding  authentic  sources  of 
information,  precisely  what  was  the  influence  or  agency  of  religion  in  the 
first  emigration  to  New  England.  We  are  familiar  with  the  oft-reiterated 
and  positive  statement,  that  the  enterprise  would  neither  have  been  un- 
dertaken, nor  persisted  in,  nor  led  on  to  success,  had  not  religion  furnished 
its  mainspring,  its  guiding  motive,  and  the  end  aimed  at,  to  be  in  degree 
realized. 

tWe  may  safely  commit  ourselves  to  these  assertions,  that  religion  was 
the  master-motive  and  object^of  the  most  earnest  and  ablest  leaders  of  the 
.emigration  ;  that  they  felt  this  motive  more  deeply  and  with  more  of  single- 
ness of  purpose  than  they  always  avowed,  as  their  circumstances  compelled 
them  to  take  into  view  sublunary  objects  of  trade  and  subsistence  which 
would  engage  to  them  needful  help  and  resources ;  and  that  some  of  these 
secondary  objects  very  soon  qualified  and  impaired  the  paramount  import- 
ance of  the  primary  one.  I  am  l^d  to  make  this  allowance  of  exception  as 
to  the  occasional  reserve  in  the  avowal  of  an  exclusively  religious  motive, 
because  of  a  fact  which  must  impress  the  careful  student  of  their  history 
and  fortunes  for  the  first  hundred  years.  That  fact  is,  that  in  multitudes 
of  occasional  utterances,  sermons,  journals,  and  historical  sketches,  many 
of  the  descendants  of  the  first  comers  laid  more  exclusive  and  emphatic 
.stress  upon  the  prime  agency  of  religion  in  the  enterprise  than  did  the  first 
movers  in  it.  When  ministers  and  magistrates  in  after  years  uttered  their 
frequent  and  sombre  laments  over  the  degeneracy  of  the  times,  the  decay 
of  zeal  and  godliness,  and  the  falling  from  the  first  love,  the  refrain  always 
was  found  in  extolling  the  one,  single,  supreme  aim  of  the  fathers  as  that 
of  pure  piety.  The  pages  of  Cotton  Mather's  Magnalia  and  of  his  tracts 
of  memorial,  rebuke,  and  exhortation,  and  the  Centi^ry  Serino7i  of  Foxcroft, 
.    minister  of  the  First  Church,  are  specimens  of  masses  of  such  matter  in  our 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT   IN   NEW   ENGLAND.  241 

old  cabinets  pitched  in  that  tone.  Nor  need  we  conclude  that,  as  a  general 
rule,  the  most  fervent  of  those  laments  or  the  most  positive  of  those  state- 
ments were  exaggerated.  Only  what  such  writers  and  speakers  recognized 
as  the  degeneracy  of  their  own  later  times,  must  be  traced  to  seeds  and 
agencies  which  came  in  with  the  most  select  fellowship  of  the  fathers 
themselves.  We  cannot  go  so  far  as  to  claim  that  the  whole  aim,  the! 
all-including  purpose  of  every  member,  or  of  even  of  a  majority  of  the 
colonists,  was  religion,  after  the  pattern  of  that  of  the  leaders,  or  of  any 
style  of  religion.  But  we  have  to  conclude  that  the  smaller  the  number 
of  those  among  whom  we  concentrate  the  religious  fervor  in  its  supreme/ 
sway,  the  more  intensified  must  have  been  its  power  to  have  enabled  them,| 
as  It  did,  to  give  direction  to  the  whole  enterprise.  And  this  was  not  only 
true  at  the  first,  but  proportionately  so  as  the  original  centre  of  that  enter- 
prise for  a  long  period  sent  ofi*  its  radii  successively  to  new  settlements  in 
the  woods.  There  were  always  found  men  and  women  enough  to  copy  the 
original  pattern  and  to  keep  the  motive  force  in  action.  Sir  Henry  Maine 
does  not  state  the  whole  of  the  truth  when  he  writes  thus :  ''  The  earliest 
English  emigrants  to  North  America,  who  belonged  principally  to  the  class 
of  yeomanry,  organized  themselves  in  village  communities  for  purposes  of 
cultivation."  ^ 

The  stream  of  exile  to  New  England  in  the  interest  of  religion  was  first 
parted  into  one  small  and  one  large  rill,  which,  however,  soon  flowed  to- 
gether and  assimilated,  as  it  appeared  that  they  started  substantially  from 
the  same  source,  with  similar  elements,  and  found  more  that  was  congenial 
than  discordant  in  their  qualities.  The  company  of  exiles  whom  residence 
in  Holland,  w4th  its  attendant  influences  and  results,  had  confirmed  and 
stiffened  in  their  original  principles  of  rigid  Separatism,  had  the  start  by 
nearly  a  decade  of  years  in  transferring  themselves  to  Plymouth.  Their 
fortunes  are  traced  in  the  next  chapter. 

The  colonists  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  those  who,  in  substantial  ^ 
accord  with  them,  struck  into  several  other  settlements  in  the  wilderness 
of  New  England,  were  mainly  those  who  in  the  land  of  their  birth  had 
remained  steadfast  to  their  principles  of  Nonconformity,  and  who  had 
borne  the  penalties  of  them  when  avowed  and  put  in  practice.  They 
had  not  turned  in  disdain  and  temper  from  the  institution  which  they 
called  their  ''mother  church."  Their  divided  relation  to  it  they  res^arded 
as  rather  caused  by  such  harsh  conditions  as  exrlnHpH  them  ffnrp  its 
privileges  than  by  any  wilfulness  or  hostility  of  their  Q,wn.  They  pro- 
fessecl  that  rhey  stilt — cluil^'  lb  its  breast,  and  wished  to  be  nourished 
from  it.  It  was  not  strange,  however,  that  partial  alienation  should,  under 
favoring  opportunities,  widen  and  stiffen  into  seeming  antagonism  to  it. 
They  regarded  themselves  as  having  been  subjected  to  pains  and  penal-( 
ties  because  of  their  protest  against  objectionable  and  harmful,  as  well 
as  unscriptural,  exactions  in  its  discipline  and  ceremonial.     So  they  were 

1  Village  Communities,  p.  201. 
VOL.    HI.  —  31.  ^iiiiiii 

•Tn  B  R  A  ^7" 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


242  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

I  content  to  be  known  as  Nonconformists,  but  repelled  the  charge  of  being 
Separatists.  They  kept  alive  a  lingering  tenderness,  in  a  reminder  of 
their  early  membership  and  later  disturbed  affiliation  with  it.  Some  few 
of  the  sterner  spirits  among  them — and  Roger  Williams  was  such,  as  he 
appeared  here  in  his  youth — demanded  a  penitential  avowal  of  sin  from 
Winthrop's  company,  on  account  of  their  having  once  been  in  fellowship 
with  the  English  Church.  An  agitation  also  arose  upon  the  question 
whether  the  members  of  the  Boston  Church,  who  on  visits  to  the  old 
home  occasionally  conformed,  should  not  be  put  under  discipline  on 
their  return  here.  Happily  the  dispute  was  disposed  of  by  forbearance 
and  charity. 

Still,  while  there  was  a  slight  manifestation  at  first  of  an  antipathy  or 
a  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  Nonconformists  at  the  Bay  of  being  in  any 
way  confounded  with  the  Separatists  at  Plymouth,  there  never  was  a  breach 
or  even  a  controversy,  beyond  that  of  a  friendly  discussion,  between  them ; 
and  there  is  something  well-nigh  amusing,  as  well  as  interesting,  in  follow- 
ing the  quaint  narration  ^  of  the  establishment  of  immediate  harmony  and 
accord  between  their  respective  church  ways.  Endicott's  little  company 
at  Salem,  heralding  the  great  emigration  to  the  Bay,  "  entered  into  church 
estate  "  in  August,  1629,  having  sought  what  we  should  now  call  the  advice, 
help,  and  sympathy  of  their  Plymouth  brethren.  This  fellowship  was  ex- 
tended through  Governor  Bradford  and  other  delegates,  and  the  example 
was  afterward  followed  in  like  recognition  of  other  churches.  The  cove- 
nanted members  of  the  Salem  Church  ordained  their  pastor  and  teacher, 
notwithstanding  that  they  had  previously  been  under  the  hands  of  a  bishop. 
It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  the  church  was  to  be  emphatically  Noncon- 
formist. Two  brothers  Brown,  at  Salem,  set  up  separate  worship  by  the 
Common  Prayer.  On  being  ''  convented  "  belfore  the  Governor,  his  Council 
'  and  the  ministers,  and  accusing  the  church  of  Separatism,  they  were  told 
that  the  members  did  not  wish  to  be  Separatists,  but  were  simply  Non- 
conformists with  the  corruptions  of  the  Church ;  and  that  having  suffered 
much  for  their  principles,  and  being  now  in  a  free  place,  they  were  deter- 
mined to  be  rid  of  Common  Prayer  and  ceremonial.^ 
*•  The  First  Boston  Church,  in  1630,  was  organized  under  its  covenant,  with 
its  appointed  and  ordained  teacher,  ruling  elder,  and  deacons.  In  ten  years 
after  the  landing  at  Plymouth  there  were  five  churches  after  this  pattern, 
and  in  twenty  years  thirty-five,  in  New  England. 

This  instantaneous  abandonment,  as  it  may  be  called,  of  everything  in 
the  institution  of  a  church,  followed  by  an  immediate  disuse  of  everything 
in  ceremonial  and  worship  in  the  English  usage  which  the  Nonconformists 
had  scrupled  at  home,  is  of  itself  very  suggestive,  even  in  the  first  aspect 
of  it.  Followed  into  detail,  it  presents  some  surprises  and  very  rich  instruc- 
tion. In  full  result,  it  exhibits  to  us  principles  and  institutions  in  the  highest 
interests  of  religion,  in  civil,  social,  and  domestic  life,  which  had  been  repu- 

1  In  Morton's  New  England  Memorial.  2  Morton,  p.  76. 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  243 

diated  and  put  under  severe  penalties  in  England,  crossing  the  ocean  to 
plant  themselves  in  a  wilderness  for  the  training  and  guidance  of  successive 
generations  of  men  and  women  in  freedom,  virtue,  piety,  worldly  thrift,  and 
every  form  of  prosperity.  There  must  have  been  nobleness  in  those  princi- 
ples, as  well  as  in  the  men  and  women  who  suffered  for  them,  put  them  on 
trial,  and  led  them  to  triumph. 

The  work  of  preference,  of  conviction  and  conscience,  had  been  wrought 
in  behalf  of  those  principles,  in  old  English  homes  and  byways,  in  humble 
conventicles,  in  fireside  and  wayside  musings  and  conferences.  Enough 
persons  had  been  brought  to  be  of  one  mind,  purpose,  and  resolve,  in 
the  spirit  of  a  determined  heroism,  to  make  a  beginning  of  such  a  sort 
that  it  would  be  more  than  half  of  the  accomplished  work.  There  may 
have  been  debates,  warm  variances,  hesitations,  and  conciliatory  methods  . 
used  among  those  who  entered  into  covenant  as  the  First  Church  of  Bos-  '^•►^ 
ton.  If  there  were  such,  we  know  nothing  of  them.  There  is  no  surviv- 
ing record  or  intimation  of  them.  The  pattern  and  model  which  the 
exiled  colonists  followed,  needed  no  study  or  shaping  on  the  wilderness  soil. 
It  was  an  old-home  product.  What  might  seem  to  be  extemporized  work 
was  prepared  work.  It  was  as  if  they  had  brought  over  timbers  cut  in  their 
native  woods  all  framed  and  matched  for  setting  up  in  their  transferred 
home.  Their  initiated  teachers  had  been  ordained  by  Episcopal  hands. 
But  this  was  neither  help  nor  hindrance.  When  they  needed  more  and  new 
ones,  they  had  a  method  of  qualifying  them.  SurpHce,  tippet,  cap,  rochet, 
and  prayer-book  are  not  missed  or  mourned  over.  Simply  not  a  word  is 
said  about  them.  The  fabric  which  they  set  up  was  of  a  new  and  peculiar 
style.  No  !  They  would  not  have  owned  it  to  be  new ;  they  regarded  it  as 
the  oldest,  because  the  original,  —  that  which  was  estabhshed  by  the  first 
generation  of  the  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ. 

One  hundred  university  men  from  the  grand  old  nooks  and  shrines  of  con- 
secrated learning  in  Old  England  were  the  medium  for  the  "  Gospel  work  " 
in  New  England,  till  it  could  supply  its  needs  from  its  own  well-provided 
resources.  But  there  was  not  a  prelate  among  them.  English  magistrates 
of  various  grades  and  authority,  governors,  judges,  spies,  collectors,  and 
commissionaries  were  here  to  represent  the  mother  country,  till  she  became 
so  stingy  that  we  were  forced  to  wean  ourselves  from  her;  but  never  did  ani 
English  bishop  as  a  functionary  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  what  is  now  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States.  And  when  after  our  Revolution  the  virtue 
which  comes  from  episcopal  hands  was  communicated  to  the  possessors  of 
it  here,  it  had  parted  with  what  was  most  offensive  or  objectionable  in  its 
claim  or  efificacy  to  the  Old  and  the  New  English  Puritans.  Town  and 
rural  parishes,  colleges  and  schools,  had  the  faithful  services  of  that  hundred 
of  university  men.  For  a  long  time,  the  books  that  were  imported  here 
were  almost  exclusively  the  Puritan  literature  of  the  old  home,  and  had  a 
perceptible  influence  in  stiffening,  rather  than  relaxing,  the  stern  spirit  of 
Dissent,  and  throwing  new  vitality  into  the  hard  work  which  it  had  to  do  in 


244  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

the  wilderness.  One  consideration  of  the  highest  practical  weight  is  pre- 
sented to  us  in  the  fact  that  the  Puritanism  of  New  England  originated  and 
fostered  the  free  and  radically  working  instrumentalities  and  forces  which 
neutralized  its  own  errors,  restrained  its  own  bigotry  and  severity,  and 
compelled  it  to  develop  from  its  own  best  elements  something  better 
than  itself.  There  were  other  plantations  on  this  virgin  soil,  of  which 
religion  was  in  no  sense  the  master-impulse,  and  others  still  in  which  the 
mother  church  sought  to  direct  the  movement.  New  England  was  never 
affected  for  evil  or  for  good  by  them.  But  if  over  the  whole  land,  in 
radiations  or  percolations  of  influence,  the  leaven  of  any  one  section  of 
the  country  has  wrought  in  the  whole  of  it,  it  is  that  of  the  New  England 
Puritanism. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES    OF   INFORMATION. 

THE  original  authorities  and  sources  of  information,  in  manuscript  and  print,  relating 
to  the  agitations  and  controversies  arising  within  the  real  or  assumed  membership- 
of  the  Church  of  England  after  the  Reformation,  are  to  be  distinguished  into  two  great 
classes,  —  those  of  a  public  character,  as  records  of  the  proceedings  of  government,  of 
the  courts,  and  of  all  bodies  or  individuals  in  office  charged  with  authority  ;  and  those  of 
a  private  nature,  coming  from  voluntary  bodies,  or  from  single  members  of  them,  or  from- 
writers  and  authors  whose  works  were  published  after  the  usual  method,  or  sent  forth  and 
circulated  surreptitiously.  Both  these  classes  of  original  authorities,  constituting  to- 
gether an  enormous  mass  of  an  infinitely  varied  elementary  composition,  are  alike  widely 
scattered,  and,  so  far  as  they  have  not  been  gathered  into  local  repositories,  could  be- 
directly  consulted  only  by  one  whose  travel,  investigation,  and  research  were  of  the  most 
extended  comprehensiveness.  England,  Holland,  and  Switzerland  have  in  keeping  con- 
temporary records  and  documents  relating  to  minute  and  trivial,  or  to  most  important  and 
vital,  points  in  one  or  another  stage,  or  concerning  one  or  another  prime  party  in  the  con- 
troversy. Perhaps,  even  after  all  the  keen  investigation  and  diligent  toil  of  the  most 
recent  inquisitors,  such  original  papers  have  not  been  exhaustively  detected  and  ex- 
amined. But  one  who  is  familiar  with  the  stores  already  reported  to  us,  unless  his  taste- 
and  interest  in  them  run  to  morbidness,  will  hardly  desire  more  of  them.  It  is  certain 
that  whatever  obscurity  may  still  invest  any  incidental  point  in  the  controversy,  the  matter 
is  of  such  comparatively  slight  importance,  that  the  substance  and  details  of  any  informa- 
tion as  to  persons  or  events  which  may  be  lacking  to  us  would  hardly  qualify  the  general 
narratives  of  history. 

The  expense,  diligence,  and  intelligent  illustration  which  within  the  last  thirty  or  forty 
years  have  been  devoted  to  the  collection  and  arrangement  and  calendaring  of  such  masses 
of  the  State  and  other  public  papers  of  Great  Britain,  have  aided  as  well  as  prompted  the 
researches  of  those  who  have  been  zealous  to  trace  out  with  fidelity  and  accuracy  every 
stage,  and  the  character  and  course  of  each  one,  lofty  or  obscure,  as  an  actor  in  the  larger 
and  the  lesser  bearings  of  the  struggle  of  Nonconformity  and  Dissent.  As  a  general  state- 
ment, it  may  be  affirmed  that  the  developments  and  the  more  full  and  minute  information 
concerning  the  substance  and  phases  of  early  Puritanism,  as  they  have  been  studied  in 
the  mass  of  accumulated  documents,  have  set  forth  the  controversy  in  a  dignity  of  interest 
and  in  a  disclosure  of  its  vital  relations  to  all  theories  of  civil  government,  church  estab- 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  245 

lishments,  and  the  institutional  administration  of  religion,  far  more  fully  and  in  a  much 
more  comprehensive  view  than  was  recognized  by  contemporary  actors. 

There  are  two  extensive  and  exceedingly  rich  collections  of  tracts,  books,  and  manu- 
script documents  of  a  most  varied  character  well-preserved  and  easily  accessible  in  Lon- 
don, which  furnish  well-nigh  inexhaustible  materials  for  the  study  of  the  Puritan,  the 
Nonconformist,  and  the  Separatist  movements  in  all  their  phases.  One  of  these  is  in  the 
British  Museum,  the  other  in  Dr.  Williams's  Library.  In  the  times  with  which  we  are 
now  concerned,  the  motive,  perhaps  but  vaguely  comprehended  by  himself,  which  led 
George  Thomason  to  gather  his  marvellous  collection,  now  in  the  British  Museum,  would 
have  been  called  a  providential  prompting.  He  was  a  modest  man  in  private  life,  and, 
so  far  as  we  know,  took  no  part  in  public  agitations.  As  a  Royalist  bookseller,  at  "  The 
Rose  and  Crown,  in  St.  Paul's  Churchyard,"  he  had  opportunities  favoring  him  in  the 
scheme  which  he  undertook.  It  was  in  1641  that  he  began  a  laborious  enterprise,  and 
one  not  without  very  serious  risks  to  himself,  which  he  continued  to  pursue  till  just  before 
his  death  in  1666.  This  was  to  gather  up,  preserve,  and  bind  in  volumes,  —  though  with- 
out any  system  or  order  of  arrangement  except  chronological,  —  a  copy  of  each  of  the 
publications  in  tract,  or  pamphlet,  or  fly-leaf  form  which  appeared  from  the  press,  licensed 
or  surreptitiously  printed,  during  a  period  teeming  with  the  issue,  hke  the  dropping  of 
forest  leaves,  of  a  most  extraordinary  series  of  ephemeral  works,  quickened  widi  all  the 
vitality  of  those  times.  Though  he  began  his  collection  in  1641,  he  anticipated  that  date 
by  gathering  similar  publications  previous  to  it.  He  copied  during  Cromwell's  time  nearly 
a  hundred  manuscripts,  mainly  "  on  the  King's  side,  which  no  man  durst  venture  to  pub- 
lish here  without  the  danger  of  his  ruin."  He  took  pains  to  write  upon  most  of  the 
publications  the  date  of  its  appearance,  and  when  anonymous,  the  name  of  its  author  if 
he  could  ascertain  it.  Besides  the  risks  of  fire  and  the  burden  of  such  a  mass  of  ma- 
terials filling  his  house  from  cellar  to  garret,  this  zealous  collector  exposed  himself  to 
severe  penalties  from  the  authorities  on  either  side  of  the  great  civil  and  religious  conflict. 
He  was  compelled  once  at  least  to  remove  his  collection  to  a  safe  hiding-place.  It  fills 
now  2,220  volumes,  and  counts  to  34,000  separate  publications,  from  folio  downward.  It 
is  difficult  to  say  what  may  not  be  found  there,  and  nearly  as  difficult  to  find  exactly  what 
one  wishes.  After  various  exposures  through  which  the  collection  passed  safely,  it  now 
rests  in  the  British  Museum,  under  the  general  title  of  the  "  King's  Pamphlets,"  having 
been  purchased  and  presented  by  King  George  III.  in  1762,  at  a  cost  of  ;^300.  A  mine 
of  most  curious  matter  is  there  ready  for  search  on  every  subject,  serious  or  comic,  sacred 
or  secular,  illustrative  of  high  and  low  life  during  the  period.  Probably  the  two  most 
zealous  delvers  in  that  mine  for  its  best  uses  have  been  Professor  Masson,  for  the  purpose 
of  The  Life  of  John  Milton  :  narrated  in  connexion  with  the  Political,  Ecclesiastical,  and 
Literary  History  of  his  Time,  in  six  volumes ;  and  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  in  his  Congre- 
gationalism of  the  Last  Three  Hundred  Years,  etc  Both  authors  have  turned  these 
pamphlets  to  the  best  account  in  clearing  obscurities  or  filHng  gaps  in  the  history  or 
writings  of  men  prominent  in  the  cause  of  Nonconformity. 

The  other  comprehensive  and  extensive  collection  of  pamphlets,  volumes,  and  original 
papers  for  illustrating  the  whole  history  of  Puritanism  and  Dissent,  is  in  what  is  known 
as  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  in  London.  Dr.  Daniel  Williams,  an  eminent  Presbyterian 
divine,  possessed  of  means,  had  purchased  the  library  of  the  famous  Dr.  William  Bates. 
Adding  to  it  from  his  own  resources,  he  founded  in  1716  the  library  which  bears  his  name, 
committing  it,  with  a  sum  of  money  for  a  building  (to  which  additions  were  made  by  a 
subscription),  to  the  hands  of  trustees  in  succession.  The  library  edifice  —  long  standing 
in  Red-Cross  Street,  now  removed  to  Grafton  Street  —  has  been  ever  since  a  favorite  place 
for  the  assembling  of  meetings  and  committees  in  the  Dissenting  interest  (of  late  years 
Presbyterians  and  Unitarians  acceding  to  their  trust),  for  the  transaction  of  business,  for 
preparing  addresses  to  successive  sovereigns,  and  managing  their  cause  in  Parliament. 
Those  who  in  former  years  have  sat  in  one  of  the  ancient  chairs  of  the  library  in  Red-Cross 


246  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Street  have  hardly  escaped  feeling  profoundly  the  influence  of  the  place  and  of  its  associa- 
tions,—  the  walls  hung  with  the  portraits  of  venerable  divines  and  scholars  learned  in  all 
ancient  lore  ;  the  cabinets  filled  with  laboriously  wrought  manuscripts,  histories,  diaries, 
and  letters,  some  of  them  dating  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  ;  the  crowded 
shelves  of  fohos  and  smaller  tractates  composed  of  brain-work  and  patient  toil,  without 
the  facihties  of  modern  research  and  study,  and  the  many  relics  and  memorials  connected 
with  the  daily  ministerial  and  domestic  life  of  men  of  self-denying  and  honorable 
service.  Harvard  College  holds  and  administers  a  fund  of  over  sixteen  thousand  dollars, 
left  by  Dr.  Williams  in  171 1,  as  a  trust  for  the  benefit  of  the  aborigines. 

Here  is  the  fitting  place  for  appropriate  and  most  grateful  mention  of  the  results  of  a 
labor  of  devoted  zeal  and  love  given  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter,  D.D.,  to  the 
historic  memorial  of  a  cause  of  which  he  inherits  the  full  spirit,  and  in  the  service  of 
which  he  has  spent  his  mature  hfe.  It  may  safely  be- said  that  not  a  single  person,  at 
least  of  those  born  on  the  soil  of  New  England,  of  the  lineage  of  the  Fathers  has  so 
"  magnified  "  their  cause  and  work  as  he  has  done.  Holding  with  such  a  rooted  conviction. 
as  is  his,  that  the  Congregational  polity  of  the  Christian  Church  has  the  warrant  of  Scrip- 
ture and  of  the  Primitive  Church,  and  that  it  best  serves  the  sacred  interests  of  soul- 
freedom  and  of  associated  religion  in  its  institutions,  works,  and  influence,  the  earhest 
witnesses,  confessors,  and  martyrs  in  its  behalf  have  seemed  to  him  worthy  of  the  most 
lavish  labor  for  their  commemoration.  Repeatedly  has  he  crossed  the  seas  and  phed  his 
most  diligent  scrutiny  of  tracing  and  searching,  as  he  got  the  scent  of  some  tract  or 
record  in  its  hiding-place  of  private  cabinet  or  dim  old  parchment.  With  hardly  eye  or 
thought  for  the  usual  attractions  of  foreign  travel,  his  valuable  leisure  has  been  spent  in 
following  any  clew  which  promised  him  even  the  slightest  aid  to  clearing  an  obscure 
point,  or  setting  right  a  disputed  fact,  or  completing  our  information  on  any  serious 
matter  relating  to  the  early  history  of  what  is  now  represented  by  Congregationalism. 
The  Introduction  to  his  volume,  The  Congregationalisjn  of  the  last  Three  Hundred 
Years,  as  seen  in  its  Literature,  with  Special  Reference  to  Certain  Recondite,  Neglected, 
or  Disputed  Passages^  tells  in  a  vigorous  and  hearty  tone  what  was  his  aim,  his  course, 
and  its  method. 

The  principal  text  of  his  volume  disposes  the  treatment  of  his  subject  under  twelve 
lectures,  delivered  by  the  author  in  the  Theological  Seminary  at  Andover,  in  1 876-1 879. 
This  text  is  elaborately  illustrated  by  notes,  with  references  and  extracts,  largely  drawn 
from  the  recondite  sources  and  the  depositories  already  referred  to.  The  author  is  careful 
to  authenticate  all  his  statements  from  prime  authorities  ;  and  where  obscurity  or  conflict 
of  views  or  of  evidence  adduced  makes  it  necessary,  his  patience  and  candor  give  weight 
to  his  judgment  or  decision.  The  extraordinary  and  unique  element  of  his  work  is  pre- 
sented in  his  Collections  towards  a  Bibliography  of  Congregationalism,  which  with  the 
Index  to  its  titles  covers  more  than  three  hundred  royal  octavo  pages,  in  close  type. 
This  contains  an  enumeration  of  7,250  titles  of  publications,  from  folios  down  to  a  few 
leaves,  dating  between  the  years  1546  and  1879,  which  have  even  the  slightest  relation  in 
contents,  authorship,  or  purpose  with  the  most  comprehensive  bearings  of  his  subject 
in   its  historical  development. 

I  have  mentioned  this  elaborate  work  among  the  primary,  instead  of  classing  it  with 
the  secondary,  sources  of  information  on  the  history  of  Nonconformity,  because  it  is 
something  more  than  a  link  between  the  two.  It  takes  its  flavor  from  the  past.  Its 
abounding  extracts  from  the  quaint  writings,  and  its  portraitures  and  relations  of  the 
experiences,  of  the  old-time  worthies  transfer  us  to  their  presence,  make  us  sharers  of 
their  buffeted  fortunes  and  listeners  to  their  living  speech.  The  work  may  be  regarded 
as  a  summary  of  monumental  memorials,  more  frank  and  true  than  are  such  generally  on 
stone  or  brass  of  those  who  fought  a  good  fight  and  trusted  in  promises. 

1  New  York,  1880. 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  247 

The  natural  desire  of  a  dispassionate  reader  of  the  original  documents  dealing  with 
the  heats  of  the  Puritan  controversy,  or  pursuing  it  in  the  pages  of  historians  who  may- 
relate  it  either  with  a  partisan  or  an  impartial  spirit,  is  that  he  might  have  before  him  the 
words  and  impressions  of  some  contemporary  or  observer  of  profound  wisdom  and  of 
well-balanced  judgment,  as  he  viewed  this  turmoil  of  affairs.  The  nearest  approach  made 
to  the  gratification  of  this  wish  is  found  in  two  brief  but  very  comprehensive  essays 
from  the  pen  of  the  great  Lord  Bacon,  as  with  an  evident  serenity  and  poise  of  spirit  he 
studied  the  scenes  before  him,  and  the  characters,  aims,  excesses,  and  shortcomings  of 
the  various  actors,  monarchs,  prelates,  zealots,  enthusiasts,  and  earnest,  however  ill- 
judging,  extremists  on  either  side.  The  first  of  these  essays  in  publication,  whenever  it 
may  have  been  written,  is  entitled  Certain  Considerations  touching  the  better  Pacification 
and  Edification  of  the  Church  of  England.  The  date  of  its  imprint  is  1640.  But  in  this 
reference  is  made,  in  the  address  to  King  James,  to  an  earlier  essay,  which  appeared 
anonymously  with  the  imprint  of  1641,  under  the  title  of  An  Advertisement  touching  the 
Controversies  of  the  Church  of  England.  This  was  evidently  written  in  the  time  of 
Elizabeth.  In  it.  Bacon  sagaciously  traces  the  origin  of  the  controversy  to  four  main 
springs,  —  namely,  the  offering  and  the  accepting  occasions  for  variance  ;  the  extending  and 
multiplying  them  ;  passionate  and  unbrotherly  proceedings  on  both  parts,  and  the  recourse 
on  either  side  to  a  stiffer  union  among  its  members,  heightening  the  distraction.  His 
most  severe  stricture  is  upon  the  Church,  for  its  harsh  measures,  as  the  strife  advanced,  in 
enforcing  with  penalties  what  had  previously  been  allowed  to  be  matters  of  indifference, 
thus  driving  some  discontents  into  a  banded  sect.  He  regards  it  as  a  grave  error  that 
some  of  the  English  Church  zealots  had  spoken  contemptuously  of  foreign  Protestant 
Churches.  Though  Bacon  affirms  that  he  is  himself  no  party  to  the  strife,  and  aims 
only  for  an  impartial  arbitration  in  it,  his  judgment  and  sympathy  evidently  incline 
him  to  the  Puritan  side  as  against  the  bishops.  A  fair-minded  Puritan  of  the  time 
might  well  have  contented  himself  with  this  wise  man's  statement  of  his  side  and  cause. 
Of  the  second  of  these  essays,  it  being  addressed  to  King  James  on  his  accession,  it 
may  be  said  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  piece  of  writing  of  equal  compass,  on 
the  themes  with  which  it  deals,  more  crowded  with  sound,  solid  good  sense,  better  bal- 
anced in  its  allowances  and  limitations,  more  moderate,  judicious,  and  practical  in  its 
principles,  or  more  likely  to  harmonize  all  reasonable  differences,  and  to  repress  and 
discountenance  extreme  and  perverse  individualisms.  Bacon  justifies  innovations  and 
reconstructions.  He  tells  the  King  that  the  opening  of  his  reign  is  the  opportune  time 
for  making  them.  He  protests  against  modelling  all  reformation  after  one  pattern.  Then 
he  utters  words  of  eminent  wisdom  about  the  government  of  bishops,  about  the  liturgy, 
ceremonies,  and  subscription,  about  a  preaching  ministry,  the  abuse  of  excommunication, 
and  about  non-residence,  pluraHties,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  ministry.  Here,  again, 
moderate  men  of  both  parties  might  well  have  been  content  with  the  great  philosopher's 
judgment. 

Documents  in  Foreign  Repositories.  —  In  connection  with  the  exile  of  so  many 
prelates,  clergy,  and  other  members  of  the  English  Church  on  the  accession  of  Queen 
Mary  in  1553,  the  relations  established  between  them  and  many  eminent  Reformers  on  the 
Continent  resulted  in  the  production  of  a  large  number  of  documents  of  the  highest  his- 
torical authenticity  and  value,  as  throwing  fight  upon  the  aims  and  methods  of  the  Puritans 
in  England  during  the  whole  period  from  1553  to  1602.  Several  of  these  exiles  settled  at 
Zurich,  and  there  formed  intimate  friendships  with  many  magistrates  and  ministers  of  the 
Reformed  religion.  On  the  return  of  the  exiles,  on  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  many  of 
them  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  their  friends.  The  letters  have  been  pre- 
served in  the  archives  of  Zurich,  and  it  has  been  only  within  the  last  forty  years  that  the 
wealth  of  information  in  them  has  been  revealed  in  England.  There  are  nearly  two 
hundred  folio  volumes  of  these  letters.     Strype  and  Burnet  had  obtained  copies  of  some 


248  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

of  them,  which  they  put  to  use  in  their  histories. ^  A  descendant  of  one  of  the  Swiss 
correspondents  had  before  1788  copied  eighteen  thousand  of  the  letters  with  his  own  hand, 
arranged  chronologically.  In  1845  and  1846,  "The  Par]<:er  Society"  in  England  pub- 
lished,^ in  four  octavo  volumes,  a  large  number  of  these  "  Zurich  Letters,"  translated  and 
carefully  edited,  with  annotations.  The  general  titles  are  The  Zurich  Letters^  cotnprising 
the  Correspondence  of  Several  English  Bishops,  and  Others,  with  Some  of  the  Helvetian 
Reformers,  during  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIII.,  Edward  VI.,  and  Queens  Mary  and  Eliza- 
beth. In  the  collection  are  several  letters  to  royal  personages.  One  of  these,  by  Rodolph 
Gualter,  who  in  his  youth  had  resided  at  Oxford,  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  dated  Zurich, 
Jan.  16,  1559,  is  a  long  epistle,  written  in  a  dignified,  courteous  and  earnest  strain,  counsel- 
ling the  Queen  to  have  two  things  in  her  supreme  regard  :  "  First,  that  every  reformation 
of  the  Church  and  of  rehgion  be  conducted  agreeably  to  the  Word  of  God  ; "  and  second, 
that  she  restrain  her  counsellors  from  hindering  or  reversing  the  good  work.  Better  than 
from  the  best-digested  pages  of  history,  one  may  learn  from  these  fresh  and  admirable 
letters,  down  to  the  most  minute  detail  and  incident,  the  cross-workings,  the  entangle- 
ments, the  progressive  advance,  the  obstructions,  the  retrograde  and  opposing  forces  and 
influences  connected  with  the  oscillations  of  the  reform  in  England.  Nowhere  else  in  our 
abounding  literature  on  the  subject  are  the  Puritans  and  Nonconformists  presented  more 
faithfully  and  intelligently  in  their  conscientious,  scrupulous,  and  certainly  well-meant 
efforts,  within  the  Church  itself,  to  have  its  institutions,  ceremonial,  and  discipline  disposed 
after  a  pattern  which  should  have  regard  equally  to  discountenance  the  impositions  and 
superstitions  of  the  Papal  system,  which  had  been  nominally  renounced,  and  to  make  the 
purified  Church  a  power  to  advance  the  best  interests  of  true  religion.  The  intelligent 
American  visitor  to  Zurich,  if  his  attention  is  drawn  to  this  highly  valued  and  admirably 
arranged  collection  in  its  library,  can  hardly  fail  of  the  impression  that  he  has  before  him 
most  sincere  evidences  of  the  depth  of  thought  and  the  nobleness  of  spirit  of  men  who 
were  working  out  the  principles  of  wisdom  and  righteousness. 

Considering  the  influence  exerted  upon  some  of  the  EngHsh  Puritans  by  their  res- 
idence on  the  Continent,  and  their  frequent  reference  afterward  to  the  different  ecclesi- 
astical system  and  discipline  adopted  there,  an  interesting  phase  of  the  controversy  is 
presented  in  the  two  following  works.  At  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Dr. 
William  Nichols,  —  as  he  says,  at  the  prompting  of  others,  though,  it  was  intimated, 
of  his  own  motion,  —  wrote  a  Defence  of  the  Doctrine  a?id  Discipline  of  the  Church  of 
England,  addressed  especially  to  foreign  divines  and  churches.  This  was  replied  to  by 
James  Peirce  in  his  Vindication  of  the  Dissenters ;  or,  an  Appeal  to  Foreign  Divines y 
Professors,  and  all  other  Learned  Men  of  the  Reformed  Religion.  In  this  volume,  origi- 
nally written  and  published  in  Latin,  afterward  translated  by  the  author  and  published  in 
English,  there  is  in  the  main  a  thorough  and  candid  review  of  the  rise  and  the  conduct  of 
the  cause  of  Nonconformity,  and  a  searching  examination  of  the  principles  of  the  Church 
of  England.  Peirce  quotes  with  care  the  original  authorities,  and  puts  them  to  a  good 
use.  He  follows  the  history  into  the  fortunes  of  those  who  had  taken  refuge  and  estab- 
lished their  religion  in  New  England,  and  while  he  says  he  differs  with  Mr.  Cotton,  of 
Boston,  "  in  many  of  his  opinions,"  defends  him  and  all  the  "  Independents  "  from  the 
charge  of  being  "  Brownists." 

The  historians  Bancroft  and  Motley  and  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  have,  after  diligent 
research  in  Holland,  discovered  many  little  scraps  of  curious  information  relating  to  the 

1  The   works   of  John   Strype  include  His-  Gilbert  Burnet's  History  of  the  Reformation 

torical  Memorials,  six  volumes ;    Annals  of  the  of  the  Church  of  Englajtd  was  originally  pub- 

Reformation,  seven  volumes  ;   and  his  Lives  of  lished  in  London  in  three  volumes  in  1679,  1681, 

Cranmer,    Parker,  Whitgift,  Grindall,    Aylmer,  and    17 15.      There  have  been  various  editions 

Cheke,  and  Smith,  published  at  Oxford,  18 12-  since. 

i828,which  should  be  accompanied  by  a  (7^«<?ra/  2  University   Press,    Cambridge.      Cf.    Tht 

Index,  by  R.  T.  Lawrence,  in  two  volumes.  Zurich  Letters. 


4 
THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  249 

residence,  mode  of  life,  social  and  domestic  experiences,  and  way  of  conducting  their 
religious  affairs,  of  the  earliest  English  exiles  there  associated  in  churches  and  assem- 
blies. These  slight  memorials  indicate  that  the  Puritans  and  Separatists  in  refuge  there, 
though  their  circumstances  were  modest,  if  not  obscure,  were  respected  for  their  characters 
and  for  the  sincerity  of  their  purposes.  They  found  conveniences  from  the  presses  in 
Holland  for  putting  into  print  their  own  fertile  productions  in  the  setting  forth  of  their 
principles,  while  the  busy  commerce  between  the  ports  of  Holland  and  those  of  England 
and  Scotland  furnished  ready  means  for  conveying  these  publications,  as  well  as  private 
letters,  secretly  and  surreptitiously  if  it  were  necessary,  to  the  safe  hands  of  friends.  Nor, 
if  the  occasion  was  urgent,  would  one  of  these  refugees  hesitate,  taking  in  his  hands  the 
risk  of  his  liberty  or  life,  to  pass  the  seas  on  some  secret  errand  in  his  own  behalf  or  in 
the  interest  of  his  fellows.  Such  scraps  of  information  from  Dutch  repositories  as  the 
explorers  above  named  have  gathered  have  all  been  duly  valued  as  filling  gaps  in  our 
previous  knowledge,  or  clearing  up  some  obscure  passages.  The  results  have  been  so 
gratefully  recognized  and  at  once  incorporated  in  the  many  modern  rehearsals  of  the 
old  history,  that  they  need  not  be  referred  to  more  specifically  here.^ 

English  Authorities.  —  All  such  periods  of  intense  controversy  and  struggle  upon 
themes  of  the  highest  concern  to  man,  as  that  of  the  internal  commotions  in  England  imme- 
diately following  and  consequent  upon  the  Reformation,  leave  behind  them  some  memorial 
in  literature  of  so  conspicuous  and  rare  an  excellence  as  to  insure  perpetual  freshness,  and 
to  acquire  interest  and  attractions  even  beyond  that  of  the  particular  subject  with  which  it 
deals.  When  the  Press  in  such  periods  is  pouring  its  outflow  of  ephemeral  tracts  and 
books,  vigorous,  intense,  effective,  as  they  may  be  for  a  temporary  end  or  for  the  circle  of 
a  sect  or  party,  genius  or  scholarly  culture,  or  a  philosophical  and  comprehensive  spirit, 
penetrating  below  the  surface  and  rising  above  the  details  of  a  controversy,  will  engage 
itself  upon  the  product  of  what  we  call  an  immortal  work.  Such  a  work^  is  that  which 
came  from  the  pen  of  "the  judicious  Hooker,"  —  Richard  by  baptismal  name.  His  eight 
books  constitute  one  of  the  richest  classics  of  the  English  tongue.  It  finds  delighted 
readers  among  those  who  care  Httle,  if  at  all,  for  the  mere  issues  of  the  questions  under 
controversy.  Its  generally  rich  and  stately  style,  its  logic  and  rhetoric,  its  wealth  of 
learning,  and  its  occasional  play  of  satire  or  contempt,  engage  the  interest  of  many  a 
reader  who  would  turn  listlessly  from  most  pages  of  polemics.  There  is  so  much  in  it  of 
a  manly,  free  courage  and  self-asserting  spirit,  that  at  times  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  it 
was  written  by  one  who,  according  to  the  quaint  biography  of  him  by  Isaack  Walton,  was 
so  cowed  and  subjugated  by  his  domestic  partner,  the  mother  of  his  children.  English 
Churchmen  may  well  boast  themselves  on  this  majestic  work,  dealing  with  the  nucleus  of 
the  whole  Puritan  controversy,  the  question  of  Church  authority.  Of  course,  its  argument 
in  its  whole  sum  and  detail,  in  its  array  and  estimate  of  original  vouchers,  has  been  tra- 
versed and  brought  under  dispute  by  champions  on  the  other  side.  But  it  will  always 
hold  its  supreme  place  while  the  cause  which  it  upholds  shall  need  a  classic. 

Hallam  ^  says  that,  "  though  the  reasonings  of  Hooker  won  for  him  the  surname  of 
'the  Judicious,'  they  are  not  always  safe  or  satisfactory,  nor,  perhaps,  can  they  be  reckoned 
wholly  clear  or  consistent.  His  learning,  though  beyond  that  of  most  English  writers  in 
that  age,  is  necessarily  uncritical ;  and  his  fundamental  theory,  the  mutability  of  ecclesi- 
astical government,  has  as  little  pleased  those  for  whom  he  wrote,  as  those  whom  he 
repelled  by  its  means."  The  same  writer,  in  another  work,*  passes  a  high  encomium  upon 
Hooker's  Polity,  as  finding  a  basis  for  its  argument  in  natural  law. 

1  [Cf.  the  Critical  Essay  appended  to  the  appear  till  1618 ;  and  the  whole  was  issued 
chapter  on  the  "Pilgrim  Church"  in  the  present  together  in  1622.  There  have  been  various 
volume.  —  Ed.]  editions  since. 

2  The  Laws  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  London,  ^  Literature  of  Europe,  ii.  166. 
1594.     The  seventh  and  eighth  books  did  not  *  Constitutional  History  of  England. 

VOL.  in.  —  32. 


250 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  first  four  of  the  books  of  Hooker's  work  were  published  in  1594,  the  fifth  in  1597. 
As  the  other  three  had  been  left  in  manuscript,  and  did  not  appear  in  print  till  many  years 
after  his  death  in  1600,  suspicions  were  raised  that  they  might  have  been  interpolated. 
As  the  Narrative  of  this  chapter  has  given  place  to  an  exposition  of  Hooker's  fundamental 
position  against  the  Nonconformists,  it  need  not  be  repeated  here. 

For  a  long  period,  the  well-known  work^  of  Daniel  Neal,  in  its  successive  editions, 
was  the  only  one  written  from  an  historical  point  of  view  by  an  author  not  contemporary 
with  its  whole  subject,  which  had  appeared  from  the  press,  was  widely  circulated  and  gen- 
erally accredited  for  its  fidelity,  its  ability,  and  its  trustworthiness.  Mr.  Neal,  born  in 
London  in  1678,  was  a  Dissenting  minister  in  that  city,  and  died  in  1743.  His  history 
was  published  in  portions  between  1731  and  1738.  The  editions  of  it  now  in  general  cir- 
culation are  those  edited  with  valuable  notes  by  Dr.  Toulmin,  the  first  of  which  appeared 
in  London  in  1793,  and  the  last  in  1837.  The  editor  continued  the  history  after  the  Enghsh 
Revolution.  Mr.  Neal  made  diligent  research,  in  order,  to  verify  his  statements  from  all  the 
original  sources  which  were  open  to  him.  He  relied  largely  on  the  laborious  Memorials 
gathered  by  the  painstaking  Strype,  while  owing  much  to  Fuller  and  Burnet.  Mosheim 
accepted  Neal's  work  as  of  the  highest  authority.  Dr.  Kippis  commends  it  highly  in  the 
Biographia  Britannica.  After  the  publication  of  his  first  volume,  Neal  made  public  his 
answer  to  an  anonymous  work  by  Dr.  Maddox,  Bishop  of  St,  Asaph,  vindicating  the 
Church  of  England  "from  the  injurious  reflections  cast  upon  it  in  that  volume."  Similar 
animadversions  were  cast  upon  the  later  volumes  by  Dr.  Zachary  Grey.  Bishop  Warbur- 
ton,  in  some  Notes  to  Mr,  Neal's  history  which  he  published  in  1788,  even  brings  in  ques- 
tion the  author's  veracity.  Dr.  Toulmin  meets  and  answers  such  charges.  Mr.  Neal 
sought  to  give  his  pages  authenticity  by  full  quotations,  citations,  and  references  to  his 
original  authorities.  In  a  few  instances  in  which  Burnet  or  others  denied  his  fairness  or 
accuracy.  Dr.  Toulmin  has  vindicated  him  against  all  aspersions,  if  not  from  all  charges 
of  error.  The  author  wrote  when  the  Dissenters  were  relieved  by  legislation  of  the 
severe  impositions,  fines,  and  inflictions  of  an  earlier  period,  but  were  by  no  means  brought 
into  an  equality  in  social  and  civil  rights  and  privileges  with  the  favored  and  patronized 
members  of  the  Church  Establishment.  So  Mr.  Neal's  pages  are  free  from  the  asperity 
and  bitterness  provoked  into  indulgence  by  his  predecessors  under  the  smart  of  humih- 
ating  wrongs.  Still,  he  is  loyal  to  the  memory  and  steadfastness  of  those  earlier  sufferers. 
There  was  much  on  which  the  Dissenters  of  his  time  might  pride  themselves  as  won  by 
the  constancy  of  those  who  had  fought  for  them  the  battles  with  lordly  arrogance  and 
hierarchical  assumptions  and  prerogatives.  There  was  a  palmy  age  for  Dissent  in  Eng- 
land which  Lord  Macaulay  describes  very  felicitously,  when,  as  he  says,  there  were  Dis- 
senting ministers  whose  standing  and  condition  in  life  compared  favorably  with  those  of 
all  the  clergy  of  the  Establishment  below  those  of  the  bishops.  Among  the  Dissenting 
laity  were  men  of  wealth  and  of  commercial  consequence,  as  a  high  and  honored  social 
class,  whose  munificent  endowments  were  bestowed  on  some  of  the  noblest  institutions 
of  the  realm. 

Mr.  Hallam  devotes  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  chapters  of  his  ConstiUitional  His- 
tory of  England  to  the  development  of  the  history  of  Nonconformity,  both  among  Roman 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  during  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIII,,  Edward  VI.,  Mary,  and 
Elizabeth.  Among  the  many  reviews  and  critical  estimates  of  this  history,  that  in  the 
Edinburgh  Review^  vol.  xlviii.,  is  especially  able  and  satisfactory.  Mr.  Hallam  brought 
to  the  presentation  of  this  part  of  his  whole  subject,  not  only  his  habitually  thorough  and 
conscientious  fulness  of  research  among  authorities  and  documents,  public  and  private, 
but  also  that  spirit  of  candor,  moderation,  and  equitable  impartiality  which,  if  not  already 

^   77ie  History  of  the  Puritans,  or  Protestant  Reformation  in  the  Churchy  their  Sufferings,  and 

Nonconformists:  from  the  Reformation  in   1517  the  Lives  and  Characters  of  their  Most  Consid- 

to  the  Revolution  in  \(A%.    Comprising  an  Account  erable  Divines.      By   Daniel   Neal,    M.A.      C£ 

of  their  Principles,  their  Attempts  for  a  Further  Bohn's  edition  of  Lowndes,  p.  1655. 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  25 1 

cherished  in  the  purposes  and  motives  of  one  intending  the  task  of  an  historian,  may  or 
may  not  be  acquired  and  exercised  in  dealing  with  themes  engaging  so  much  of  temper, 
strife,  and  intenseness  of  polemical  animosity.  From  his  point  of  view,  reading  back- 
wards along  the  line  of  historical  development,  he  recognized  that  the  early  Nonconform- 
ists were  dealing  with  fundamental  principles  in  religious  affairs  which,  though  not  at  the 
time  fully  apprehended,  would  necessarily  involve  immunities  and  rights  of  a  political  char- 
acter. It  is  because  of  this,  now  clearly  exposed  and  certified  to  us,  that  such  lofty  tributes 
are  rendered  to  the  Puritans  as  the  exponents  and  champions  of  English  liberty. 

The  Inner  Life  ^  of  Robert  Barclay,  not  completely,  though  substantially,  finished  and 
supervised  by  its  author,  is  an  admirable  example  of  the  more  wise,  just,  and  considerate 
tone  and  method  adopted  in  quite  recent  years  for  deahng  with  times  and  subjects  of 
once  embittered  rehgious  agitation  and  controversy.  It  is  calm  and  judicial  in  its  temper, 
inclusive  and  well-digested  in  its  materials  and  contents.  The  author's  research  was  most 
wide  and  comprehensive.  He  spared  no  labor  in  the  quest  of  original  documents,  in 
manuscript  or  print,  all  over  England  and  on  the  Continent,  of  prime  use  and  authority 
for  his  purpose,  whether  in  public  repositories  or  in  private  cabinets.  For  some  very 
important  matters  which  entered  into  the  full  treatment  of  his  theme  he  has  used  for  the 
first  time  many  records  that  had  been  lying  in  undisturbed  repose,  and  he  has  enhsted  the 
valuable  aid  of  many  friends. 

The  author,  after  defining  the  idea  and  object  of  a  visible  church,  makes  an  elaborate 
effort  to  trace  to  its  sources  and  in  its  course  the  development  of  religious  opinion  in 
England  previous  to  1640.  He  marks  the  rise  of  Barrowism,  Brownism,  of  the  Johnson- 
ists,  the  Separatists,  the  Presbyterians,  the  early  Independents,  the  two  parties  of  Bap- 
tists, and  the  Friends,  or  Quakers.  Some  of  the  views,  habits,  and  principles  adopted 
by  these  parties  he  traces  in  their  connection  with  the  Mennonites  on  the  Continent. 
He  distinguishes,  as  far  as  possible,  the  various  shades  of  opinion,  the  introduction  of 
new  points  of  controversy  or  discussion,  the  individualisms,  extravagancies,  eccentricities, 
and  erratic  excesses  of  individuals  or  parties,  and  he  keeps  distinct  the  two  main  currents 
of  the  development,  as  they  favored  or  rejected  the  connection  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authority.  He  draws  the  line  distinctly  between  the  Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians,  on 
the  one  side,  as  according  in  favoring  a  state  church  and  a  national  establishment,  and 
the  original  ideas  gradually  developed  into  positive  principles  of  individuals  and  societies 
among  the  Separatists,  which  involved  the  complete  separation  of  the  administration  of 
religion  from  the  civil  power. 

The  central  subject  of  Mr.  Barclay's  volume  is  the  early  history  of  the  Friends,  or 
Quakers.  Two  chief  points  are  specially  dealt  with:  First,  many  of  the  distinctive  prin- 
ciples in  their  teaching  and  conduct  which  have  been  generally  regarded  as  original  with 
them  are  traced  as  fn  full  recognition  by  other  parties  previous  to  the  preaching  of  George 
Fox.  Second,  the  author  presents  many  facts,  new,  or  in  a  new  hght,  which  disclose  how 
earnest  were  the  efforts  of  the  early  Friends  for  a  very  careful  and  even  elaborate  inner 
organization  and  discipline  of  their  membership,  after  the  manner  of  a  visible  Church,  — 
the  appointment  and  oversight  of  a  quahfied  ministry,  the  sending  out  of  authorized  mis- 
sionaries, and  the  inquisition  into  the  private  affairs,  the  home  Hfe,  habits,  and  business 
of  members,  carried  out  into  very  minute  and  annoying  details.  He  reveals  to  us  the 
embarrassments  met  by  them  in  deciding  upon  the  question  of  "birthright  membership." 
Manuscript  documents,  records,  minute-books,  etc.,  preserved  in  many  places  where  the 
early  Friends  had  their  meetings,  are  found  very  communicative. ^ 

Mr.  Skeats,  in  his  T^res  Churches  ^  has  in  view  as  his  general  purpose,  to  trace  "  the 

1  The  Inner  Life  of  the  Religious  Societies  of  2  [See   the   chapter   on  "  The    Founding  of 

the  Commojtwealth,   considered  principally  with  Pennsylvania  "  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 
Reference  to  the  Influence  of  Church  Organization  ^  A  History  of  the  Free  Churches  of  England, 

on  the  Spread  of  Christianity.     By  Robert  Bar-  from  A. D.  j68S  to  A.  I?,  iS^i.     By  Herbert  S. 

clay.     London,  1876,  4to,  700  pp.  Skeats.   v  London,  1868. 


252 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


part  which  English  Dissent  has  played  in  the  history  of  England."  Following  this  com- 
prehensive design,  he  presents  the  various  phases  of  Nonconformity  and  Separatism 
through  denominational  organizations  among  Presbyterians,  Baptists,  Quakers,  Independ- 
ents, and  Congregationalists,  noting  the  attitude  of  opposition  assumed  towards  them  by 
the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities.  He  regards  the  Toleration  Act,  passed  in  1689, — 
which  even  then  excluded  the  Unitarians  from  its  terms,  —  as  drawing  the  line  between 
the  efforts  which  had  been  made  up  to  that  time  to  extinguish  Dissent,  and  the  leaving  it 
simply  under  a  stigma,  as  lacking  social  standing  and  Government  recognition.  Only  the 
first  chapter,  covering  a  hundred  of  the  six  hundred  pages  of  the  volume,  is  concerned 
with  the  subject  directly  in  our  hands.  The  author  is  in  full  sympathy  with  the  principles 
and  the  cause,  the  attitude  and  the  persistency,  of  the  resolute  and  buffeted  men  whose 
views  he  sets  forth,  as  developed  from  the  earliest  stage  of  the  Reformation  in  England. 
He  cites  and  quotes  original  authorities  to  authenticate  his  statements  and  his  judgments. 
In  some  instances,  where  they  bear  hard  upon  the  conduct  of  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury 
under  Queen  Ehzabeth,  Curteis,  in  his  Bampion  Lectures^  challenges  their  fairness.  More 
than  four  hundred  Dissenting  societies,  Congregationalist  and  Baptist,  are  now  existing 
in  England,  which  date  their  origin  before  the  passage  of  the  Toleration  Act  under 
William.^     To  these  are  to  be  added  many  societies  of  Presbyterians  and  Quakers. 

The  Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales  is  an  organized  body  devoted  to  the 
interests  of  the  fellowship  to  which  it  succeeds  as  representing  the  original  single  and 
associated  Nonconformists  from  the  date  of  the  English  Reformation.  Its  magazines,  its 
annual  reports,  and  various  publications  issued  under  its  patronage,  keep  in  living  interest 
and  advocacy  the  principles  first  stood  for  by  faithful  witnesses,  sufferers,  and  martyrs. 
One  of  these  publications,  of  especial  importance,  bears  the  following  title  :  Historical 
Me7norials  relating  to  the  Independents^  or  Congregatio7ialists,  fro7n  their  Rise  to  the  Res- 
toration of  the  Monarchy^  1660,  London,  1839.  The  distinctive  value  and  authority  of 
this  work,  which  is  in  four  octavo  volumes,  attach  to  its  being  almost  exclusively  composed 
of  the  original  writings,  of  various  kinds,  from  the  pens  of  the  first  Nonconformists,  and 
the  answers  or  arguments  brought  against  them.  These  have  been  gathered  by  keen  and 
extended  investigation,  carefully  authenticated,  and,  where  it  is  necessary,  annotated.  The 
motive  which  inspired  this  undertaking  was  to  remove  the  obscurity  and  contumely  which 
had  been  threatening  to  settle  over  the  memory  and  principles  of  men  whose  own  writings 
prove  them  to  have  been  equal  in  learning,  acumen,  argumentative  power,  and  heroic  con- 
stancy of  purpose  to  defend  a  cause  by  them  thought  worthy  of  their  devotion.  Many 
important  papers  which  elsewhere  are  found  only  in  quotations,  extracts,  or  fragments, 
are  here  given  in  full. 

The  Bi-Centennial  commemoration  of  the  ejectment  of  all  Nonconforming  ministers 
from  the  parish  churches  of  England,  on  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  1662,  was  made  the 
occasion,  after  modern  usage  for  such  observances,  of  the  delivery  of  a  multitude  of  ad- 
dresses, and  the  preparation  and  publication  of  numerous  pamphlets  and  volumes,  of  local 
or  general  interest,  with  historical  retrospect  and  review  of  the  origin  and  development  of 
English  Nonconformity.  Curteis  ^  has  a  very  pregnant  note  on  the  "  bicentenary  rhetoric  " 
connected  with  this  occasion.  He  alleges  that  "  incredible  exaggerations  "  were  exposed, 
as  founded  upon  the  lists  given  in  Calamy's  famous  Nonconformist  Memorial  (edited  by 
Palmer)  of  the  ejected  ministers,  as  being  in  number  two  thousand.  Curteis  says  it  was 
proved  that  instead  of  there  being  293  such  in  London  parishes,  there  were  by  count  only 
127,  and  that  from  the  whole  alleged  number  of  two  thousand,  there  should  be  struck  off 
no  less  than  twelve  hundred.^ 

1  See  the  Annual  Congregational  Year-Book.      Puritanism^  its  Character  and  History,  etc.   (by 

2  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  68.  P.  Bayne)  ;    The  Early  English  Baptists  (by  B. 
8  Among  the  more  important  volumes  of  a     Evans) ;  Church  and  State  Two  Hundred  Years 

historical  character  prompted  by  the  occasion  Ago  (by  J.  Stoughton) ;  and  English  Noncon^ 
above  referred  to,  may  be   mentioned,  English    formity  (by  R.  Vaughan). 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW    ENGLAND.  253 

There  are  three  very  admirable  works  ^  covering  much  of  the  matter  of  this  chapter, 
from  the  pen  of  John  Tulloch,  D.D.,  Principal  of  St.  Mary's  College  in  the  University 
of  St.  Apdrew's. 

Though  these  three  works  are  from  the  pen  of  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
they  are  written  in  a  spirit  of  the  most  broad  and  comprehensive  catholicity.  They  set 
forth  with  keen  discernment  and  with  generous  appreciation  the  advances  made  by  highly 
gifted  individual  minds  in  the  several  stages  and  phases  of  the  development  of  a  pro- 
tracted controversy  upon  the  principles  involved  in  an  attempted  adjustment  of  the  rights 
of  conscience  and  free  thought,  in  asserting  themselves  against  traditional  and  ecclesi- 
astical proscriptions.  It  required  the  contributions  from  many  such  minds  and  spirits, 
with  their  fragments  of  certified  truth,  to  insure  the  substitution  of  reason  for  authority. 

Church  of  England  Authorities.  —  Among  the  recently  published  works,  the  au- 
thors of  which  have  aimed  with  moderation  and  impartiality  to  treat  a  theme  of  embittered 
relations  and  rehearsals  so  as  to  present  readers  with  information  of  facts  and  the  means 
of  judging  fairly  between  violent  contestants  in  their  once  angry  issues,  is  one  already  re- 
ferred to  as  Curteis's  Bampton  Lectures.^  Assuming  that  the  English  Church  had  an  origin 
and  existence  independent  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority  of  the  Pope,  the  author  relates 
the  process  by  which  it  reformed  itself,  by  renouncing  his  interference  and  impositions, 
and  establishing  its  own  discipHne  and  ritual.  After  this  he  regards  and  treats  the 
Romanists  as  but  one  class  of  Dissenters,  taking  their  place  as  such  with  the  Indepen- 
dents, the  Baptists,  the  Quakers,  the  Unitarians,  and  the  Wesleyans.  Of  these  divided 
elements  of  the  common  Christian  fold,  the  author  traces  the  rise,  the  leading  principles, 
and  the  distinct  institutions  and  methods  which  they  adopted.  His  treatment  of  his  large 
and  tangled  subject  is  as  fair,  considerate,  and  judicious  as  could  be  expected  from  an 
earnest  and  heartily  loyal  minister  of  the  English  Church.  He  makes  many  strong  state- 
ments to  commend  and  urge  a  national  establishment  of  religion  as  far  more  dignified, 
consistent,  and  desirable  than  the  scattering  and  fragmentary  multiphcation,  indefinitely 
increasing  under  petty  variances,  of  independent  religious  organizations.  But  he  does  not 
work  out  a  practicable  method  for  his  suggested  scheme  when  those  concerned  in  it  prefer 
their  own  ways.  Mr.  Curteis  is  very  severe  (p.  62)  in  his  rebuke  upon  the  harshness  of 
terms  in  which  Mr.  Skeats  ^  deals  with  Archbishop  Parker,  in  the  course  pursued  by  him 
towards  the  Puritans.  But  the  view  presented  by  Mr.  Skeats  is  more  than  justified  by 
Hallam,^  in  his  calm  deaUng  with  the  original  documents. 

In  the  same  connection  may  be  mentioned  The  Church  and  Puritans,^  a  small  and 
compact  volume,  written  in  the  best  spirit  of  moderation  and  candor.  In  but  little  more 
than  two  hundred  open  pages,  the  author  traces  the  whole  course  of  Dissent,  —  its  rise, 
aims,  principles,  and  methods,  and  its  struggles,  buffetings,  and  discomfitures,  from  its 
manifestations  under  Elizabeth  to  the  failure  of  ''a  glorious  opportunity  of  reconciling  all 
moderate  Dissenters  to  the  communion  of  the  Church  of  England,  under  William  and 
Mary."  By  the  judicious  restraint  upon  what  might  naturally  be  his  promptings,  as  a 
clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England,  to  criticise  with  some  sharpness  what  has  so  gen- 
erally been  represented  as  the  perversity  and  weak  scrupulosity  of  the  Puritans,  he  is 
eminently  fair  and  considerate  in  presenting  their  side  of  the  controversy,  and  in  dealing 

1  Leaders  of  the  Reformation  ;  English  Puri-  preached  before  the  University  of  Oxford  in  187 1. 
tanism  and  its  Leaders,  —  Cromwell,  Milton,  By  George  Herbert  Curteis,  M.A.,  London,  1872. 
Baxter,  Bunyan  ;  and  Rational  Theology  and  ^  History  of  Free  Churches  of  England,  ^.\\. 
Christian  Philosophy  in  England  in  the   Seven-  *  Constitutional  History,  chap.  iv. 

teenth  Century.      These  works  were   published  ^^  The  Church  and  Puritans :  a  Short  Account 

in  1859,  1861,  and  1872,  respectively,  and  there  of  the  Puritans  ;  their  Ejection  from  the  Church  of 

have  been  later  editions.  England,  and  the  Efforts  to  restore  them.     By  D. 

2  Dissent  in  its  Relations  to  the  Church  of  Eng-  Mountfield,  M.A.,  Rector  of  Newport,  Salop. 
land:  Eight  Lectures,  on  the  Bampton  Foundation,  London,  1881. 


254 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


with  their  more  conspicuous  men.  The  abounding  citation  of  original  authorities  on  both 
sides  in  his  notes  authenticates,  for  nearly  every  sentence  of  the  work,  the  statement  made 
in  it. 

Two  works  of  a  remarkably  liberal  and  scholarly  character  which  have  quite  recently 
appeared  from  the  pens  of  eminent  divines  of  the  English  Church,  would  have  been  grate- 
fully welcomed  by  the  Nonconformists  in  the  period  of  their  sharpest  conflict,  on  account 
of  their  generous  spirit  and  their  contents.  They  would  have  been  especially  noteworthy 
in  the  liberal  concessions  which  they  make  upon  all  the  points  involved  in  the  controversy, 
as  to  the  simple  authority  and  pattern  of  Scripture  in  the  constitution  and  discipline  of 
the  Christian  Church,  as  against  the  hierarchical  claims  based  upon  traditions  and  usages 
subsequent  to  the  age  of  the  apostles,  and  traceable  in  the  so-called  Primitive  Church. 
These  books  are  Mr.  Edwin  Hatch's  Organizatiofi  of  the  Early  Christian  Churches^^  and 
Dean  Stanley's  Christian  Institutions.^ 

Mr.  Hatch  has  also  pubhshed  articles  of  a  similar  tenor  to  the  contents  of  his  Bampton 
Lectures,  in  the  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities.  In  these  lectures,  the  author  aims 
to  trace  the  facts  of  ecclesiastical  history  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  civil  history  are  usu- 
ally dealt  with.  His  aim  is  to  investigate  the  framework  of  the  earliest  Christian  societies. 
He  says  these  societies  in  their  formation  adjusted  themselves  to  previously  existing 
methods  of  association.  The  philanthropic  element  in  them  suggested  the  sort  of  officers 
needed,  their  provinces  and  functions.  A  president  of  the  society  and  one  or  more  dis- 
tributors of  alms  were  the  requisite  officers.  Then  as  increasing  numbers  in  a  society,  and 
of  societies,  made  necessary  a  distribution  of  functions,  with  centraHzation  and  subordina- 
tion of  duty  and  authority,  an  ecclesiastical  system  was  developed  by  like  methods  to 
those  of  a  civil  or  political  system.  Convenience  and  adaptation  thus  originated  the 
elements  of  a  hierarchy,  the  regulation  of  which  was  watched  over  and  disposed  by  a 
system  of  councils. 

Dean  Stanley's  volume  is  a  collection  of  essays,  previously  published  separately.  They 
are  liberal  in  tone  and  tenor,  and  by  no  means  in  harmony  with,  or  even  quite  respectful 
toward,  any  high-church  principles,  or  any  demands  of  "  divine  right "  for  ecclesiastical 
authority.  He  adopts  a  rational  point  of  view  for  marking  the  accumulation  of  sentiments 
and  usages  around  the  original  substance  of  Christianity.  He  exhibits  the  entire  unlike- 
ness  of  conditions  and  needs  between  the  early  days  of  the  religion  and  our  own.  He 
recognizes  the  vast  superstructure  of  fable  reared  upon  original  simple  verities,  and,  like 
Mr.  Hatch,  identifies  the  development  of  ecclesiastical  with  that  of  civil  forms  and  usages. 

An  Essay  on  the  Christian  Ministry.,  by  Bishop  Lightfoot,  treats  after  a  like  uncon- 
ventional method,  the  themes  which  in  the  days  of  early  Nonconformity  were  dealt  with 
in  so  different  a  tone  and  method. 

New  England  Authorities.^  —  The  authorities  concerning  every  detail  in  the  in- 
stitution and  disposing  of  church  affairs  in  New  England  are  abundant  and  well-nigh 
exhaustive.  They  may  be  consulted  as  digested  and  set  in  order  in  the  more  recently 
published  works  to  be  here  named  by  title,  or  they  may  be  traced  fragmentarily  in  chrono- 
logical order  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  themselves.  The  organization  of  the  New 
England  churches  came  to  be  best  described  under  the  term  "  Congregational."  It  was 
in  substance  a  modification  of  Barrowism.  While  there  seems  to  have  been  but  little 
discordancy  here  among  those  who  followed  the  pattern,  they  were  soon  challenged  by 
some  of  their  brethren  in  England  most  nearly  in  sympathy  with  them,  as  to  doubtful  or 
debated  principles  and  methods  in  their  institution  and  discipHne  of  churches.  There 
were  two  chief  points  which  came  under  discussion :  first,  the  respective  rights  of  all  the 

^   The    Organization    of  the  early    Christian  •      2  Christian  Institutions  :  Essays  on  Ecclesiasti- 

Churches :  Eight  Lectures  delivered  before  the  Uni-  cal  Subjects.     By  Dean  Stanley,  of  Westminster. 

^ersity  of  Oxford,  in  the  year  1880.    Bampton  Lee-  London,  1881. 
tures.    By  Edwin  Hatch,  M.A.    London,  188 1.  3  [cf.  also  chapter  ix.  —  Ed.] 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND.  255 

brethren  composing  a  church  fellowship  in  administering  discipline,  and  those  of  the 
pastor,  teacher,  and  elders.  Should  the  whole  church,  or  only  its  officers,  be  primarily  and 
ultimately  invested  with  executive  and  administrative  power  ?  The  second  point  covered 
all  the  considerations  which  would  come  into  prominence  in  deciding  upon  the  relations 
of  churches  to  each  other,  —  whether  each  should  maintain  an  absolute  independency,  or 
qualify  it  in  any  way  by  seeking  sympathy,  fellowship,  and  advice,  and  heeding  remon- 
strances or  interference  from  "  sister  churches,"  through  their  teachers  and  elders. 

Contemporary  references  to  these  matters  as  they  presented  themselves  to  the  atten- 
tion of  those  who  here  first  entered  into  a  "church  estate,"  are  scattered  over  Governor 
Winthrop's  journal.  John  Cotton,  minister  of  the  First  Church  of  Boston,  diligently  and 
earnestly,  in  successive  writings  and  publications,  set  himself  to  answering  all  questioning 
and  challenging  friends  abroad.  He  evidently  had  to  work  out  clear  and  consistent  views 
of  his  own  on  a  subject  which,  besides  being  novel  in  many  of  its  relations,  was  embar- 
rassed by  local  difficulties,  and  by  some  conscientious  or  practical  diversities  of  judgment 
among  his  associates.  Richard  Mather,  of  Dorchester,  also  contributed  his  help  in  the  ex- 
position of  the  Congregational  polity,  which  was  to  be  defended  alike  from  extreme  Bar- 
rowism  and  from  Presbyterianism,  which  was  soon  found  to  have  some  sympathizers  in 
the  colony.  By  a  sort  of  general  consent,  recourse  was  had  to  a  succession  of  "  synods," 
or  councils  of  the  representatives  of  the  churches,  first  those  of  the  Bay  Colony  alone, 
then  with  some  of  the  other  New  England  colonies.  These  synods  resulted  in  the  forma- 
tion of  a  "Platform,"  which  laid  out  in  form  and  detail  the  system  of  the  Congregational 
polity. 

It  is  not  necessary  here  to  indicate  the  titles,  contents,  and  authors  of  the  several  pub- 
lications, preserved  in  our  cabinets  of  relics,  which  contributed  either  to  the  dissension  or 
to  the  pacification  of  the  sometimes  eccentric  and  heated,  and  of  the  always  scrupulous, 
earnest,  and  independent  parties  in  this  work  of  ecclesiastical  reconstruction.  They  have 
been  so  faithfully,  admirably,  and  impartially  digested  by  Dr.  Dexter  in  the  eighth  of  the 
lectures  in  his  Congregationalism^  as  to  present  to  the  reader  a  full  and  intelligent  view 
of  the  whole  subject  in  its  development  and  its  results,  while  relieving  him  of  what  save 
to  the  fewest  possible  of  historical  students  would  be  a  repelling  task.  If,  however,  zeal 
or  curiosity  should  dispose  any  one  to  peer  through  those  dried  and  withered  relics  of 
the  old  polemics  of  a  generation  that  drew  its  honey  from  the  rocks,  he  will  find  much 
occasion  to  respect  the  acuteness  and  the  persistency  of  men  who,  having  taken  the  inter- 
ests of  their  creed  and  piety  into  their  own  hands,  determined  to  build  on  what  was  to 
them  the  only  sure  foundation.  That  foundation  was  "  the  Word."  If  the  Scriptures,  as 
their  prelatical  foes  insisted,  weife  not  intended  to  afford,  and  would  not  afford,  a  complete 
pattern  of  a  method  of  institution  and  government  of  a  Christian  Church,  the  reader  of 
those  patiently  wrought,  tractates  will  often  be  amazed  as  he  notes  how  rich  and  fertile, 
how  apt  and  facile,  the  contents  of  the  sacred  books  were  found  to  be,  in  furnishing  the 
requisite  material  for  argument  and  authority. 

A  controversial  discussion  was  opened  in  1861  by  Hon.  D.  A.  White,  of  Salem,  by  the 
publication  of  his  New  England  Congregationalism  in  its  Origin  and  Purity^  illustrated 
by  the  Foundation  and  Early  Records  of  the  First  Church  in  Salem,  and  Various  Discus- 
sions pertaining  to  the  Subject.  To  this  work  Rev.  J.  B.  Felt,  in  the  same  year,  made  an 
answer:  Reply  to  the  New  England  Congregationalism  of  Hon.  D.  A.  White.  The 
principal  interest  of  the  matter  of  these  two  publications  consists  in  their  arguments  upon 
the  question  whether  Congregationalism  as  a  system  of  polity  in  the  constitution  and  gov- 
ernment of  churches  carries  with  it,  as  an  essential  organic  part,  the  doctrinal  creed  held 
by  those  who  first  adopted  it.  Dr.  Dexter  offers  some  suggestions  on  this  point,  arguing 
that  the  creed  of  the  first  Congregationalists  belongs  continuously  to  their  system  of 
polity.  Of  course,  only  constructive  and  inferential  arguments  can  be  brought  to  bear  on 
this  point.  As  we  have  seen,  from  the  first  manifestations  of  Nonconformity  and  Dis- 
sent in  England,  doctrinal  themes  did  not  at  all  enter  into  the  controversy,  it  being  taken 


256  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

for  granted  that  there  was  accord  upon  them.  But  there  certainly  is  no  absolute,  vital 
connection  between  a  form  of  polity  and  a  doctrinal  system.  There  have  come  to  be  very 
many  organizations  and  fellowships  among  Protestants  which  are  substantially  Congrega- 
tional in  their  order,  while  widely  diverse  in  their  creeds. 

In  1862,  Mr.  Felt  published  The  Ecclesiastical  History  of  New  England. 

Very  full  and  curiously  interesting  information  about  the  principles,  persons,  and 
events  connecting  the  Puritan  controversy  in  the  Old  World  with  the  settlement  of  New 
England,  may  be  found  in  the  now  well-nigh  innumerable  volumes  containing  the  history 
of  our  oldest  towns  and  churches.  In  their  earher  pages  or  chapters  these  histories  find 
the  town  and  the  church  a  common  theme.  Grateful  occasions  have  been  found  in  com- 
memorations of  bi-centennial  or  longer  periods,  from  the  settlement  of  municipalities  or 
the  foundation  of  parishes,  to  review  the  past,  and  to  trace  in  the  old  land  the  men  who 
brought  here  in  their  exile,  for  free  and  successful  enjoyment,  principles  for  which  they 
had  there  suffered.  The  history  of  the  Reformation  and  of  Nonconformity  might  indeed 
be  largely  written  from  the  pamphlets  and  the  volumes  called  out  by  these  local  commem- 
orations, so  numerous  during  the  last  decade  of  years.  Traces  of  matter  of  a  similar 
character  may  also  be  found  in  the  personal  and  historical  references,  in  text  or  note,  of 
the  first  volume  of  the  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Graduates  of  Harvard  University ^ 
by  John  Langdon  Sibley.  In  connection  with  the  public  and  formal  observance  of  the 
Two  Hundred  and  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the  Founding  of  the  First  Church  of  Boston, — 
in  the  fifth  in  order  of  the  edifices  in  which  it  had  worshipped,  —  a  son  of  the  present 
pastor  (the  seventeenth  in  the  line  of  succession)  prepared  and  published  a  work 
with  the  following  title:  History  of  the  First  Church  in  Boston.  1630- 1880.  By  Arthur 
B.  Ellis.  With  an  Introduction  by  George  E.  Ellis.  Illustrated.  Boston,  1881. 
Pages  Ixxxviii  -f-  356. 


-y^^   ^^- 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND   PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 


BY  FRANKLIN   B.   DEXTER, 

Professor  of  American  History  in  Yale  College. 

THE  preceding  chapter  has  outHned  the  growth  of  Separatism  in 
England,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  story  of  the  fortunes  of  that 
remarkable  congregation  which  has  given  a  new  significance  to  the  name 
"  Pilgrim." 

Elizabeth's  policy  of  Uniformity,  so  sternly  pursued  by  her  last  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  Whitgift  (i 583-1604),  was  ostentatiously  adopted 
by  her  successor,  James  I.,  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference  held  in  his 
presence  by  learned  men  of  the  Puritan  and  High  Church  parties  in  the 
first  year  of  his  reign ;  and  when  this  conference  was  quickly  followed  by 
the  elevation  of  Bancroft,  a  more  arbitrary  Whitgift,  to  Whitgift's  vacant 
place,  those  who  were  earnest  in  the  opposite  opinions  were  forced  to 
choose  between  persecution  and  exile. 

There  were  doubtless  other  neighborhoods  where  the  Separatists  main- 
tained thriving  congregations  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  after  the  King's 
policy  became  known ;  but  by  far  the  most  zealous  company  of  which 
accounts  remain  was  one  formed  by  residents  *'  of  sundry  towns  and  villages, 
some  in  Nottinghamshire,  some  of  Lincolnshire,  and  some  of  Yorkshire, 
where  they  border  nearest  together."  In  1602,  or  thereabout,  these  people, 
from  places  at  least  eight  or  ten  miles  apart,  gathered  themselves  into  a 
church,  —  probably  at  Gainsborough,  a  market-town  in  Lincolnshire,  on  the 
Trent;  at  least  we  know  that  when  the  original  congregation  divided,  in 
1605  or  1606,  into  two,  —  perhaps  for  greater  se-  y^  ^ 

curity,  as  well  as  for  local  convenience,— ^jt^^as        f  Ltin/n^     S'V^^iilvLf- 
at  Gai r)<;h nrnngh  that  one  branch  remained,  which        W  C     (f^ 

soon  chose  John  Smyth,  a  Cambridge  graduate,   <-^ 
whn  had  been  <;r>rn^  ^^'me  With  them,  to  be  its  pastor,  and  that  with  him 
g2^22y^  of  t^^'?  pr>rtir>n  r>f  \\yf-  parf^fit  stock  mj Pirated  in  1606  to  Amsterdam. 

The  western   division  of  the  original  company  appears  to   have    been 
formed  into  a  distinct  church  in  the  summer^of  1606,  and,  according_.tCL  the 
testimony  of  Governor  Bradford,  in  his  notice  of  Elder   Brewster,  *'  they 
VOL.  m.  — 33. 


258 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


ordinarily  met  at  his  [Brewster's]  house  on  the  Lord's  day  (which  was  a 
manor  [/.  e.  manor-house]  of  the  Bishop's,  and  with  great  love  he  enter- 
tained them  when  they  came,  making  provision  for  them,  to  his  great 
charge." 

William  Brewster,  the  chief  layman  of  this  congregation,  was  postmaster, 
9£  ^'  post^as  the  usual  Xe,xvcv  ^yas^^t  Scrop,by^-a small  village  in  the  northern 
part  of  Nottinghamshire,  ten  miles  west  of  Gainsborough.  Though  Scrooby 
was  a  mere  hamlet7TEs~SlaLion  oiitBeTIondon  and  Edinburgh  post-road  gave 
Brewster  full  occupation,  especially  after  the  two  capitals  were  united  under 


SITE    OF   THE    MANOR-HOUSE.^ 


one  king,  as  it  was  his  dutyjo jjroyidejbod  gjiH^^  for  all  travellers  by 

post  on  Government  business,  as  well  as  relays  of  horses  for  them  and  for 
the  conveyance  of  Government  despatcHes!  He' was  a  native  of  the  village, 
and  had  matriculated  in  1 580  at  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he 
came  under  Puritan  influence ;  he  soon,  however,  quitted  his  books  to  enter 
.  the  service  of  William  Davison,  Elizabeth's  upright  and  Puritan  Secretary 
/  of  State,  whose  promising  career  was  sacrificed  to  her  duplicity  in  the 
matter  of  the  execution  of  Mary  Stuart.  Under  Davison,  Brewster  had 
experience  both  at  court  and  in  foreign  embassies ;  he  remained  with  his 


1  [This  cut  follows  an  engraving  in  Bartlett's 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  40,  representing  the  scene 
about  thirty  years  ago.  Raine,  Parish  of  Blyth, 
p.  129,  referring  to  the  time  of  Edwin  Sandys, 
raised  to  the  archiepiscopal  throne  of  York  in 
1 576,  says:  "  Under  hinri  a  family  of  the  name  of 
Brewster  occupied  the  manor-house,  which  had 
gradually  and  insensibly  dwindled  down  from  a 


large  mansion  to  a  moderately  sized  farmhouse ;" 
and  Raine  gives  for  a  frontispiece  a  view  of  the 
remaining  fragment,  which  is  copied  by  Dr.  Dex- 
ter in  Sabbath  at  Home,  1867,  p.  135.  Mr.  Deane 
says  of  it,  "  It  may  have  been  originally  connected 
with  the  manor-house,  which  has  long  since 
passed  away."  {Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xi.  404.)  Dr. 
Dexter  gives  a  plan  of  the  neighborhood. —  Ed.J 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND   PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


259 


master  for  a  year  or  two  after  the  fall  of  the  latter  in  1 5  87,  and  then  retired 
to  his  native  village.  There  he  assisted  his  father,  who  was  then  postmaster, 
until  the  latter's  death  in  1590;  and  after  a  brief  interval  the  son,  then 
about  twenty-three  years  of  age,^ 


succeeded  to  the  father's  place 
through  the  intercession  of  his 
old  patron,  Davison.2  In  1 603  his 
annual  stipend  from  the  Govern- 
ment was  raised  from  £;^o  to  £^6, 
the  two  sums  corresponding  in 
present  values  to  perhaps  six 
and  seven  hundred  dollars  respec- 
tively. The  manor-house  of 
Scrooby,  built  originally  as  a  hunt- 
ing-seat for  the  Archbishops  of 
York,  though  in  Brewster's  time 
"  much  decayed,"  ^  had  been  oc- 
cupied for  many  years  by  his 
father  as  bailiff  for  the  archbish- 
ops, and  as  representative  of  their 
vested  interests  in  the  surround- 
ing property,  which  was  leased  to 
Sir  Samuel  Sandys,  of  London. 

T^e  clerical  leaders  of  the  church,  meeting  in  the  great  hall  or  chapel 
under  Brmvstfr'p  roof^  were    Richard  Clyfton   and  John   R^obinson.     The 

ibrmer  had  been  institutecrirrTi^"H^'a^Fthe"¥ge_of 
thirty-three,  rector  of  Babworth.  a  village  six  or 
seven  miles  southeast  of  Scrooby,  and  had  con- 
tinued there  until  the  undisguised  Puritanism  of 


SCROOBY   AND   AUSTERFIELD. 


^' 


#%^ 


AUTOGRAPHS   OF  JOHN 
ROBINSON.^ 


his  teachings  caused  his  removal,  probably  in  con- 
n^trnni  with  ArchbishopJRancroft's^summary  pro- 
ceedings  against  Nonconformist  ministers  at  the 
end  ojj[6o4..  His  associate.  Robinson,  apparently 
a  native  of  the  neighborhood,  had  entered  Cambridge  University  in  1592, 
and^  after  gaining  a  Fellowship  had  spent  some  years  in  the  ministry  in  or 
near  Norwich;    but  about  1604  he  threw  up   his   cure   on   conscientious 


1  JV.  E.  Hist  and  Geneal.  Reg.  xviii.  20. 

2  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xii.  98. 

^  Calendar  of  Domestic  State  Papers,  Aug.  18, 
1603. 

*  [No  wholly  authenticated  signature  of  Rob- 
inson is  known.  Dr.  Dexter,  in  his  Congregation- 
alism as  seen  in  its  Literature,  pp.  xx,  359,  gives  the 
upper  of  these  two,  as  from  a  book  in  the  British 
Museum,  "  believed  by  the  experts  of  that  insti- 
tution to  have  belonged  to  him."  It  is  evidently 
by  the  same  hand  as  the  lower  of  the  two,  which, 
with  another  very  like  it,  is  upon  the  title  of  Sir 


Edwin  Sandys's  Relation  of  the  State  of  Religion, 
London,  1605,  belonging  to  Charles  Deane,  Esq., 
of  Cambridge.  Hunter,  Foujiders  of  New  Ply- 
mouth, p.  155,  has  pointed  out  how  parts  of  this 
book  show  its  author  to  have  been  "much  in  ad- 
vance of  his  time,"  and  that  there  is  "a  cor- 
respondency in  some  parts  with  the  celebrated 
Farewell  Address  of  Robinson."  It  is  easy  to 
suppose,  therefore,  that  Robinson  once  owned 
the  little  treatise.  Hunter  errs  in  assigning  1687 
as  the  date  of  its  first  edition.  That  of  1605  is 
called  in  the  1629  edition  a  surreptitious  one,  and 


26o 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


grounds,  and  returning  to  the  North,  allied  himself  with  Separatists  in 
Gainsborough.  He  was,  by  the  testimony  of  an  opponent  (Robert  Baillie), 
**  the  most  learned,  polished,  and  modest  spirit  among  the  Brownists." 


AUSTERFIELD    CHURCH.* 


The  other  members  of  the  Scrooby  congregation  were., of  humble  sta- 
tion,  and  have  left  little  trace  even  of  their  names;  most  notable  to  u»  is 
young  WiUiam  Bradford,  born  in  1590  in  Austerfield,  a  hamlet  two  and 
a  halF'miles  to  the  northward,  within  the  limits  of  Yorkshire. 


«^jr<^     %^^^^ 


J 

,^^   g? 


After  they  had  covenanted  together  in  church  relations,  *'  they  could  not 
long  continue  in  any  peaceable  condition,  but  were  hunted  and  persecuted 
on  every  side.  .  .  .  For  some  were  taken  and  clapped  up  in  prison ;   others 

there  is  a  copy  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  with 
MS.  annotations  said  to  be  by  the  author  Dr. 
Dexter  points  out  1629  as  the  year  of  the  first 
authorized  edition,  and  there  were  others  in  1632, 
i633,i638,and  \(>'JZ-{Co7igregationalism,  App.  nos. 
299,  568;  VdXix&y,  New England,\.  191.)— Ed.] 

1  [This  cut  follows  a  photograph  owned  by 
Mr.  Charles  Deane,  who  also  furnished  a  photo- 
graph, after  which  the  accompanying  fac-simile 


of  the  registry  of  the  baptism  of  Bradford,  pre- 
served in  this  church,  is  made ;  see  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc.  X.  39.  The  view  of  the  church  given 
in  the  title  of  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers  is  the 
one  followed  by  Dexter  in  Sabbath  at  Home,  1867, 
p.  131,  and  in  Harper's  Magazine,  1877,  p.  183. 
Raine,  in  his  Parish  of  Blyth,  Westminster,  i860, 
gives  a  larger  view  ;  and  Bartlett,  p.  36,  gives 
the  old  Norman  door  within  the  porch.  —  Ed.] 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  26 1 

had  their  houses  beset  and  watched  night  and  day,  and  hardly  escaped  their 
hands ;  and  the  most  were  fain  to  fly  and  leave  their  houses  and  habitations. 
.  .  .  Seeing  themselves  thus  molested,  and  that  there  was  no  hope  of  their 
continuance  there,  by  a  joint  consent  they  resolved  to  go  into  the  Low 
Countries,  where  they  heard  was  freedom  of  religion  for  all  men." 

The  remedy  of  exile  was  not  new  to  a  generation  that  could  remember 
the  emigration  of  Robert  Browne's  followers  from  Norwich  to  Zealand  in 
1 581,  and  had  witnessed  the  transfer  of  their  ^^ 
Gainsborough  neighbors  to  Holland  shortly  after  ^^^ottf  iS^^-n.^ 
their  own  organization.  "  So,  after  they  had  continued  together  about  a 
year,  and  kept  their  meetings  every  Sabbath  in  one  place  or  other,  .  .  . 
seeing  they  could  no  longer  continue  in  that  condition,  they  resolved 
to  get  over  into  Holland  as  they  could."  A  large  number  attempted,  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  year  1607,  to  embark  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire,  the 
most  convenient  seaport  for  them,  though  fifty  miles  distant  from  Scrooby. 
But  emigration,  except  with  a  license,  was  in  general  prohibited  by  an  early 
statute  (a.  d.  1389),  and  the  ship's  captain,  who  had  engaged  to  take  them, 
found  it  to  his  interest  to  betray  them  in  the  act  of  embarking ;  so  that 
the  only  result  for  most  of  them  was  a  month's  detention  in  Boston  jail, 
and  the  confiscation  of  their  goods,  while  seven  of  the  leaders,  including 
Brewster,  were  kept  in  prison  still  longer.  In  a  new  attempt  the  following 
spring,  an  unfrequented  strip  of  sea-coast  in  northeastern  Lincolnshire, 
above  Great  Grimsby,  was  selected,  and  a  bargain  made  with  a  Dutch  cap- 
tain to  convey  the  party  thence  to  Holland ;  then,  perhaps,  taking  advantage 
of  the  Idle,  a  sluggish  stream  flowing  near  their  doors,  tributary  to  the  Trent, 
and  so  to  the  Humber,  the  women  and  children,  with  all  the  household 
goods,  were  in  that  case  despatched  by  water,  while  the  men  marched  some 
forty  miles  across  country  to  the  rendezvous.  But  after  a  part  of  the  men 
(who  arrived  first)  had  embarked,  on  the  appearance  of  armed  representa- 
tives of  the  law  the  captain  took  alarm  and  departed  ;  some  of  those  left  on 
shore  fled,  and  reached  their  destination  by  other  means ;  but  the  women 
and  children,  with  a  few  of  the  men  and  all  their  valuables,  were  captured. 
Another  season  of  suspense  followed;  but  at  length  the  absurdity  of 
detaining  such  a  helpless  group  began  to  be  felt,  the  magistrates  were  glad 
to  be  rid  of  them,  and  by  August,  1608,  the  last  of  the  straggling  unfortu- 
nates got  safely  over  to  Amsterdam. 

They  found  there  the  church  of  English  Separatists  transplanted  under 
Francis  Johnson  upwards  of  twenty  years  before,  as  well  as   that  of  John 

Smyth    and    his    Gainsborough    people;     but   the 
^y^u/iCBS  -jcQTiJqYL''    church    from   Scrooby  appears    to    have    kept   its 
•/  separate    organization,    and    their    experience    is 

calmly  recounted  by  their  historian,  Bradford,  as  follows :  *'  When  they 
had  lived  at  Amsterdam  about  a  year,  Mr.  Robinson,  their  pastor,  and 
some  others  of  best  discerning,  seeing  how  Mr.  John  Smyth  and  his 
company  was    already    fallen    into   contention  with   the    church   that  was 


262 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


there  before  them,  and  no  means  they  could  use  would  do  any  good  to 
cure  the  same ;  and  also  that  the  flames  of  contention  were  like  to  break 
out  in  the  ancient  church  itself  (as  afterwards  lamentably  came  to  pass), — 
which  things  they  prudently  foreseeing,  thought  it  was  best  to  remove, 
before  they  were  anyway  engaged  with  the  same ;  though  they  well  knew 
it  would  be  much  to  the  prejudice  of  their  outward  estates,  both  at  present 
and  in  Hkelihood  in  the  future,  —  as,  indeed,  it  proved  to  be." 

For  these,  with  other  reasons,  in  the  winter  after  their  arrival  they  asked 
the  authorities  of  Leyden,  an  inland  city,  twenty  miles  or  more  southwest 
from  Amsterdam,  and  the  next  in  size  to  it  in  the  province,  to  allow  their 
congregation,  of  about  one  hundred  English  men  and  women,  to  remove 
thither  by  May  i,  1609.^  The  application  was  granted,  and  the  removal  to 
that  beautiful  city  was  accomplished,  probably  in  May;  but  their  senior 
pastor,  Clyfton,  being  oppressed  with  premature  infirmity,  preferred  to 
remain  in  Amsterdam. 

In  Leyden  they  were  forced  to  adapt  themselves,  as  they  had  begun  to 
do  hitherto,  to  conditions  of  life  very  unlike  those  to  which  they  had  been 
trained  in  their  own  country ;  and  so  far  as  we  can  trace  them,  a  majority 
of  the  flock  seem  to  have  found  employment  in  the  manufacture  of  the 

w^oollen  goods  for  which  the  city  was 
famous.  Upon  the  public  records 
the  church  appears  as  an  organized 
body  early  in  161 1,  when  Robinson 
with  three  others  purchased  for  8,000 
guilders  (corresponding  in  our  cur- 
rency to  perhaps  $10,000  or  $12,000) 
a  valuable  estate  in  the  centre  of  the 
city,  including  a  spacious  house  for 
the  pastor,  used  also  for  Sunday  wor- 
ship, and  at  the  back  of  the  garden 
an  area  large  enough  for  the  subsequent  erection  of  twenty-one  small 
residences  for  church  members. 

Among  additional  reasons  which  had  led  the  studious  Robinson  to  favor 
the  removal  to  Leyden,  may  be  counted  the  fact  that  it  was  the  site  of  a 
university  already  famous,  and  so  furnished  ample  opportunities  of  inter- 
course with  learned  men   and  of  access   to  valuable  libraries.     The  sharp 


LEYDEN.2 


1  Historical  Magazine,  iii.  358. 

2  [This  little  cut  is  a  fac-simile  of  one  giv- 
en by  Mr.  Murphy  in  the  Historical  Magazine, 
iii.  332,  following  a  bird's-eye  map  of  the  city, 
dated  1670,  when  this  part  of  the  town  was  un- 
changed from  its  condition  in  the  Pilgrims' 
time.  More  of  the  same  plan  is  given  by  Dr. 
Dexter  in  Hours  at  Home,  i.  198.  N^o.  i  is  the 
bell  turret,  no  longer  standing,  of  the  cathe- 
dral which  stood  at  2,  and  beneath  which  Rob- 
inson was  buried.     No.  10  is  the  house  in  which 


Robinson  lived,  with  a  garden  on  the  hither  side, 
the  front  being  at  the  other  end  of  the  building, 
on  the  Klog-steeg,  or  Clock-alley,  marked  5 ;  a 
building  now  on  the  spot,  bearing  the  date  1683 
as  that  of  its  erection,  has  also  borne  since 
1866  another  tablet,  placed  there  by  the  care 
of  Dr.  Dexter,  which  reads :  "  On  this  spot 
lived,  taught,  and  died  JOHN  RoBiNSON,  161 1- 
1625."  See  Dexter  in  Hours  at  Home  i.  201-2, 
and  in  Congregationalism  us  seen  in  its  LiterO' 
ture,  p.  387, — Ed.] 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


263 


controversy  between  the  occupants  of  the  chair  of  theology,  Gomarus 
and  Arminius,  involving  no  personal  risk  to  the  English  spectators,  was 
an  added  attraction;  and  before  long  Robinson  himself  appeared  as  a 
disputant  on  the  Calvinist  side  in  the  public  discussions,  and  so  successfully 
that  by  Bradford's  testimony  *'  the  Arminians  stood  more  in  fear  of  him 
than  [of]  any  of  the  University."  This  perhaps  opened  the  way  for  his 
admission  to  membership  of  the  University,  which  took  place  in  September, 
1615,  and  se- 
cured him  valu- 
able civil  as  well 
as  literary  privi- 
leges. Such  an 
honor  was  justi- 
fied also  by  the 
activity  of  his 
pen  while  in 
exile.  Between 
1610  and  1615 
he  published 
four  controver- 
sial pieces,  of 
nearly  seven 
hundred  quarto 
pages,  the  most 

important  being  a  popularly  written  Justification  of  Separation  from  the 
Church  of  England.  In  the  same  field  of  argument  were  the  other  treatises  ; 
while  in  1619,  when  public  attention  was  absorbed  with  the  Synod  of  Dort, 
he  brought  out  in  Latin  a  brief  but  telling  Apologia,  or  Defence  of  the  views 
of  the  Separatists,  in  distinction  from  those  of  the  Dutch  churches. 

These  outside  discussions,  in  which  their  pastor  took  such  interest,  left 
undisturbed  the  steady  growth  of  the  Pilgrim  church,  in  the  government  of 
which  Brewster,  as  ruling  elder,  was  associated  with  Robinson,  after  the 
removal  to  Leyden.  In  these  years  ''  many  came  unto  them  from  divers 
parts  of  England,  so  as  they  grew  a  great  congregation,"  numbering  at 
times  nearly  three  hundred  communicants.  Among  these  new-comers  were 
some  who  ranked  thenceforth  among  th£ir-PrincmaL_QieJi -i-_ Jahn __Carver^ 
an  early  deacon  of  the  churchy  and  leader  of  the  first  migrating  colony; 
Robert  Cushman,  Carver's  adjutant  in  effecting  that  migration;  Miles 
Standish,  the  soldier  of  the  company ;  and  Edward  Winslow,  a  young  man 
.pxobably  ot  higher  social  position  than  the  rest,  who  sharejjwith  Bradford, 
aft^rCarver's  death,  the  main  burdenjpf  sustaining  the  infant  colony. 


PLAN   OF    LEYDEN. 


^  [This    follows    a   plan    given    by   Bartlett  the   interior.     No.  2  is   Saint   Pancras  church, 

in  his  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  79.     No.  i  is  Saint  No.  3  is  the  Town  Hall.     Bartlett  also  gives 

Peter's    Church,   \^ere    Robinson  was   buried  a  view,  p.  83,  from  the  tower  of  this  building, 

in   1625.     Bartlett  also  gives,  p.  88,  a  view  of  — Ed.] 


264  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

But  though  some  recruits  were  attracted  by  Robinson's  gifts  and  by  a 
prospect  of  freedom  from  prelatical  oppression,  yet  the  condition  of  the 
Leyden  people  was  in  general  one  of  struggling  poverty,  with  little  hope  of 
amendment.  It  were  vain  to  expect  that  their  language  or  their  peculiari- 
ties of  religious  order  could  gain  a  secure  foothold  on  Dutch  soil,  or  that  a 
Government  on  friendly  terms  with  England  could  show  active  good-will  to 
a  nest  of  oiitcasts  which  England  was  anxious  to  break  up.  The  increase 
of  numbers  had  come  in  spite  of  the  hardships  attending  the  struggle  for  a 
livelihood  in  a  foreign  city;  but  as  the  conditions  of  the  struggle  were 
better  understood,  the  numbers  fell  off.  Time  was  also  bringing  a  new 
danger  with  the  approaching  expiration  of  the  twelve  years'  truce  (April, 
1609- April,  1 621)  between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands. 

As  years  passed,  the  older  generation  among  the  exiles  who  clung  loy- 
ally to  the  EngHsh  name  and  tongue  began  to  realize  that  a  great  part  of 
their  aims  would  be  frustrated  if  their  children  should,  by  intermarriage 
with  the  Dutch  and  other  outside  influences,  wander  from  their  fathers' 
principles,  and  be  absorbed  in  the  Dutch  people.  These  dangers  being 
recognized,  and  the  major  part  of  the  company  being  agreed  that  it  was 
best  to  avoid  them  by  a  removal,  it  became  necessary  to  select  a  new  asy- 
lum, where  Englishmen  might  preserve  their  nationality  undisturbed.  To 
the  new  continent  of  America,  which  best  satisfied  the  conditions,  all 
thoughts  turned  as  early  as  the  summer  of  161 7;  and  the  respective  claims 
were  weighed  of  tropical  Guiana  on  the  one  hand,  which  Raleigh  had  de- 
scribed in  1595  as  the  true  Eldorado,  and  Virginia  on  the  other,  conspicu- 
ous as  the  seat  of  the  first  successful  English  colony.  A  little  consideration 
excluded  Guiana,  with  its  supposed  wealth  of  gold  tempting  the  jealousy 
of  the  Spaniard ;  and  so  the  choice  was  limited  to  the  territory  somewhat 
vaguely  known  as  Virginia,  within  the  bounds  assigned  to  the  two  compa- 
nies chartered  by  King  James  in  1606.  The  objection  was  duly  weighed 
*'  that  if  they  lived  among  the  English  which  were  there  planted  [i.e.  on  the 
James  River],  or  so  near  them  as  to  be  under  their  government,  they  should 
be  in  as  great  danger  to  be  troubled  or  persecuted  for  the  cause  of  religion 
as  if  they  lived  in  England ;  and  it  might  be  worse.  And  if  they  lived  too 
far  off,  they  should  neither  have  succor  nor  defence  from  them." 

There  were  risks  either  way ;  but  they  decided,  under  the  advice  of  some 
persons  of  rank  and  quality  at  home,  —  friends,  perhaps,  of  Brewster's 
when  at  court,  or  of  Winslow's,  —  to  dare  the  dangers  from  wild  beasts  and 
savages  in  the  unsettled  parts  of  Virginia,  rather  than  the  dangers  from 
their  own  bigoted  countrymen,  and  to  ask  the  King  boldly  for  leave  to 
continue   as  they  were  in  church  matters. 

Their  first  care  was  for  the  regular  sanction  of  the  Virginia  Company  in 
London  to  the  settlement  of  the  proposed  colony  on  their  territory ;  and 
with  this  object  Carver  and  Cushman  were  despatched  to  England  as 
agents,  apparently  in  September,  161 7.  They  took  with  them,  for  use  in 
conciliating  the  sentiments  which  any  petition  from  a  community  with  their 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  265 

history  would  awaken  at  court,  a  memorable  declaration  in  seven  articles, 
signed  by  the  pastor  and  elder,  which  professed  their  full  assent  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church  of  England,  as  well  as  their  acknowledgment  of  the 
King's  supremacy  and  of  the  obedience  due  to  him,  "  either  active,  if  the 
thing  commanded  be  not  against  God's  Word,  or  passive  [^t.e.  undergoing 
the  appointed  penalties],  if  it  be."  The  same  articles,  in  carefully  guarded 
language,  recognized  as  lawful  the  existing  relations  of  Church  and  State  in 
England,  and  disavowed  the  notion  of  authority  inhering  in  any  assembly 
of  ecclesiastical  officers,  except  as  conferred  by  the  civil  magistrate.  In 
any  estimate  of  the  Pilgrims,  it  is  necessary  to  give  full  weight  to  this  delib- 
erate record  of  their  readiness  to  tolerate  other  opinions. 

The  two  messengers  found  the  Virginia  Company  in  general  well  dis- 
posed, and  gained  an  active  friend  in  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  (a  prominent 
member  of  the  Company  and  brother  of  Sir  Samuel  Sandys,  the  lessee  of 
Scrooby  Manor),  who,  though  no  Puritan,  was  a  firm  advocate  of  toleration  ; 
but  as  he  was  also  a  leader  of  the  Parliamentary  Opposition,  his  friendship 
was  a  doubtful  recommendation  to  royal  favor.  Their  report,  on  their 
return  in  November,  was  so  encouraging  that  Carver  and  another  were  sent 
over  the  next  month  for  further  negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Company 
and  with  the  King.  But  the  former  business  still  halted,  because  of  the 
prejudice  in  official  minds  against  their  independent  practices  in  church 
government.  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  Sir  Robert  Naunton  (one  of  the  Secre- 
taries of  State),  and  other  friends  labored  early  in  161 8  with  the  King  for 
a  guarantee  of  liberty  of  religion;  but  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  were 
strong  in  their  opposition,  there  was  a  suspicion  abroad  that  the  design  was 
'^  to  make  a  free  popular  State  there,"  ^  and  the  delegates  returned  to  Ley- 
den  to  propose  that  a  patent  be  taken  on  the  indirect  assurance  of  the  King 
"  that  he  would  connive  at  them  and  not  molest  them,  provided  they  car- 
ried themselves  peaceably."  It  seemed  wisest  to  proceed,  and  Brewster 
(now  fifty-two  years  of  age,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  experienced  of  the 
congregation)  and  Cushman  were  commissioned  in  the  spring  of  1619  to 
procure  a  patent  from  the  Virginia  Company,  and  to  complete  an  arrange- 
ment with  some  London  merchants  who  had  partially  agreed  to  advance 
funds  for  the  undertaking.  The  business  was  delayed  by  a  crisis  in  the 
Virginia  Company's  affairs,  connected  with  the  excited  canvass  attending 
the  election  (April  28  [May  8],  1619)  of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  as  Governor; 
but  at  length  the  patent  was  granted  (June  9/19,  1619),  being  taken  by 
the  advice  of  friends,  not  in  their  own  names,  but  in  that  of  Mr.  John  Win- 
cob  (or  Whincop),  described  by  Bradford  as  *' a  religious  gentleman  then 
belonging  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  who  intended  to  go  with  them."  ^ 

1  Eighth  Report  of  Royal  Commission  on  Hist,  emigrants,  and  is  never  heard  of  again.  Another 
MSS.,  pt.  2,  p.  45  ;  Hanbury's  Memorials,  i.  368.  John  Whincop  was  matriculated  at  Trinity  Col- 

2  In  the  household  of  this  Countess  (widow  lege,  Cambridge,  in  July,  1618,  graduated  B.A. 
of  the  fourteenth  Earl),  Thomas  Dudley,  later  in  1622,  was  a  member  of  the  Westminster  As- 
one  of  the  founders  of  Massachusetts,  was  sembly  in  1643,  and  died  Rector  of  Clothall, 
steward.      The   patentee   did  not  go  with   the  Herts,  May  6,  1653,  in  his  fifty-second  year. 

VOL.  III. — 34. 


266  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

When  the  patent  was  secured,  Brewster  appears  to  have  returned  to 
Leyden  at  once,  leaving  Cushman  for  a  time  to  negotiate  with  the  mer- 
chants ;  but  so  Httle  was  done  or  perhaps  hoped  for  in  this  direction,  that 
an  entirely  new  project  was  started  the  next  winter  under  Robinson's  aus- 
pices. Certain  Amsterdam  merchants,  already  interested  in  the  rich  fur- 
trade  on  and  near  the  Hudson  River,  presented  a  memorial  to  the  States- 
General,  Feb.  2/12,  1620,  from  which  it  appears  that  Robinson  had  signi- 
fied his  readiness  to  lead  a  colony  of  over  four  hundred  English  families  to 
settle  under  the  Dutch  in  New  Netherland,  if  assured  of  protection.  The 
memorial  asked  for  assurances  on  this  last  head,  and  for  the  immediate 
despatch  of  two  ships  of  war  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  lands  to  be 
reserved  for  such  a  colony. 

While  this  memorial  was  awaiting  its    (unfavorable)   answer,  Thomas 
Weston,  one  of  those  London  merchants  with  whom  there  had  already  been 
consultations,  came  to  Leyden  as  their  agent,  to  propose  a  new  arrangement 
for  a  settlement  in  North  Virginia.     For  some  reason,  not  now  clear,  the 
Pilgrims  showed  peculiar  deference  to  his  advice ;  and  accordingly  the  ne- 
gotiations with  the  Dutch  were  broken  off  and  articles  of  agreement  with 
the  London  merchants  drawn  up,  embodying  the  conditions  propounded  by 
Weston.     By  these. conditions  a  common  stock  was  formed,  with  shares  of 
ten  pounds  each,  which  might  be  taken  up  either  by  a  deposit  of  money  or 
of  goods   necessary  for  the  undertaking ;   and  Carver  and   Cushman  were 
sent  to  England  to  collect  subscriptions  and  to  make  purchases  and  prepa- 
rations for  the  voyage.     In  this  service,  while  Carver  was  busy  with  the 
ship  in  Southampton,  Cushman  took  the  responsibility  of  conceding  certain 
alterations  in  the  agreement,  to  please  the  *'  merchant  adventurers,"  as  they 
were  styled,  whose  part  in  the  scheme  was  indispensable.     The  original 
plan  was  for  a  seven  years'  partnership,  during  which  all  the  colonists'  labor 
—  except  for  two  days  a  week  —  was  to  be  for  the  common  benefit;   and 
at  the  end  of  the  time,  when  the  resulting  profits  were  divided,  the  houses 
and  improved  lands  in  the  colony  were  to  go  to  the  planters:   but  the 
changes  sanctioned  by  Cushman  did  away  with  the  reservation  of  two  days 
in  the  week  for  each  man's  private  use,  and  arranged  for  an  equal  division, 
after  seven  years,  of   houses,  lands,   and    goods  between  the    ''merchant 
adventurers "   and  the  planters.     Dr.   Palfrey  has  well  observed  that  ''  the 
hardship  of  the  terms  to  which  the  Pilgrims  were  reduced  shows  at  once 
the  slenderness  of  their  means  and  the  constancy  of  their  purpose."    About 
seventy  merchants  joined  in  the  enterprise,  of  whom  only  three  — William 
Collier,  Timothy  Hatherly,  and  WiUiam  Thomas — became  sufficiently  in- 
terested to  settle  in  the  colony. 

Notwithstanding  discouragements,  the  removal  was  pressed  forward,  but 
the  means  at  command  provided  only  for  sending  a  portion  of  the  com- 
pany ;  and  "  those  that  stayed,  being  the  greater  number,  required  the 
pastor  to  stay  with  them,"  while  Elder  Brewster  accompanied,  in  the 
pastor's  stead,  the  almost  as  numerous  minority  who  were  to  constitute 


THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH   AND   PLYMOUTH   COLONY.  267 

a  church  by  themselves ;  and  in  every  church,  by  Robinson's  theories,  the 
**  governing  elder,"  next  in  rank  to  the  pastor  and  the  teacher,  must  be 
*'apt  to  teach." 

A  small  ship,  —  the  "  Speedwell,"  —  of  some  sixty  tons  burden,  was 
bought  and  fitted  out  in  Holland,  and  early  in  July  those  who  were  ready 
for  the  formidable  voyage,  being  ''  the  youngest  and  strongest  part,"  left 
Leyden  for  embarkation  at  Delft-Haven,  nearly  twenty  miles  to  the  south- 
ward,— sad  at  the  parting,  "but,"  says  Bradford,  ''they  knew  that  they 
were  pilgrims."  About  the  middle  of  the  second  week  of  the  month  the 
vessel  sailed  for  Southampton,  England.  On  the  arrival  there,  they  found 
the  ''  Mayflower,"  a  ship  of  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons  burden, 
which  had  been  hired  in  London,  awaiting  them  with  their  fellow-passen- 
gers, —  partly  laborers  employed  by  the  merchants,  partly  Englishmen 
like-minded  with  themselves,  who  were  disposed  to  join  the  colony.  Mr. 
Weston,  also,  was  there,  to  represent  the  merchants ;  but  when  discus- 
sion arose  about  the  terms  of  the  contract,  he  went  off  in  anger,  leaving 
the  contract  unsigned  and  the  arrangements  so  incomplete  that  the  Pil- 
grims were  forced  to  dispose  of  sixty  pounds'  worth  of  their  not  abundant 
stock  of  provisions  to  meet  absolutely  necessary  charges. 

The  ships,  with  perhaps  one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers,  put  to  sea 
about  August  5/15,  with  hopes  of  the  colony  being  well  settled  before 
winter ;  but  the  "  Speedwell "  was  soon  pronounced  too  leaky  to  proceed 
without  being  overhauled,  and  so  both  ships  put  in  at  Dartmouth,  after 
eight  days'  sail.  Repairs  were  made,  and  before  the  end  of  another  week 
they  started  again ;  but  when  above  a  hundred  leagues  beyond  Land's  End, 
Reynolds,  the  master  of  the  "  Speedwell,"  declared  her  in  imminent  danger 
of  sinking,  so  that  both  ships  again  put  about.  On  reaching  Plymouth 
Harbor  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  smaller  vessel,  and  thus  to  send  back 
those  of  the  company  whom  such  a  succession  of  mishaps  had  disheart- 
ened. Those  who  withdrew  were  chiefly  such  as  from  their  own  weakness 
or  from  the  weakness  of  their  families  were  likely  to  be  least  useful  in  the 
hard  labor  of  colonization ;  the  most  conspicuous  desertion  was  that  of 
Cushman,  smarting  under  criticism  and  despairing  of  success.  The  unex- 
pected parting  between  those  who  disembarked  and  those  who  crowded 
into  the  "  Mayflower  "  was  sad  enough.  It  was  not  known  till  later  that  the 
alarm  over  the  "  Speedwell's  "  condition  was  owing  to  deception  practised 
by  the  master  and  crew,  who  repented  of  their  bargain  to  remain  a  year 
with  the  colony,  and  took  this  means  of  dissolving  it. 

At  length,  on  Wednesday,  September  6/16,  the  "  Mayflower"  left  Plym- 
outh, and  nine  weeks  from  the  following  day,  on  November  9/19,  sighted 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  flat,  but  at  that  time  well-wooded,  shores  of  Cape 
Cod.  She  took  from  Plymouth  one  hundred  and  two  passengers,  besides 
the  master  and  crew|_on  the  voyage  one  man-servant  died  and  one  child 
.was_born.  making  102  (73  males  and  29  females)  who  reached  their  des- 
tinattpn,     Of  these,  the  colony  proper  consisted  of  34  adult  males,  18  of 


268 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


them  accompanied  by  their  wives  and  14  by  minor  children  (20  boys  and  8 
girls) ;  besides  these,  there  were  3  maid-servants  and  19  men-servants, 
sailors,  and  craftsmen,  —  5_of  them  only  half-grown  boys,  —  who  were,  hires! 
for  temporary  service^     Of  the  thirty-four  men  who  were  the  nucjieus^  of 


Mm  if  Mr 


^-^  ^XJ^ 


AUTOGRAPHS   OF  THE  "MAYFLOWER       PILGRIMS.^ 


.the  colony,  more  than  half  are  known  to  have  come  from  Leyden ;  in  fact, 
l)ut  four  of  the  thirty-four  are  certainly  known  to  be  of  the  Southampton 
accessions.  The  ruling  motive  of  the  majority  was,  therefore,  that  which 
had  impelled  the  church  in  Leyden  to  this  step,  modified,  perhaps,  to  some 
small  extent  by  their  knowledge  of  the  chief  reason,  as  Bradford  alleges,  in 
the  minds  of  Weston  and  the  others  who  had  advanced  them  money,  ''  for 


1  [It  is  thought  that  the  autographs  of  all 
who  came  in  the  "  Mayflower,"  whose  signatures 

P^  are  known,  are  in- 

O'y^O'^     yv7''l^^^   eluded   in    this 


/^  -  /       group,  except  that 


^^  ^-^  •©£  Dorothy    May, 

who  at  this  time  was  the  wife  of  William  Brad- 
ford, and  whose  maiden  signature  Dr.  Dexter 
found  in  Holland,  as  well  as  the  earliest  one 
known  of  Bradford,  attached  to  his  marriage 
application  at  Amsterdam,  in   161 3,  when   he 


was  twenty-four  years  old.  (See  Dexter's  Con- 
gregationalism^  p.  381.)      Resolved   White  was 

then  but  a  child,  and  his  brother  Peregrine  was 
not  born  till  the  ship  had  reached  Cape  Cod 
Harbor.  John  Cooke,  son  of  Francis  Cooke, 
was  the  last  male  survivor  of  the  "  Mayflower  " 
passengers.  —  Ed.] 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND   PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  269 

the  hope  of  present  profit  to  be  made  by  the  fishing  that  was  found  in  that 
country  "  whither  they  were  bound. 

And  whither  were  they  bound  ?  As  we  have  seen,  a  patent  was  secured 
in  1619  in  Mr.  Wincob's  name;  but  *'God  so  disposed  as  he  never  went 
nor  they  ever  made  use  of  this  patent,"  says  Bradford,  —  not  however  mak- 
ing it  clear  when  the  intention  of  colonizing  under  this  instrument  was  aban- 
doned. The  ''  merchant  adventurers  "  while  negotiating  at  Leyden  seem  to 
have  taken  out  another  patent  from  the  Virginia  Company,  in  February, 
1620,  in  the  names  of  John  Peirce  and  of  his  associates;  and  this  was  more 
probably  the  authority  under  which  the  "Mayflower"  voyage  was  under- 
taken. As  the  Pilgrims  had  known  before  leaving  Holland  of  an  intended 
grant  of  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia  to  a  new  company, — the  Council  for 
New  England, — when  they  found  themselves  off  Cape  Cod,  "the  patent 
they  had  being  for  Virginia  and  not  for  New  England,  which  belonged  to 
another  Government,  with  which  the  Virginia  Company  had  nothing  to  do," 
they  changed  the  ship's  course,  with  intent,  says  Bradford,  "  to  find  some 
place  about  Hudson's  River  for  their  habitation,"  and  so  fulfil  the  condi- 
tions of  their  patent;  but  difficulties  of  navigation  and  opposition  from  the 
master  and  crew  caused  the  exiles,  after  half  a  day's  voyage,  to  retrace  their 
course  and  seek  a  resting-place  on  the  nearest  shore.  Near  half  a  century 
after,  a  charge  of  treachery  was  brought  against  Mr.  Jones,  the  master  of 
the  "  Mayflower,"  for  bringing  the  vessel  so  far  out  of  her  course ;  but  the 
alleged  cause,  collusion  with  the  Dutch,  who  desired  to  keep  the  English 
away  from  the  neighborhood  of  New  Netherland,  is  incredible. 

But  their  radical  change  of  destination  exposed  the  colonists  to  a  new 
danger.  As  soon  as  it  was  known,  some  of  the  hired  laborers  threatened 
to  break  loose  (upon  landing)  from  their  engagements,  and  to  enjoy  full 
license,  as  a  result  of  the  loss  of  the  authority  delegated  in  the  Virginia 
Company's  patent. 

The  necessity  of  some  mode  of  civil  government  had  been  enjoined  on 
the  Pilgrims  in  the  farewell  letter  from  their  pastor,  and  was  now  availed 
of  to  restrain  these  insurgents  and  to  unite  visibly  the  well-affected.  A 
compact,  v/hich  has  often  been  eulogized  as  the  first  written  constitution 
in  the  world,  was  drawn  up,   as  follows :  — 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  amen.  We  whose  names  are  underwritten,  the  loyal  sub- 
jects of  our  dread  sovereign  lord  King  James,  by  the  grace  of  God  of  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  Ireland  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  etc.,  having  undertaken,  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  advancement  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of  our  King  and 
country,  a  voyage  to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia,  do  by 
these  presents  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  one  of  another, 
covenant  and  combine  ourselves  together  into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better 
ordering  and  preservation  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid ;  and  by  virtue  hereof 
to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitu- 
tions, and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet  and  convenient 
for  the  general  good  of  the  Colony,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and 


270  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


CAPE    COD    HARBOR. 


obedience.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunder  subscribed  our  names  at  Cape 
Cod  the  nth  of  November,  in  the  year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  lord  King  James, 
of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  the  eighteenth,  and  of  Scotland  the  fifty-fourth. 
Anno  Dom.  1620." 


1  [This  is  a  reduction  of  part  of  a  map,  which 
is  given  by  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  in  his  edition  of 
Mourfs  Relation.  He  has  carefully  studied  the 
topography  of  the  region  in  connection  with  the 
record,  and  he  possessed  certain  advantages  in 


such  study  over  Dr.  Young,  who  has  similarly 
investigated  the  matter  in  his  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrims.  There  were  three  expeditions  from 
the  ship,  and  Dr.  Dexter's  interpretation  is  fol- 
lowed.    The  women  were  set  ashore  to  wash  at 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  27 1 

Of  the  forty-one  signers  to  this  compact,  thirty-four  were  the  adults 
called  above  the  nucleus  of  the  colony,  and  seven  were  servants  or  hired 
workmen ;  the  seven  remaining  adult  males  of  the  latter  sort  were  perhaps 
too  ill  to  sign  with  the  rest  (all  of  them  soon  died),  or  the  list  of  signers 
may  be  imperfect.^ 

This  needful  prehminary  step  was  taken  on  Saturday,  November  11/21, 
by  which  time  the  ''  Mayflower"  had  rounded  the  Cape  and  found  shelter 
in  the  quiet  harbor  on  which  now  lies  the  village  of  Provincetown ;  and 
probably  on  the  same  day  they  ''  chose,  or  rather  confirmed,"  as  Bradford 
has  it  (as  though  the  choice  were  the  foregone  conclusion  of  long  previous 
deliberation),  Mr.  John  Carver  governor  for  the  ensuing  year.  On  the 
same  day  an  armed  delegation  visited  the  neighboring  shore,  finding  no 
inhabitants.  There  were  no  attractions,  however,  for  a  permanent  settle- 
ment, nor  even  accommodations  for  a  comfortable  encampment  while  such 
a  place  was  being  sought.  After  briefer  explorations,  an  expedition  started 
on  Wednesday,  December  6/16,  to  circumnavigate  Cape  Cod  Bay  in  search 
of  a  good  harbor,  and  by  Friday  night  was  safely  landed  on  Clark's  Island 
(so  called  from  the  ship's  mate,  who  was  of  the  party),  just  within  what  is 
since  known  as  Plymouth  Bay.  On  Saturday  they  explored  the  island,  on 
the  Sabbath  day  they  rested,  and  on  Monday,  the  iith,^  they  sounded  the 
harbor  and  "marched  also  into  the  land,  and  found  divers  cornfields  and 
little  running  brooks,  a  place  very  ^ood  for  situation."  ^     Prepared  to  re- 

a,  and  while  the  carpenter  was  repairing  their  the  i6th,  reached  the  anchorage  depicted  on  the 
shallop,  Standish  and  sixteen  men  started  on  the  map  on  the  following  page.  —  Ed.] 
15th  November  (O.  S.)  on  the  first  expedition.  ^  [We  only  know  this  compact  in  the  tran- 
At  b  they  saw  some  Indians  and  a  dog,  who  dis-  script  given  in  Mourfs  Relatioji,  and  in  the  copy 
appeared  in  the  woods  at  c,  and  later  ran  up  the  which  Bradford  made  of  it  in  his  MS.  history. 
hill  at  d.  The  explorers  encamped  for  the  night  Its  last  surviving  signer  was  John  Alden,  who 
at  e,  and  the  next  day,  where  they  turned  the  died  in  Duxbury,  Sept.  12,  1686,  aged  eighty- 
head  of  the  creek,  they  drank  their  first  New  seven ;  though  that  passenger  of  the  "  May- 
England  water.  Then  at  ^ they  built  a  fire  as  a  flower"  longest  living  was  Mary,  daughter  of 
signal  to  those  on  the  ship.  At  h  they  spent  their  Isaac  Allerton,  who  became  the  wife  of  Elder 
second  night ;  at  /  they  found  plain  ground  fit 
to  plough  ;  at  k  they  opened  a  grave  ;  at  /  dug 
up  some  corn  ;  at  Pamet  River  they  found  an 
old  palisade  and  saw  two  canoes.  They  then 
retraeed  their  steps,  and  at  i  Bradford  was  caught  Thomas  Cushman  (son  of  Robert  Cushman), 
in  a  deer-trap.  They  reached  the  ship  on  the  and  she  died  in  1699,  aged  about  ninety.  — Ed.] 
17th.  When  the  shallop  was  ready,  ten  days  2  gy  ^ew  Style  the  21st;  through  an  un- 
later,  a  party  of  thirty-four  started  in  her  with  fortunate  mistake  originating  in  the  last  century 
Jones,  the  captain  of  the  "  Mayflower,"  as  leader,  (Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  i.  171)  the 
and  the  expedition,  called  the  second  on  the  2 2d  has  been  commonly  adopted  as  the  true 
map,  lasted  from  the  27th  to  the  30th  November,  date. 

The  third  expedition,  likewise  in  the  shallop,  3  Mourfs  Relation,^.  21.  Mr.  S.  H.  Gay  has 
started  on  the  6th  of  December.  Farther  south  suggested  {Atlantic  Monthly,  xlviii.  616)  that 
than  the  map  carries  the  dotted  line,  they  landed  this  landing  was  not  at  Plymouth,  but  on  the 
at  the  modern  Eastham,  and  had  their  first  en-  shore  more  directly  west  of  Clark's  Island  (Dux- 
counter  with  the  natives  on  the  8th,  and  the  bury  or  Kingston),  and  that  consequently  the 
same  day  reached  Plymouth  Harbor  in  the  even-  commemoration  of  a  landing  at  Plymouth  on 
ing,  as  narrated  in  the  text.  On  the  12th  the  that  day  rests  on  a  false  foundation;  but  the 
shallop,  sailing  directly  east  across  the  bay,  re-  Rev.  Henry  M.  Dexter,  D.D.,  has  conclusively 
turned  to  the  "  Mayflower,"  which  on  Saturday,  shown  {Congregationalist,  Nov.  9,  1881)  that  the 


^''{^^^^/\.0'^  er-AJf^AyAOM^ 


272  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


PLYMOUTH    HARBOR. 


port  favorably,  the  explorers  returned  to  the  ship,  which  by  the  end  of  the 
week  was  safely  anchored  in  the  chosen  haven.  The  selection  of  a  site  and 
the  preparation  of  materials,  in  uncertain  weather,  delayed  till  Monday,  the 


soundings  must  have  led  the  explorers,  unless 
the  deep-water  channels  have  unaccountably 
changed  since  then,  directly  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  rock  which  a  chain  of  trustworthy 
testimony  on  the  spot  identifies  as  the  first  land- 
ing-place of  any  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  company 
within  Plymouth  Harbor.  Tradition  divides  the 
honor  of  being  the  first  to  step  on  Plymouth 


Rock  between  John  Alden  and  Mary  Chilton, 
but  the  date  of  their  landing  must  have  been 
subsequent  to  December  ii. 

1  [This  is  reduced  from  a  map  given  in  Dr. 
Dexter's  edition  of  Mourfs  Relation.  The  Com- 
mon House  of  the  first  comers  was  situated  on 
Leyden  Street,  whicn  left  the  shore  just  south 
of  the  rock  and  ran  to  the  top  of  Burial  Hill, 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


273 


25th,  the  beginning  of  ''the  first  house,  for  common  use,  to  receive  them 
and  their  goods."  Before  the  new  year,  house-lots  were  assigned  to  famihes, 
and  by  the  middle  of  January  most  of  the  company  had  left  the  ship  for  a 
home  on  land.  But  the  exposures  incident  to  founding  a  colony  in  the 
dead  of  a  New  England  winter  (though  later  experience  showed  that  this 
was  a  comparatively  mild  one)  told  severely  on  all ;  and  before  summer 
came  one  half  of  the  number,  most  of  them  adult  males,  had  fallen  by  the 
way.^  Yet  when  the  *'  Mayflower  "  sailed  homewards  in  April,  not  one  of 
the  colonists  went  in  her,  so  sweet  was  the  taste  of  freedom,  even  under 
the  shadow  of  death. 

An  avowed  motive  of  the  emigration  was  the  hope  of  converting  the 
natives ;  but  more  than  three  months  elapsed  before  any  intercourse  with 
the  Indians  began.  Traces  of  their  propinquity  had  been  numerous,  and 
at  length,  on  March  16/26,  a  savage  visited  the  settlement,  announcing 
himself  in  broken  English  as  Samoset,  a  native  of  "  the  eastern  parts,"  or 
the  coast  of  Maine,  where  contact  with  English  fishermen  had  led  to  some 
knowledge  of  their  language.  From  Samoset  the  colonists  learned  that  the 
Indian  name  of  their  settlement  was  Patuxet,  and  that  about  four  years  be- 
fore a  kind  of  plague  had  destroyed  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  region, 
so  that  there  were  now  none  to  hinder  their  taking  possession  or  to  assert 
a  claim  to  the  territory.     They  learned  also  that  their  nearest  neighbors 


and  it  is  the  lots  on  the  south  side  of  this  street 
that  Bradford  marked  out  in  the  fac-sirnile  of 
the  first  page  of  the  record  given  on  another 
page.  The  "  highway  "  as  marked  on  that  plan 
led  to  the  south  to  the  Town  Brook.  The  Com- 
mon House,  if  it  had  been  designated  on  that 
draft,  would  have  been  put  next  "Peter  Brown;" 
on  the  plan  here  given  it  would  be  on  the  north 
side  of  the  brook,  about  where  the  meridian 
crosses  it,  though  the  engraver  has  put  the  desig- 
nation on  the  opposite  side  of  the  water.  It  was 
not  till  about  1630,  or  ten  years  after  their  land- 
ing, that  the  Plymouth  settlers  began  to  spread 
around  the  bay,  beyond  the  circuit  of  mutual  pro- 
tection. Still  for  a  year  or  two  they  scattered 
merely  for  summer  sojourns,  to  work  lands  which 
had  been  granted  them.  About  1632  Duxbury  be- 
gan to  receive  as  permanent  residents  several  of 


J\'^,  Jh^  c»^rv^^t>fc-s  5^^"**^^^ 


the  "  Mayflower  "  people.  Standish  settled  on  the 
shore  southeast  of  Captain's  Hill,  thus  attach- 
ing his  military  title  to  the  neighboring  emi- 
nence, and  though  his  grave  is  not  known,  it  is 
probable  that  he  was  buried,  in  1656,  on  his 
farm.  His  house  stood,  it  is  supposed,  nearly 
ten  years  longer,  and  was  probably  enlarged  by 
his  son,  Alexander  Standish,  who  was,  there  is 
some  reason  to  believe,  a  trader,  and  he  may 
VOL.  iir.  —  35. 


have  been  the  town  clerk  of  Duxbury.  Its 
records  begin  in  1666,  and  the  tradition  that 
connects  the  destruction  of  the  earlier  records 
with  that  of  this  house  derives  some  color  from 
the  traces  of  fire  which  have  been  discovered 
about  its  site.  {Sabbath  at  Home,  May,  1867.) 
The  house  now  known  as  the  Standish  house 
was  built  afterwards  by  Alexander,  the  son. 
Elder  Brewster  became  Standish's  neighbor  a 
little  later,  and  lived  east  of  the  hill.  Alden 
settled  near  the  arm  of  the  sea  just  west  of 
Powder  Point,  and  George  Soule  on  the  Point 
itself;  Peter  Brown  also  settled  in  Duxbury. 
Still  farther  to  the  north,  beyond  the  scope  of 
the  map,  Edward  Winslow  established  his  estate 
of  Careswell,  where  in  our  day  Daniel  Webster 
lived  and  died,  in  Marshfield.  John  Howland 
found  a  home  at  Rocky  Nook.  Isaac  Allerton 
removed  to  New  Haven,  and  Governor 
Bradford  during  his  last  years  was  almost 
the  only  one  of  those  who  came  in  the  first 
ship  who  still  lived  in  the  village  about  the 
rock.  (Cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xi.  478.)  —  Ed.] 
1  [The  burials  of  that  first  winter  were  made 
on  what  was  later  known  as  Coale's  Hill,  iden- 


Jot/yt^    C^ca£^-    c 


^^yy^ru^ — 


tical  with  the  present  terrace  above  the  rock. 
It  perpetuates  the  name  of  one  of  the  early 
comers.  —  Ed.] 


2  74 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


were  the  Wampanoags,  the  headquarters  of  whose  chief  sachem,  Massasoit, 
were  some  thirty  miles  to  the  southwestward,  near  the  eastern  shore  of 
Narragansett  Bay.  The  next  week  Samoset  brought  in  Squanto,  formerly 
of  Patuxet,  who  had  been  taken  to  England  in  1614  by  Hunt,  and  who  was 
now  willing  to  act  as  interpreter  in  a  visit  from  Massasoit ;   the  latter  fol- 




THE    SWORDS  J 


lowed  an  hour  later  and  contracted  unhesitatingly  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
alliance,  which  was  observed  for  fifty-four  years. 

'With  the  beginning  of  a  new  civil  year  (March  25)  Carver  was  re-elected 
governor,  and  some  simple  necessary  laws  were  established ;  on  Carver's 
sudden  death  the  following  month,  Bradford  was  chosen  his  successor,  under 
whose  mild  and  wise  direction  the  colony  went  on  as  before.     As  Bradford 


^  [This  group  is  preserved  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  all  but  two 
of  the  swords  are  associated  with  Plymouth  his- 
tory. The  middle  sword  is  that  of  Governor  Car- 
ver. On  the  left,  descending,  are  those  of  Gen- 
eral John  Winslow,  Captain  Miles  Standish, 
and  Governor  Brooks  of  Massachusetts.  On  the 
right  are  those,  in  a  like  descending  order,  of  Sir 


William  Pepperrell,  Elder  Brewster,  and  Colonel 
Benjamin  Church,  the  Plymouth  hero  of  Philip's 
War.  Another  Standish  sword  is  preserved  in 
Pilgrim  Hall  in  Plymouth,  and  is  figured  in  the 
group  of  Pilgrim  relics  on  another  page,  as  well 
as  in  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  177.  Con- 
cerning those  above  represented,  see  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Froc,  i.  88,  114.—  Ed.] 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


275 


was  then  enfeebled  by  illness,  Isaac  Allerton  was  at  the  same  time  appointed 
Assistant  to  the  Governor. 

After  a  summer  and  autumn  of  prosperous  labor  and  harvest,  they  were 
cheered,  November  11/21,  by  the  arrival  of  the  "Fortune"  from  London, 
bringing  as  a  visitor  Robert  Cushman,  their  former  associate,  and  thirty-five 
additions  to  their  feeble  number,  twenty-five  of  them  adult  males, — the 
majority,  however,  not  from  Leyden.  The  ship  brought  also  a  patent, 
granted  June  ijii}  by  the  President  and  Council  of  New  England  —  within 


SIGNERS    OF   THE    PATENT,    1621. 

v/hose  territory  the  new  settlement  lay  —  to  the  same  John  Peirce  and  his 
associates  in  whose  names  the  merchants  fathering  this  venture  had  se- 
cured a  patent  the  year  before  from  the  Virginia  Company  for  the  use  of 
the  */  Mayflower  "  colonists.  Without  fixing  territorial  limits,  the  new  grant 
allowed  a  hundred  acres  to  be  taken  up  for  every  emigrant,  with  fifteen 
hundred  acres  for  public  buildings,  and  empowered  the  grantees  to  make 
laws  and  set  up  a  government. 

By  the  delivery  of  this  patent  a  sufficient  show  of  authority  was  con- 
ferred for  immediate  need  and  for  eight  and  a  half  years  to  come.  It  is 
true  that  in  April,  1622,  Peirce  obtained  surreptitiously  for  his  private  use 
a  new  grant  with  additional  privileges,  to  be  valid  in  place  of  the  grant 
just  described ;  but  the  trick  was  soon  discovered,  and  the  associates  were 
reinstated  by  the  Plymouth  Company  in  their  rights. 

Taking  these  eight  and  a  half  years  under  the  first  patent  as  a  separate 
period,  the  progress  made  in  them  may  be  briefly  stated. 


1  Printed  in  1854  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  vol. 
xxxii,  with  Introduction  by  Mr.  Charles  Deane; 
also  separately  (one  hundred  copies).  [The 
original  parchment  was  discovered,  in  the  early 
part  of  this  century,  in  the  Land  Office  in  Boston ; 
and  having  been  used  by  Judge  Davis  when  he 
edited  Morton's  Memorial,  was  again  lost  sight 


of  till  just  before  it  fell  to  Mr.  Deane  to  edit 
it.  Besides  the  autographs  of  the  Duke  of 
Lenox,  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  Lord  Sheffield,  and  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  it  bore  one  other  signature,  of  which 
a  remnant  only  remains.  It  is  now  at  Ply- 
mouth. —  Ed.1 


276  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

The  settlement  is  first  called  "  New  Plymouth  "  in  a  letter  sent  back  to 
England  by  the  "Fortune"  in  December,  1621,  and  printed  in  the  second 
edition  of  Captain  John  Smith's  New  England's  Trials,  in  1622.  That  it  was 
so  called  may  have  been  suggested  as  much  by  the  name  Plymouth  on 
Smith's  map  of  this  region  (1614)  as  by  the  departure  of  the  "  Mayflower" 
from  Plymouth,  England,  or  by  the  knowledge  that  the  colony  was  the  first 
within  the  limits  of  the  newly  incorporated  Plymouth  Company.  Later, 
the  town  was  called  simply  Plymouth,  while  the  colony  retained  the  name 
New  Plymouth. 

In  numbers  they  increased  from  less  than  fifty  at  the  arrival  of  the 
''  Fortune,"  to  near  three  hundred  on  the  reception  of  the  second  charter 
in  May,  1630.  The  most  important  accessions  were  in  July,  1623,  —  about 
sixty  persons,  a  few  of  them  from  Leyden;  and  about  as  many  more  —  all 
from  Leyden  —  in  1629-30. 

In  the  second  year  at  New  Plymouth,  because  of  threats  from  the  Narra- 
gansett  tribe  of  Indians  about  Narragansett  Bay,  the  town  was  enclosed  with 
a  strong  palisade,  and  a  substantial  fort  (used  also  on  Sundays  as  a  meet- 
ing-house) was  erected  on  the  hill  which  formed  so  conspicuous  a  feature 
of  the  enclosure.  The  mode  of  life  which  John  Smith  described  in  his 
Generall  Historie  \w  1624, — that  *' the  most  of  them  live  together  as  one 
family  or  household,  yet  every  man  foUoweth  his  trade  and  profession  both 
by  sea  and  land,  and  all  for  a  general  stock,  out  of  which  they  have  all  their 
maintenance," — was  modified  the  same  year,  to  the  great  advantage  of  all,  by 
the  assignment  to  each  head  of  a  family  of  an  acre  of  ground  for  planting, 
to  be  held  as  his  own  till  the  division  of  profits  with  the  London  merchants. 
While  this  taste  of  proprietorship  tended  to  increase  the  restlessness  of  the 
planters,  the  vanishing  prospect  of  large  returns  was  simultaneously  dis- 
heartening the  "  merchant  adventurers,"  so  that  many  withdrew,  and  the  re- 
mainder agreed  to  a  termination  of  the  partnership,  in  consideration  of  the 
payment  of  ;^i,8oo,  in  nine  equal  annual  instalments,  beginning  in  1628. 
This  arrangement  was  effected  in  London  in  November,  1626,  through 
Isaac  Allerton,  one  of  the  younger  of  the  original  Leyden  emigrants,  who 
had  been  commissioned  for  the  purpose ;  and  to  meet  the  new  financial 
situation,  the  resident  adult  males  (except  a  few  thought  unworthy  of  con- 
fidence) were  constituted  stockholders,  each  one  being  allowed  shares  up 
to  the  number  of  his  family.  Then  followed  an  allotment  of  land  to  each 
shareholder,  the  settlement  of  the  title  of  each  to  the  house  he  occupied, 
and  a  distribution  of  the  few  cattle  on  hand  among  groups  of  families, — 
all  these  possessions  having  hitherto  been  the  joint,  undivided  stock  of  the 
*' merchant  adventurers"  and  the  planters.  At  the  same  time  eight  lead- 
ing planters  (Bradford,  Standish,  Allerton,  Winslow,  Brewster,  Rowland, 
Aldcn,  and  Prince),  with  the  help  of  four  London  friends,  undertook  to 
meet  the  outstanding  obligations  of  the  colony  and  the  first  six  annual 
payments  on  the  new  basis,  obtaining  in  return  a  monopoly  of  the  foreign 
trade. 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


277 


In  these  arrangements,  which  proved  eminently  wise  for  the  pubhc  in- 
terests, one  object  was  to  facilitate  further  emigration  from  Leyden.     The 
management  of  the  London  merchants  had  been  unfavorable  to  this  end, 
and  it  was  a  special  grief 
that   during   this    period 
of  delay  the  beloved  pas- 
tor, Robinson,  had  ended 
his  life  in  Leyden,  —  Feb. 
19  (March  I ),  1625.    The 
heavy  expenses  of  trans- 
porting and  providing  for 
such    as    came    over   in 
1629-30  were  cheerfully 
borne  by  the  new  man- 
agement. 

The  same  temper  in  the 
London  merchants  which 
had  hindered  Robinson's 
coming,  —  a  conviction 
that  the  religious  pecu- 
liarities of  the  Pilgrims 
interfered  with  the  at- 
tractiveness and  financial 
success  of  the  colony, — 
led  them  to  send  over  in 
1624  a  minister  of  their 
own  choosing  (John  Ly- 
ford ) ,  who  was  not  merely 

not  in  sympathy  with  the  wants  of  the  Plymouth  men,  but  even  tried  to 
serve  his  patrons  by  false  accusations  and  by  attempting  to  set  up  the 
Church  of  England  form  of  worship.  He  w^s  expelled  from  the  colony 
within  a  year  from  his  arrival,  and  the  church  continued  under  Elder 
Brewster's   teaching.     In    1628  Mr.   AUerton   on  a  voyage  from  England, 


GOVERNOR  EDWARD  WINSLOW. 


1  [This  is  the  only  authentic  likeness  of  any 
of  the  "  Mayflower"  Pilgrims.  It  was  painted  in 
*England  in  1651,  when  Winslow  was  fifty-six.  It 
has  been  several  times  engraved  before,  as  may 
be  seen  in  the  Winslow  Memorial^  in  Young's 
Chronicles,  in  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  and  in 
Morton's  Memorial,  Boston  edition,  1855.  The 
original,  once  the  property  of  Isaac  Winslow, 
Esq.,  is  now  deposited  in  the  gallery  of  the 
Pilgrim  Society  at  Plymouth.  (Cf.  -T^Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  vii.  286,  and  Proc,  x.  36.)  Various  relics 
of  the  Governor  are  also  preserved  in  Pilgrim 
Hall  at  Plymouth.  There  are  biographies  of  him 
in  Belknap's  American  Biography,  and  in  J.  B. 
Moore's  American  Governors.     A  record  of  Gov- 


ernor Winslow's  descendants  will  be  found  in  the 
N.E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg,  1850,  297  (by  Lemuel 
Shattuck) ;  1863,  p.  159  (by  J.  H.  Sheppard).  Of 
the  descendants  of  his  brother  Kenelm,  see  L.  R. 
Paige's  account  in  the  Register,  187 1,  p.  355,  and 
1872,  p.  69.  An  extensive  Winslow  Memorial 
has  been  begun  by  David  P.  Holton,  1877,  the 
first  volume  of  which  is  given  to  all  descendants 
(of  all  names)  of  Kenelm.  See  Register,  1877, 
p.  454 ;  1878,  p.  94,  by  W.  S.  Appleton,  who  in  the 
Register,  1867,  p.  209,  has  a  note  on  the  English 
ancestry;  and  Colonel  Chester  has  a  similar  note 
in  1870,  p.  329.  There  is  in  Harvard  College 
Library  a  manuscript  on  Careswell  and  the  Wins- 
lows  by  the  late  Dr.  James  Thacher.  —  Ed.] 


278  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

without  direction  from  the  church,  brought  ove;r  another  minister,  but  men- 
tal derangement  quickly  ended  his  career. 

The  colony  began  within  these  first  years  to  enlarge  its  outlook.  In  1627, 
to  further  their  maritime  interests,  an  outpost  was  established  on  Buzzard's 
Bay,  twenty  miles  to  the  southward ;  in  the  same  year  relations  of  friendly 
commerce  were  entered  into  with  the  Dutch  of  New  Amsterdam,  and  as 
soon  as  the  nearer  plantations  of  the  Massachusetts  Company  were  begun, 
Plymouth  was  prompt  to  aid  and  counsel  as  occasion  offered.  In  1628  the 
attempt  was  made  to  establish  more  firmly  the  existing  trade  with  the 
Eastern  Indians,  by  obtaining  a  patent  for  a  parcel  of  land  on  the  River 
Kennebec. 


GOVERNORS  OF  PLYMOUTH  COLONY.  ^ 

These  outside  experiences  were  all  in  the  way  of  encouragements :  the 
most  serious  annoyances  came,  not  directly  from  the  savages,  but  from 
neighbors  of  their  own  blood.  Thus  in  1623  the  wretched  colonists  sent 
out  the  year  before  by  Thomas  Weston  to  Weymouth,  twenty  miles  north- 
west from  Plymouth,  had  to  be  protected  from  their  own  mismanagement 
and  the  hostility  of  the  natives,  by  which  means  came  about  the  first  shed- 
ding of  Indian  blood  by  the  Pilgrims ;  and  thus  again,  five  years  later,  the 
unruly  nest  of  Morton's  followers  at  Merry  Mount,  just  beyond  Weymouth, 
had  to  be  broken  up  by  force. 

Of  the  progress  of  civil  government  in  this  first  period  we  have  scanty 
memorials.  Few  laws  and  few  officials  answered  the  simple  needs  of  the 
colony.  Bradford  was  annually  elected  governor,  and  in  1624,  at  his  desire, 
a  board  of  five  Assistants  was  substituted  for  the  single  Assistant  who  had 
hitherto  shared  the  executive  responsibility.  The  people  met  from  time  to 
time  in  General  Court  for  the  transaction  of  public  business,  and  in  1623  a 
book  of  laws  was  begun ;  but  three  pages  sufBced  to  contain  the  half-dozen 
simple  enactments  of  the  next  half-dozen  years. 

1  [Of  John   Carver,   the   first  governor,  no  Edward  Winslow,  1633,  1636,  1644. 

signature  is  known.    This  group  shows  the  auto-  Thomas  Prince,  1634,  1638,  1657-72. 

graphs  of  all  his  successors,  who  held  the  office  Josiah  Winslow,  1673-80. 

for  the  years  annexed  to  their  names  :  —  Thomas  Hinckley,  1681  to  the  union,  except 

William  Bradford,  1621-32,  1635,  1637,  1639-  during  the  Andros  interregnum. — Ed.] 
43.  1645-56. 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 


279 


The  next  period  of  the  colony  history  extends  from  Jan.  13/23,  1629-30, 
when  the  Council  for  New  England  granted  to  Bradford,  his  heirs,  associates, 
and  assigns,  a  useful  enlargement  of  the  patent  for  Plymouth  and  Kenne- 
bec, to  March  2/12,  1640-41,  when  Bradford  in  the  name  of  the  grantees 
conveyed  the  rights  thus  bestowed  to  the  freemen  of  New  Plymouth  in 
their  corporate  capacity. 


2.    BREWSTER. 


||;:ri1'J;li|il!|llfi:,.^,■ii^,i^l./fl::i:l,,ii!t*l::Lil^!l■^i,.^'^"^ 


I.    CARVER. 


3.    WINSLOW. 


PILGRIM    RELICS.  1 


The  most  striking  feature  of  this  period  was  the  growth  from  a  single 
plantation  to  a  province  of  eight  towns,  seven  of  them  stretching  for  fifty 
miles  along  the  shore  of  Cape  Cod  Bay,  from  Scituate  to  Yarmouth, 
and  Taunton  lying  twenty-five  miles  inland,  —  in  all  containing  about 
twenty-five  hundred  souls.  With  this  growth  there  was  also  some  ex- 
tension of  trade  on  the  Kennebec  and  Penobscot,  and  in   1632   a  begin- 


1  [The  chest  of  drawers  is  an  ancient  one, 
which  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  belonged 
to  Peregrine  White.  (N.  E.  Htst,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.  1873,  P-  39^-)  The  sword  and  vessels  be- 
longed to  Standish.  The  cradle  belonged  to 
Dr.  Samuel  Fuller,  the  physician  of  the  Pil- 
grims. (Russell's  Pilgrim  Memorials,  p.  55; 
Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  201.)  Chair  No.  i 
belonged  to  Governor  Carver  ;  No.  2  was 
Elder  Brewster's;  No.  3  is  said  to  have  been 
Governor  Edward  Winslow's ;   and  this  with  a 


table,  which  was  until  recently  in  the  hall 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  has 
lately  been  reclaimed  by  its  owner,  Mr.  Isaac 
Winslow.  (See  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  v.  293.; 
Proceedings,  ii.  i,  284;  iv.  142;  xix.  [24;  Young's 
Chronicles,  p.  238 ;  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers, 
p.  197.)  There  are  other  groupings  of  Pil- 
grim relics  in  Dr.  Dexter's  papers  ;  C.  W. 
Elliott's  "Good  Old  Times  at  Plymouth"  in 
Harper's  Mortthly,  1877,  p.  180;  Bartlett's  Pil- 
grim  Fathers.  —  Ed.] 


28o  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

ning  of  exploration,  and  in  1633  of  settlement,  in  the  Connecticut  Valley; 
but  the  appearance  of  numerous  emigrants  from  Massachusetts  Bay  de- 
feated the  contemplated  removal  of  the  entire  colony  to  the  last-named 
location. 

The  establishment  of  towns  led  necessarily  to  a  more  elaborate  system 
of  civil  government,  and  in  1636  it  was  found  expedient  to  revise  and  codify 
the  previous  enactments  of  the  General  Court,  and  to  prescribe  the  duties 
of  the  various  public  officers.  In  1638  the  inconveniences  of  governing  by 
mass-meeting  led  to  the  introduction  of  the  representative  system  already 
familiar  to  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  number  of  Assistants  had  been  in- 
creased in  1633  from  five  to  seven. 

In  1629  an  acceptable  minister  of  the -gospel  —  Ralph  Smith,  a  Cam- 
bridge graduate  —  for  the  first  time  took  charge  of  the  church  in  Plymouth; 
and  by  1641  the  eight  towns  of  the  colony  were  all  (except  Marshfield, 
which  was  but  just  settled)  supplied  with  educated  clergy,  of  whom  perhaps 
the  most  influential  was  Ralph  Partridge,  of  Duxbury. 

The  half-century  (1641-91)  which  completed  the  separate  existence  of 
Plymouth  Colony,  witnessed  no  radical  changes,  but  a  steady  development 
under  the  existing  patent,  though  repeated  but  unsuccessful  attempts 
were  made  to  obtain  a  charter  direct  from  the  English  Government.  At 
the  outset  (in  1641),  by  a  purchase  of  the  remaining  interests  of  the  Eng- 
lish partners  of  1627,  the  last  trace  of  dependence  on  foreign  capital  was 
wiped  out. 

Notwithstanding  the  discontinuance  of  English  emigration  after  1640, 
and  the  enormous  devastation  of  Philip's  war  in  1675-76,  the  population 
of  the  colony  increased  to  about  eight  thousand  in  these  fifty  years,  being 
distributed  through  twenty  towns,  of  which  Scituate  had  probably  the 
largest  numbers  and  certainly  the  most  wealth,  the  town  of  Plymouth  hav- 
ing lost,  even  as  early  as  1643,  its  former  prominence.  That  this  growth 
was  no  greater,  and  that  expansion  beyond  the  strict  colony  limits  was 
completely  checked,  resulted  inevitably  from  the  more  favorable  situation 
of  the  neighboring  colony  of  the  Bay. 

The  civil  administration  continued  as  before,  the  Governor's  Assistants 
and  the  Deputies  sitting  in  General  Court  as  one  body.  Deputies  were 
elected  in  each  town  by  the  resident  freemen,  the  freemen  being  the  original 
signers  of  the  compact  on  board  the  *'  Mayflower,"  with  such  persons  as  had 
been  added  to  their  number  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  general  court.  Public 
sentiment  was  so  trustworthy  that  no  qualifications  were  named  for  the 
estate  of  freemen  until  1656,  when  it  was  merely  provided  that  a  candidate 
must  have  been  approved  by  the  freemen  of  his  own  town.  Two  years 
later,  when  the  colony  was  overrun  by  Quaker  propagandists,  persons  of 
that  faith,  as  well  as  all  others  who  similarly  opposed  the  laws  and  the 
established  worship,  were  distinctly  excluded  from  the  privileges  of  free- 
men, and  in  the  new  revision  of  the  laws  in  167 1  freemen  were  obliged  to 
be  at  least  twenty-one  years  of  age,  *'  of  sober  and  peaceable  conversation. 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  28 1 

orthodox  in  the  fundamentals  of  religion,"  and  possessed  of  at  least  ;£^20 
worth  of  ratable  estate  in  the  colony.  By  the  Code  of  167 1  a  Court  of 
Assistants  was  created  to  exercise  the  judicial  functions  hitherto  retained 
by  the  General  Court;  but  in  1685,  with  the  constitution  of  three  counties, 
most  of  these  duties  were  transferred  to  county  courts. 

Two  interdependent  circumstances  conspired  with  the  poverty  of  the 
settlers  and  the  unattractivenees  of  the  soil, —  even  as  compared  with  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  —  to  retard  seriously  the  progress  of  the  colony ;  and  these 
were,  their  inability  to  keep  up  a  learned  ministry,  and  the  enforced  delay 
in  providing  for  public  education.  The  first  of  these  facts  was  so  patent 
as  to  call  forth  public  rebukes  from  Massachusetts,  and  it  may  be  enough 
to  recall  that  in  1641  seven  of  the  eight  townships  constituting  the  colony 
were  served  by  ministers  of  English  education ;  but  in  the  next  half-century 
these  same  pulpits  stood  vacant  on  the  average  upwards  of  ten  years  each, 
and  the  new  towns  which  were  formed  in  the  colony  had  no  larger  amount 
of  ministerial  service.  As  to  the  other  point,  it  is  sufficient  to  note  that 
neither  from  tradition  nor  from  public  records  is  there  evidence  of  any 
opportunity  or  provision  for  education  before  1670,  —  except,  of  course, 
in  the  private  family.     Their  poverty  no  doubt  chiefly  occasioned  this. 

Yet  while  the  resources  of  Plymouth  and  the  education  of  her  public  men 
were  distinctly  inferior  to  those  of  the  Bay,  she  bore  herself  in  her  relations 
with  the  other  colonies  with  a  certain  simple  dignity  and  straightforward 
reasonableness  which  won  respect ;  and  in  matters  of  general  interest  she 
was  content  to  share  the  sentiments  of  her  comrades  without  controlling 
them.  She  joined  in  the  New  England  Confederation  of  1643  ;  and  though 
the  idea  sprang  from  another  quarter,  it  is  probable  that  the  form  was  influ- 
enced by  suggestions  from  the  Plymouth  men,  derived  from  their  experi- 
ence in  the  United  Netherlands. 

Plymouth's  treatment  of  the  Quakers,  in  1656  and  the  following  years, 
illustrated  in  part  the  contrast  with  Massachusetts  Bay.  At  the  outset 
public  sentiment  was  much  the  same  in  the  two  colonies,  in  view  of  the 
extravagances  and  indecencies  of  these  intruders ;  but  the  greater  mildness 
of  administration  in  Plymouth  bore  its  appropriate  fruit  in  lessening  the 
evil  characteristics  which  developed  by  opposition,  and  gradually  the  dreaded 
sectaries  gained  a  foothold,  until  finally  their  principles  were  widely  adopted 
in  certain  localities  with  only  good  results. 

Plymouth's  treatment  of  the  Royal  Commissioners  in  1665  indicated 
fairly  her  consistent  attitude  towards  the  mother  country ;  in  receiving  the 
King's  mandates  with  respect,  and  in  promising  conformity,  she  held  the 
course  which  had  produced  the  seven  articles  at  Leyden  in  161 7. 

The  most  serious  misfortune  to  visit  the  colony  was  the  Indian  war  which 
broke  out  early  in  1675.  Up  to  that  time  the  Plymouth  men  had  been 
careful  to  acquire  by  bond  fide  purchase  a  title  to  all  new  lands  as  they  were 
occupied ;  they  had  endeavored  also  (with  fair  success,  as  compared  with 
like  efl"orts  in  Massachusetts  Bay)  to  spread  the  knowledge  of  Christianity; 

VOL.  III.  —  36. 


282 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


and  in  1675  there  were  perhaps  six  or  seven  hundred  "  praying  Indians  " 
within  the  colony  bounds.  But  Wamsutta  and  Metacomet  (otherwise  Alex- 
ander and  Philip),  the  sons  and  successors  of  the  sachem  Massasoit,  were 
hostile  to  the  whites  and  unaffected  by  Christian  influences ;  and  after 
Alexander's  death,  in  1662,  the  colonists  found  that  only  by  constant 
watchfulness  could  they  prevent  a  breach  with  the  savages.     Finally  under 

Philip's  lead  they  rose 
and  began  a  war  of  ex- 
termination. The  excit- 
ing cause  and  the  earliest 
operations  were  within 
the  territory  claimed  by 
Plymouth ;  on  her  fell 
successively  the  heaviest 
blows  (in  proportion  to 
her  population)  and  the 
most  pressing  responsi- 
bilities for  defence. 
When  the  war  ended 
with  Philip's  death,  in 
August,  1676,  more  than 
half  her  towns  had  been 
partially  or  wholly  de- 
stroyed, and  the  colony's 
share  (about  i^i 5,000)  of 
the  expense  incurred  by 
the  New  England  Con- 
federacy in  suppressing 
the  Indians  was  a  very 
serious  burden  on  a  feeble  agricultural  community.  Before  the  slow  process 
of  recovery  from  these  desolations  could  be  accomplished,  the  ancient  cus- 
toms of  self-government  were  invaded  by  James  II. ;  and  when  the  arbi- 
trary exactions  under  Andros,  as  Governor  of  all  New  England,  were  ended 
in  the  Revolution  of  1689,  the  return  to  the  old  conditions  of  freedom  was 
but  temporary;  the  new  monarchs  followed  James's  policy  of  consolidation, 
and  Plymouth  found  herself  fated  to  be  included  either  in  the  charter  of 
New  York  or  in  that  of  Massachusetts.  Better  a  known  than  an  unknown 
evil;  and  accordingly  the  London  agen^  of  Plymouth  was  authorized  to 
express  a  preference  for  union  with  Boston,  and  the  provincial  charter  of 
Massachusetts  in  October,  1691,  put  an  end  to  the  separate  existence  of  the 
colony  of  New  Plymouth.     Of  the  original  *'  Mayflower"  company  but  two 

V  [This  canvas  is  likewise  the  property  of  only  likenesses  of  the  Plymouth  governors  ex- 
Isaac  Winslow,  Esq.,  and  is  now  in  the  Pilgrim  tant;  and  Josiah  Winslow  was  the  first  governor 
Hall,  at  Plymouth.  This  portrait,  and  that  of  of  native  birth,  having  been  born  in  Marshfield 
the  father,  the  elder  Governor  Winslow,  are  the  in  1629;  dying  there  in  1680.  — Ed.] 


GOVERNOR   JOSIAH    WINSLOW. 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  283 

members  survived,  —  John  Cooke,  of  Dartmouth,  who  died  in  1695,  ^^^ 
Mary  (Allerton)  Cushman,  of  Plymouth,  who  died  in  1699.  The  younger 
generation  were  accustomed  to  the  leadership  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and 
accepted  the  union  as  a  natural  and  fitting  step. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON    THE   SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 

THE  earliest  printed  volume  treating  of  the  origin  of  Plymouth  Colony  was  A'^w 
England's  Memorial;  .  .  .  wi/Zi  special  Referejice  to  the  first  Colony  thereof,  pub- 
lished by  Nathaniel  Morton  in  1669.  As  he  states  in  his  "  Epistle  Dedicatory,"  the  most 
of  his  intelligence  concerning  the  beginnings  of  the  settlement  came  from  manuscripts  left 
by  his  "much-honored  uncle,  Mr.  William  Bradford."  Morton's  parents  had  emigrated 
in  1623,  when  he  was  a  boy  of  ten,  from  Leyden  to  Plymouth,  with  a  younger  sister  of  Mrs. 
Morton,  who  had  been  sent  for  to  become  the  wife  of  Governor  Bradford.  This  connec- 
tion and  his  own  position  as  secretary  of  the  General  Court  of  the  Colony  from  1645,  gave 
peculiar  opportunities  for  gathering  information  ;  but  his  book  preserves  nothing  on  the 
earliest  portion  of  the  Pilgrim  history,  beyond  the  date  (1602)  and  the  place  ("the  North 
of  England  ")  of  their  entering  into  a  church  covenant  together. 

The  manuscripts  of  Governor  Bradford  passed  at  his  death  (1657)  to  his  eldest  son, 
Major  William  Bradford,  of  Plymouth,  and  while  in  his  possession  a  few  particulars  were 
extracted  for  Cotton  Mather's  use  in  his  Magnalia  (1702),  especially  in  the  "  Life  of  Brad- 
ford"  (book  ii.  chap.  i.).  A  minute,  but  very  efficient  typographical  error,  however 
(A«sterfield  for  A?^sterfield),  kept  students  for  the  next  century  and  a  half  out  of  the 
knowledge  of  Governor  Bradford's  birthplace,  and  of  the  exact  neighborhood  whence 
came  the  Leyden  migration.  From  Major  William  Bradford,  who  died  in  1704,  the  manu- 
scripts descended  to  his  son,  Major  John,  of  Kingston  (originally  a  part  of  Plymouth),  by 
whom  the  most  precious  were  lent  or  given,  in  1728,  to  the  Rev.  Thomas  Prince,  of  Boston. ^ 
Prince  made  a  careful  use  of  this  material  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Annals  (1736),  fixing 
the  locality  whence  the  Pilgrims  came  as  "near  the  joining  borders  of  Nottinghamshire, 
Linconshire,  and  Yorkshire,"  and  lodged  the  originals  in  the  library  which  he  bequeathed, 
in  1758,  to  the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston.  Governor  Thomas  Hutchinson,  while  writing 
his  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  found  these  manuscripts  in  the  Prince  Library,  and 
printed  in  the  Appendix  to  his  second  volume  (1767)  a  valuable  extract  describing  the 
exodus  to  Holland.  In  the  troublous  times  which  followed,  the  Bradford  papers  dis- 
appeared. 

Another  extract  from  Bradford,  however,  soon  after  came  to  light  in  the  records  of 
the  First  Church  in  Plymouth,  where  Secretary  Morton  had  transcribed,  in  1680,  most 
of  his  uncle's  account  of  the  transatlantic  history  of  the  Pilgrims.  This  was  printed, 
in  part  and  somewhat  inaccurately,  by  Ebenezer  Hazard,  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Historical 
Collections  (1792),  and  in  full  by  the  Rev.  Alexander  Young,  in  his  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrims  (1841). 

The  clews  furnished  by  Mather  and  Prince  to  the  Pilgrim  cradle-land  attracted  no 
special  attention  until  1842,  when  the  Hon.  James  Savage,  during  a  visit  to  England,^ 
submitted  the  problem  to  the  Rev.  Joseph   Hunter,  author  of  a  history  of  South  York- 

1  Bradford's  History,  xi. ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  August,  1866,  p.  345. 

2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  xxviii.  298. 


284 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


shire,  of  which  region  he  was  also  a  native.  Mr.  Hunter,  though  the  evidence  was  in- 
complete, suggested  that  Austerfield  was  the  place  wanted  ;  and  the  attention  of  this 
accomplished  antiquary  being  thus  enlisted,  the  result  appeared  in  a  tract,  published  by 
him  in  1849,  entitled  Collections  concerning  the  Founders  of  New  Plyfnouth,  which  iden- 
tified the  meeting-place  of  the  Separatist  Church  before  their  removal  to  Holland.  This 
tract  was  reissued,  in  1852,  in  the  Mass,  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  xxxi.,  and  again  in  London, 
in  an  enlarged  form,  in  1854.1  The  author's  careful  examination  of  local  records  made 
plain  the  position  of  the  Brewsters  in  Scrooby,  and  of  the  Bradfords  in  Austerfield  (with 
the  entry  of  Governor  Bradford's  baptism),  and  traced  their  families,  as  well  as  the  families 
of  other  early  members  of  the  Scrooby  flock,  in  the  neighboring  parishes.  The  import- 
ance of  Mr.  Hunter's  labors  may  be  seen  in  the  fact,  that,  besides  Brewster  and  Bradford, 
none  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  passengers  (except  the  two  Winslows)  have  even  yet  been  surely 
traced  to  an  English  birthplace. ^ 

Mr.  Hunter's  success  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  other  investigators.  The  earliest 
visit  to  Scrooby  which  has  received  notice  in  print  was  one  made  in  July,  1 851,  by  the  Rev. 
Henry  M.  Dexter,  of  Boston,  described  by  him  in  The  Congregationalist  oi  Aug.  8,  185 1. 
Mr.  W.  H.  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  35,  published  in  1853,  added  nothing  to  Hunter's 
researches,  except  some  interesting  engravings  of  the  church  in  which  Bradford  was  bap- 
tized, and  of  Scrooby  village.  In  his  enlarged  edition  of  1854,  Hunter  gave  a  better  view 
of  the  remains  of  the  palace  inhabited  by  Brewster.  Mr.  Palfrey  visited  the  neighbor- 
hood in  1856,  and  records  his  impressions  in  a  note  on  p.  134  of  vol.  i.  (1858)  of  his 
History  of  New  England.     In  i860  the  Rev.  John  Raine,  vicar  of  the  parish  of  Blyth,  in 


1  [The  main  parts  of  it  were  also  reprinted 
in  the  Congregational  Board's  edition  of  Morton, 
in  1855.  There  is  a  memoir  of  Hunter  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xvii.  300.  —  Ed.] 

2  Priest,  Tinker  and  Soule,  are  names  found 
in  the  records  of  parishes  near  Scrooby  (Pal- 
frey's Histoiy  of  New  England,  i.  160),  and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  Degory  Priest,  Thomas 
Tinker,  and  George  Sowle,  of  the  "Mayflower," 
may  have  come  from  this  region.  It  is  also  said 
by  Mr.  W.  T.  Davis  [Harper's  Magazine,  Ixiv. 
254,  January,  1882,  "  Who  were  the  Pilgrims  ?"), 
that  a  William  Batten's  baptism  is  found  in 
Austerfield,  under  date  of  Sept.  12,  1589.  But 
it  would  be  hazardous  to  identify  this  man  of 
thirty-one  years  with  the  "  William  Butten,  a 
youth,  servant  to  Samuel  Fuller,"  who  died  on 
the  "  Mayflower's  "  voyage  to  America.  It  is 
also  believed  that  Miles  Standish  was  a  scion 
of  the  Standish  family  of  Duxbury  Hall,  Lanca- 
shire. [This  view  is  encouraged,  if  not  estab- 
lished, by  the  expressions  of  Standish's  own  will, 
which  is  printed  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  v. 
335.  The  story  of  Standish's  career  has  been  more 
than  once  reviewed  of  late  years,  on  account  of 
the  efforts,  not  yet  completed,  to  erect  a  tower  to 
his  memory  on  Captain's  Hill,  in  Duxbury.  Its 
proposed  height  is  not  yet  reached  ;  and  when 
completed,  it  will  bear  his  efiigy  on  its  top. 
There  were  Proceedings  printed  to  commemorate 
the  consecration  of  the  ground,  Aug.  17,  187 1, 
and  on  laying  the  corner-stone,  in  1872.  It  is 
known  that  Standish  was  never  of  the  Pilgrim 
communion;  and  "Was  Miles  Standish  a  Ro- 
manist?" is  discussed  in  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist., 


i.  390.  The  inventory  of  his  books  is  given  in 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  i.  54.  Bartlett, 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  and  the  illustrated  edition  of 
Longfellow's  Poems,  1880,  give  some  views  con- 
nected with  the  English  family.  On  the  descend- 
ants of  the  Captain,  see  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  1873,  P-  145  '■>  Winsor's  Duxbury  ;  Savage's 
Dictionary,  etc. 

Of  the  origin  of  Carver,  their  first  governor, 
nothing  is  known.  Cf.  N.  B.  Shurtleff,  in  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1850,  p.  105;  1863,  p.  62; 
and  1872,  p.  333.  The  Howlands  were  long  sup- 
posed to  be  his  descendants  through  the  mar- 
riage of  his  daughter  to  the  Pilgrim  John  How- 
land,  and  the  modern  inscription  on  the  latter 's 
monument  on  the  Burial  Hill,  at  Plymouth, 
repeats  a  story  seemingly  disproved  by  the  re- 
covery of  Bradford's  manuscript  history,  which 
states  that  Howland  married  a  daughter  of  an- 
other Pilgrim,  Edward  Tilley.  A  recent  revision 
of  the  story,  by  W.  T.  Davis,  in  the  Boston  Daily 
Advertiser,  Nov.  25,  1881,  rather  urging  the  tradi- 
tional belief,  was  met  by  Charles  Deane,  in  Ibid., 
Dec.  7, 1881,  who  showed  that  John  Howland,  Jr., 
was  born  in  Plymouth,  in  1626,  and  could  not 
have  sprung  from  an  earlier  marriage  of  John,  Sr., 
with  Carver's  daughter.  The  decision  turns  upon 
the  identity  of  "  Lieutenant  Howland,"  as  men- 
tioned by  Sewall,  being  met  near  Barnstable.  It 
is  barely  possible  that  Joseph  Howland,  and  not 
John,  Jr.,  was  meant ;  but  Joseph  did  not  live 
at  Barnstable,  as  John,  Jr.  did.  Cf.  Historical 
Magazine,  iv.  122,  251  ;  and  New  England  His. 
torical  and  Genealogical  Register,  i860,  p.  13, 
1880,  p.  193.  —  Ed.] 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  285 

which  these  hamlets  were  formerly  included,  printed  a  valuable  account  of  that  parish's 
history  and  antiquities.^ 

In  January,  1862,  the  Rev.  H.  M.  Dexter  published,  in  the  Congregational  Quarterly^ 
an  article  on  "  Recent  Discoveries  concerning  the  Plymouth  Pilgrims,"  summarizing  con- 
veniently what  had  been  learned  regarding  the  place  where,  and  the  time  when,  the  church 
was  gathered.  In  March,  1867,  he  contributed  to  the  Sabbath  at  Ho7ne  magazine  an  illus- 
trated article  on  the  "Footprints  of  the  Pilgrims  in  England,"  which  is  still  the  most  vivid 
and  the  fullest  description  extant  of  the  Scrooby  neighborhood.  With  this  should  be  com- 
pared, for  additional  facts,  a  letter  from  Dr.  Dexter  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  (xii.  129) 
for  July,  1871  ;  the  early  pages  of  the  chapter  on  Robinson,  in  the  same  author's  Congre- 
gationalism as  seen  in  its  Literature  (1880);  and  the  record  of  a  visit  in  i860,  in  Professor 
James  M.  Hoppin's  Old  England.  The  Scrooby  episode  is  also  told,  more  or  less  fully, 
in  the  Rev.  Ashbel  Steele's  Life  of  Elder  Brewster  {i^^y),  in  Dr.  John  Waddington's 
Track  of  the  Hidden  Church  (1863),  and  in  chap.  vi.  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Congrega- 
tional History  (1874),  in  the  Rev.  George  Punchard's  History  of  Congregationalism,  vol. 
iii.  chap.  xi.  (1867),  in  chap.  vii.  of  vol.  ii.  of  S.  R.  Gardiner's  Prince  Charles  and  the  Spa?tish 
Marriage  (1869),  and  in  chap.  x.  of  Dr.  Leonard  Bacon's  Genesis  of  tJie  New  England 
Churches  (1874). ^ 

Scrooby  village  is  about  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  N.N.W.  from  London,  and  eighty 
miles  due  east  from  Liverpool.  It  lies  on  the  Great  Northern  Railway ;  but  as  its  popula- 
tion numbers  only  some  two  hundred,  it  is  practically  a  mere  suburb  of  Bawtry,  a  small 
market-town  a  mile  and  a  quarter  to  the  north,  of  perhaps  a  thousand  inhabitants.  Aus- 
terfield,  a  little  larger  than  Scrooby,  and  at  about  the  same  distance  from  Bawtry  in  a 
north-easterly  direction,  is  included,  as  well  as  much  of  the  other  two  localities,  in  the 
patrimony  of  Lord  Houghton  (Richard  Monckton  Milnes),  whose  family  have  held  it  since 
1779- 

Of  the  life  in  Holland  and  the  preparations  for  removal  to  America,  the  first  connected 
account  in  print  was  that  appended  by  Edward  Winslow  (who  had  joined  the  company  at 
Leyden  in  161 7,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two)  to  his  Hypocrisy  Unmasked^  in  1646,  which  was 
reprinted  in  1841,  in  Dr.  Young's  Chronicles  of  the  PilgruTis.  Winslow's  object  in  this 
brief  appendix  was  to  refute  an  unjust  charge  of  schism  in  the  Leyden  church,  and  to 
explain  the  reasons  for  the  removal  and  the  course  of  the  accompanying  negotiations  ;  he 
also  reviewed  Robinson's  doctrinal  position,  and  incidentally  preserved  the  substance  of 
the  pastor's  farewell  address  to  the  departing  portion  of  his  flock. ^  Morton's  Memorial, 
in  1669,  gave  from  Bradford's  manuscripts  a  fuller  account  of  the  events  in  question  ;  and 
Mather's  Magnalia  (1702),  and  Prince's  Annals  (1736),  added  a  few  touches  to  the  pic- 
ture. Prince  has  also  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  of  those  who  have  retraced  the 
steps  of  the   Pilgrims  on  Dutch   soil,  his  Annals  (vol.  i.  p.  160)  recording  his  visit  to 

1  [Cf.  Mr.   Deane's  memorandum,   in  Mass.  of  Robinson's  sermon  seems  to  have  been  a  rem- 

Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  1870,  p.  403.  —  Ed.]  iniscence  of  his  own,  twenty-five  years  after  the 

2.  [This  book  contains  a  full  exposition  of  the  event.     It  is  not  decided  when  it  was  delivered, 

influence  which  the  Plymouth  Pilgrims  exerted  It  has  usually  been  held  to  represent  advanced 

upon  the  New  England  Congregational  system,  and  liberal  views;  but  Dr.  Dexter  disserts,  and 

Cf.  further   Dr.  Jas.   S.  Clark's    Congregational  says  that  "  polity,  and  not  dogma,  is  the  keynote 

Churches  in  Massachusetts,  1858 ;  the  Appendix  of  the  still  noble  farewell."     See   Congregation 

to  the  Congregational  Board's  edition  of  Mor-  alism,  etc.,  pp.  403,409;  and  Palfrey's  Histoiy  of 

\.ovl%  Memorial ;  Tiwd'De.xtQx's  Congregationalism,  Nrcu   England,   i.   157.     The   whole   subject    of" 

p.  415.  —  Ed.]  Robinson's  relation  to  the  Leyden  congregation 

3  [Winslow's  tract  was  reissued  unchanged  is  treated  by  Dr.  Dexter,  p.  359;  and  of  his  union 

in  1649,  as  The  Danger  of  tolerating  Levellers  in  with  Johnson's  church  at  Amsterdam,  on  p.  318, 

a  Civill  State.     There  are  copies  in  the  Lenox,  note.     The  only  copies  of  the  original  edition  of 

Charles  Deane,  and  Carter-Brown  libraries.     A  1646  known  to  the  Editor  are  in  Dr.  Dexter's 

copy  is  worth,  perhaps,  ^100.     Winslow's  report  and  the  Carter-Brown  libraries.  —  Ed.] 


286  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Leyden  in  17 14,  and  his  supposed  identification  of  the  church  which  Robinson's  congre- 
gation used,  and  in  which  he  was  buried. ^ 

The  extracts  from  Bradford  published  by  Hazard  in  1792,  with  those  included  in  the 
notes  to  Judge  John  Davis's  edition  of  Morton's  Memorial  in  1826,  all  of  which  were 
reprinted  by  Dr.  Young  in  1841,  set  forth  in  a  more  orderly  way  the  story  of  the  removal. 
But  there  was  no  inquiry  in  Holland  until  Leyden  was  visited  by  Mr.  George  Sumner,  a 
younger  brother  of  Senator  Sumner,  who  communicated  the  results  of  his  researches  to 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  in  1843,  in  a  paper  which  was  published  separately 
at  Cambridge  in  1845,  ^i^d  in  the  Society's  Collections,  vol.  xxix.  (1846).  Mr.  Sumner 
threw  much  light  on  the  actual  condition  of  the  Pilgrims  in  Holland,  while  investigating 
Prince's  report  of  a  church  lent  them  by  the  city,  and  Winslow's  account  of  the  respect 
paid  Robinson  at  his  funeral.  He  showed  that  Prince  had  confused  this  congregation 
with  one  founded  contemporaneously  by  English  Presbyterians  in  Leyden,  for  whose  use 
a  chapel  was  granted,  while  Robinson's  compaay  received  no  such  favor.  He  also 
printed  the  record  of  Robinson's  admission  to  the  University,  —  a  fact  not  before  recov- 
ered,—  and  the  entry  of  his  burial  in  St.  Peter's  cathedral,  just  across  the  way  from  his 
house. ^ 

In  1848  another  item  of  interest,  —  the  application  of  Robinson  and  his  people  for  leave 
to  come  to  Leyden,  — was  printed  for  the  first  time  in  a  Memoir  of  Robinson,  by  Professor 
Kist,  in  vol.  viii.  of  the  Nederlandsch  Archie/  voor  Kerkelijke  Geschiedenis.^  A  fuller 
memoir,  prefixed  to  a  collected  edition  of  his  writings,  was  published  in  London  three 
years  later  (185 1),  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Ashton,  and  reprinted  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
vol.  xli.  (1852). 

Next  in  chronological  order  comes  the  publication  of  the  most  important  of  all  known 
sources  of  information  respecting  the  Pilgrims  from  1608  to  1646,  —  \h^  History  of  Ply- 
mouth Plantation,  by  William  Bradford,  second  governor  of  the  colony.  We  have  seen 
that  this  history  was  used,  in  manuscript,  by  various  writers,  but  disappeared  after  1767. 
In  1844  a  History  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  America,  by  the  Bishop  of 
Oxford  (Dr.  Samuel  Wilberforce),  was  published  in  London,  in  which  quotations  embody- 
ing new  information  were  made  from  an  otherwise  unknown  "  Manuscript  History  of  the 
Plantation  of  Plymouth,  etc.,  in  the  Fulham  Library."  The  Bishop's  volume  passed  to 
a  second  edition  in  1846,  and  was  reprinted  in  New  York  in  1849;  while  in  1848  there 
appeared  in  London  the  Rev.  J.  S.  M.  Anderson's  History  of  the  Colonial  Church,  in  which 
reference  was  distinctly  made  to  "  Bradford's  MS.  History  of  Plymouth  Colony  .  .  .  now 
in  the  possession  of  the  Bishop  of  London."  But  the  significance  of  these  allusions  was 
ignored  by  American  students,  until  February,  1855,  when  Mr.  John  Wingate  Thornton, 
of  Boston,  called  the  attention  of  the  Rev.  John  S.  Barry,  who  was  then  engaged  on  the 
first  volume  of  his  History  of  Massachusetts,  to  the  Bishop  of  Oxford's  book.  Taking 
up  the  clew  thus  given,  Mr.  Barry  conferred  with  Mr.  Charles  Deane,  who  sent  at  once  to 
London  for  information,  and  by  the  replies  received,  was  enabled  to  announce  at  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  April  12,  1855,  that  the  complete  manuscript 
of  Governor  Bradford's  history  had  been  found  in  the  Library  of  the  Bishop  of  London's 
Palace  at  Fulham,  and  that  an  accurate  copy  had  been  ordered  for  the  Society's  use.  This 
transcript  reached  Boston  in  August,  and  was  issued,  under  Mr.  Deane's  able  editorship, 

^  [Dr.  O.  W.  Holmes  has  thrown  a  little  light  diker  der  Leidsche Brownistengemcente  en grondleg- 

on  contemporary  life  in  Leyden  from  Scaligerana,  ster  der  Kolonie  Plymouth.     Leiden,  1846.  [What 

in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  (June,  1874),  xiii.  315.  is  known  of  Robinson's  family  and  descendants 

—  Ed.]  can  be  learned  from  the  New  England  Historical 

2  See  a   memoir  of    Mr.   Sumner,  by  R.  C.  and  Genealogical  Register,  i860,  p.  17 ;  1866,  pp. 

Waterston,  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.   Proc,  xviii.  151,292.    The  question  of  the  Rev.  John  Robin- 

189  .  also,  a  report  of  his  speech  at  Plymouth,  in  son,  of  Duxbury,  being  a  descendant,  was  set  at 

1S59,  in  the  Hist.  Mag.,\\\.  332;  and  in  the  N.  E.  rest  negatively  by  Dr.  Edward  Robinson,  in  his 

Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1859,  P-  341-  Memoir  of  the  Rev.  William  Robinson,  New  York. 

<  With  the  specific  title :  John  Robinson,  Pre-  1859.  —  Ed.] 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


287 


in  the  spring  of  1856,  both  as  a  separate  publication  and  as  volume  xxxiii.  of  the  Society's 
Collections} 

How  the  manuscript  came  to  be  in  the  Fulham  Library  is  uncertain ;  most  probably 
it  was  taken  from  the  Prince  Library,  upon  the  evacuation  of  Boston  by  the  British  in 
March,  1776,  and  was  preserved  and  finally  deposited  in  a  public  collection  by  those  who 
perceived  it  to  be  of  value.  The  desirability  of  its  return  to  America  has  been  repeatedly 
suggested ;  but  as  an  individual  bishop  has  no  power  to  alienate  the  property  of  his  See, 
nothing  has  yet  been  accomplished. 

The  next  special  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  Pilgrims  in  Holland  was  the  publi- 
cation of  the  "Seven  Articles  which  the  church  of  Leyden  sent  [in  September,  161 7]  to 
the  Council  of  England,  to  be  considered  of  in  respect  of  their  judgments  occasioned  about 
their  going  to  Virginia,  anno  1618."  A  contemporary  transcript  of  this  paper  was  found 
in  the  British  State- Paper  Office  by  the  Hon.  George  Bancroft,  and  communicated  by  him, 
with  an  introductory  letter,  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  in  October,  1856.  It  was 
included,  in  1857,  in  vol.  iii.  of  the  second  series  of  their  Collections} 

In  1859-60  the  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  United  States  Minister 
at  the  Hague  from  1857  to  1861,  published  in  the  Hist.  Mag.  (iii.  261,  335,  357  ;  iv.  4)  a 
series  of  four  "  Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  from  the  Records  at 
Leyden."  These  valuable  papers  presented  much  new  information  (derived  especially 
from  the  marriage  records)  as  to  the  full  names,  ages,  occupations,  and  English  homes  of 
Robinson's  congregation  ;  they  determined  also  the  site  and  dimensions  of  his  house,  and 
the  details  of  its  purchase.  Another  fact,  which  was  already  known,  that  Elder  Brewster 
during  the  last  three  years  of  his  stay  in  Leyden  was  a  printer  and  publisher,  especially  of 
books  on  ecclesiastical  matters,  both  in  Latin  and  English,^  which  it  would  not  have  been 
safe  to  print  at  home,  received  new  illustration  from  Mr.  Murphy. 


1  The  story  of  the  manuscript  and  of  its 
transmission  to  our  times  is  given  by  the  editor 
of  the  present  volume,  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc.y  vol.  xix.,  —  a  paper  also  issued  separately 
(75  copies). 

2  [They  are  also  given  in  Steele's  Chief  of 
the  Pilgrims,  p.  316  ;  in  Neill's  English  Coloniza- 
tion, ch.  vi. ;  in  Poor's  Gorges ;  and  in  the  Eng- 
lish calendars,  Colonial,  i.  43.  —  Ed.] 

3  The  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Dr.  H.  M. 
Dexter's  Congregationalism  as  seen  in  its  Litera- 
ture, mentions  nine  of  these  imprints,  viz.,  nos. 
459,  467,  470,  475,  476,  478,  481,  482,  495.  Three 
or  four  others  are  also  known.  See  the  Brinley 
Catalogue,  no.  530.*  [Brewster's  career  has  been 
made  the  subject  of  an  extended  memoir,  Chief 
of  the  Pilgrims,  Philadelphia,  1857,  as  it  is  some- 
what unsatisfactoi'ily  called.  It  has  merit  in 
tracing  the  European  existence  of  the  Pilgrim 
Church,  but  is  unfortunately  disfigured  (p.  350) 
in  a  minor  part  by  some  genealogical  fabrica- 
tions imposed  upon  the  author,  the  Rev.  Ashbel 
Steele.  (Cf.  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary, 
sub  "Brewster.")  Dr.  Dexter,  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
GeneaL  Reg.,  1864,  P-  18,  in  examining  the  evi- 
dence for  his  birth,  puts  it  in  1566-67 ;  so  that  at 
his  death,  in  1644,  he  was  seventy-seven,  or  pos- 
sibly seventy-eight.  See  Mr.  Neill,  Hist.  Mag., 
xvi.  69,  and  cf.  Mr.  Deane,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc, 
xii.  98;  also  Poole's  Index,  p.  160. 

The  well-known  trembling  autograph  of  the 


Elder  (given  in  fac-simile  on  an  earlier  page)  is 
one  of  the  sights  in  the  Record  Office  at  Plymouth, 
where  it  appears  attached  to  a  deed,  as  recorded, 
—  a  practice  not  uncommon  in  the  days  when  the 
colony  was  small.  This  was  long  thought  to  be 
the  only  signature  known,  while  it  was  a  cause  of 
some  surprise  that  no  one  of  the  four  hundred 
volumes  of  his  library  (given  by  title  in  his 
inventory,  —  Plyjnouth  Wills,  i.  53)  had  been 
identified  by  bearing  his  autograph.  Three  of 
these  books,  however,  have  since  been  found, — 
one  a  Latin  Chrysostom,  Basil,  1522,  now  in  the 
Boston  Athenseum,  bears  his  autograph,  with 
the  motto,  "  Rebel  est  omnis  Adam,"  which  is 
also  found,  as  shown  in  the  fac-simile  in  Steele's 
Chief  of  the  Pilgrims,  in  another  volume,  simi- 
larly inscribed,  now  at  Yale  College  Library. 
The  fact  that  the  Athenaeum  volume  bears  evi- 
dence, in  another  inscription,  of  having  belonged 
to  Thomas  Prince,  the  grandson  of  the  Elder, 
and  son  of  the  governor  of  the  colony  of  the 
same  name,  and  of  his  receiving  it  in  July, 
1644,  while  the  Elder  died  in  the  preceding 
April,  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Pilgrim's 
collection  of  books  was  distributed  among  his 
relatives.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Dexter,  in  his  Congre- 
gationalism, gives  a  fac-simile  of  an  autograph 
of  Brewster  written  at  an  earlier  period  than 
the  others;  and  this  is  found  in  a  third  volume 
belonging  to  Dr.  Dexter,  and  numbered  211  in 
his   Bibliography.     Hunter,  in   his  Founders  of 


288 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  labors  of  Sumner  and  Murphy  in  Holland  have  been  supplemented  by  the  diligent 
researches  of  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  whose  work  at  Scrooby  was  mentioned  above.  In  the 
Congregational  Quarterly  for  January,  1862  (vol.  iv.),  he  gave  an  account  of  the  recent  ad- 
ditions to  our  knowledge ;  and  in  the  notes  to  his  invaluable  addition  of  Mourfs  Relation^ 
in  1865,  he  traced  the  personal  history  of  the  Pilgrims,  so  far  as  an  exhaustive  examination 
of  the  Leyden  records  made  that  possible.  In  1866,  in  company  with  Professor  George  E. 
Day,  of  Yale  College,  who  had  shared  in  the  previous  investigations,  Dr.  Dexter  super- 
intended the  erection  of  a  marble  tablet,  with  appropriate  inscription,  on  the  front  of  the 
Home  for  Aged  Walloons,  which  now  occupies  the  site  of  Robinson's  house.  In  the 
Sabbath  at  Home  iov  April,  I867,  he  published  a  graphic  account  of  the  "  Footprints  of 
the  Pilgrims  in  Holland,"  and  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.Proc.  for  January,  1872  (xii.  184), 
suggested  some  valuable  corrections  of  Mr.  Sumner's  Memoirs,  respecting  Robinson's 
death  and  burial.  The  Leyden  pastor's  influence  and  doctrinal  position  may  be  best 
studied  in  Dr.  Dexter's  Congregatio7ialis7n  as  seen  in  its  Literature  (1880),  and  in  vol.  iii. 
of  the  Rev.  George  Punchard's  History  of  Congregationalism  (2d  ed.  1867). ^ 

For  various  contributions  to  fuller  knowledge  than  Bradford  affords  of  the  negotiations 
in  London,  after  removal  to  America  had  been  decided  on,  great  credit  is  due  to  the 
researches  of  the  Rev.  Edward  D.  Neill,  especially  in  his  History  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany {\Z6())  2ind  his  English  Colonization  of  A7nerica  {1Z71).  Cf.  Hist.  Mag.,  xiii.  278. 
The  same  writer  has  investigated  the  personal  history  of  Captain  Thomas  Jones,  master 
of  the  "Mayflower,"  in  the  Histoi'ical  Magazine  (January,  1869),  xv.  31-33,  and  in  the 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  (1874),  xxviii.  314-17.  The  charge  that  Jones  was  bribed 
by  the  Dutch  in  1620,  is  considered  by  Mr.  William  Brigham  in  the  volume  of  lectures 
published  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  on  the  Early  History  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  in  the  Society's  Proceedings  for  December,  i868.''2 


New  Plymouth,  p.  86,  has  shown  how  close  a 
resemblance  the  autograph  of  James  Brewster, 
the  master  of  the  hospital  near  Bawtry,  and 
friend  of  Archbishop  Sandys,  bears  to  the  Eld- 
er's signature.  —  Ed.] 

1  [Dr.  Punchard's  work  was  unfortunately  left 
incomplete.  See  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1880,  p.  325,  and  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xviii.  3. 
The  painstaking  student  will  doubtless  compare 
these  works  with  Dr.  Waddington's  Hidden 
Church  and  Cong.  Hist.,  in  which,  however,  Dr. 
Dexter  seems  to  have  little  confidence.  (Cf.  his 
Congregationalism,  pp.  70,  201,  211,  262,  322,  and 
his  article  in  the  Cong.  Quarterly,  1874.)  The 
Hidden  Church  was  published  in  1864,  with  an 
Introduction  by  E.  N.  Kirk.  (Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.,  1864,  p.  219;  and  1881,  p.  195.) 

In  the  archives  of  the  English  Church  at 
Amsterdam  there  is  a  document,  signed  by  Ant. 
Walasus  and  Festus  Hommius,  theological  pro- 
fessors at  Leyden,  dated  May  25-26,  1628,  testi- 
fying to  Robinson's  exertions  to  remove  the 
schisms  between  the  various  Brownist  congrega- 
tions in  the  Low  Countries,  and  his  resolution, 
upon  discouragement,  to  remove  "  to  the  West 
Indies,  where  he  did  not  doubt  to  effect  this  ob- 
ject." A  photo-lithographic  copy  of  this  paper 
has  been  issued  (Muller's  Books  on  America,  1877, 
no.  2,780.)  The  contemporary  rejoinders  to  Rob- 
inson's arguments  can  be  seen  in  Samuel  Ruth- 
erford's Due  Rights  of  Presbyteries,  London,  1644. 


The  student  will  not  neglect  Hanbury's  His- 
torical Memorials  relating  to  the  Independents, 
London,  1639-44;  R.  Baillie's  Anabaptism,  Lon- 
don, 1647,  3.nd  Catherine  Chidley's  fustificaiion 
of  the  Independent  Churches  (  ?  1650).  The  dis- 
tinction between  the  Puritans  and  the  Pilgrims 
is  maintained  in  Dr.  Waddington's  books;  in 
Dr.  I.  N.  Tarbox's  papers  in  the  Congregational 
Quarterly,  vol.  xvii.,  and  in  the  Old  Colony 
Hist.  Soc.  Papers,  1878;  in  an  appendix,  p.  443, 
to  Punchard,  vol.  iii.;  in  Benjamin  Scott's  Lec- 
ture, London,  1866,  reprinted  in  the  Hist.  Mag., 
May,  1867,  from  which  is  mostly  derived  a  paper 
in  Scribner^s  Monthly,  June,  1876.  Scott  also 
printed  a  lecture,  "  An  Hour  with  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  and  their  Precursors,"  in  1869.  (Cf.  IV. 
E.  Hist,  and  Gcjieal.  Reg.,  187 1,  p.  301 ;  also,  see 
Hist.  Mag.,  May  and  November,  1867;  October, 
1869;  Essex  Institute  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  i  v.,  by  A.  C. 
Goodell ;  besides  Baylies,  Palfrey,  Barry,  etc.) 
Dr.  Dexter,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xvii.  64,  has 
pointed  out  a  curious  instance  of  tampering  with 
one  of  Robinson's  books.  See  further,  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  x.  393,  and  A^.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  1859,  p.  259. —  Ed.] 

■^  [This  charge  was  first  printed  by  Morton 
in  his  Memorial,  and  the  earliest  mention  of  it 
known  is  in  some  papers  of  the  Record  Office, 
London,  printed  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc  Proc, 
December,  1868,  p.  385.  Neill,  in  his  English 
Colonization,  p.   103,  intimates  that  Jones  may 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


289 


For  the  colony's  affairs  from  the  sailing  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  to  1646,  the  prime  source 

of  knowledge  is  Bradford's  History.     At  the  time  of  emigrating,  the  author  was  in  his 
thirty-first  year,  and  his  book  was  written  at  various  dates,  from  1630 

to  1650,  when  he  was  from  forty  to  sixty  years  of  age.     Less  than  ^\^    ^ 

four  months  after  landing  he  became  Governor,  and  for  the  remaining  J^      ^ 

quarter-century  covered  by  his ///j/^/j  he  held  the  same  office,  except  m^    ^* 

during  five  years,  when  excused  at  his  own  urgent  request.    The  fore-  fi*     'Ji 

most  man  in  the  colony  for  this  long  period,  nature  and  opportunity  ^.       ^ 

equally  fitted  him  to  be  its  chronicler  from  the  beginning.     No  one  w. 

could  speak  with  more  authority  than  he  of  the  inner  motives  and  ^ 

guiding  policy  of  the  original  colonists,  —  fortunately,  also,  no  one  *! 

could  exemplify  more  clearly  in  written  words  the  ideal  Pilgrim  than  Cl* 

does  Bradford,  with  his  grave,  homely,  earnest  style,  not  unsugges-  J^ 

tive  of  the   Enghsh  of  the   Bible.     Between  his  style  and  that  of  v». 

Winthrop,  the  contemporary  historian  of  the  Bay,  there  is  something  ^ 

of  the  same  difference  that  existed  between  the  two  emigrations  ;  w            N 

and  yet  Bradford's  simple  story,  standing  as  it  does  as  the  earliest  o            ^^ 

piece  of  American  historical  composition,  possesses  a  peculiar  charm  ^            jj 

which  the  broader,  more  philosophic  page  of  Winthrop  cannot  rival.  1  "^^           J 

The  special  contributions  by  others  to  the  history  of  Bradford's  S            S 

period  began  in  1622  with  the  publication  of  Mouri^s  Relation^  a  5           -V 


have  purposely  guided  his  vessel  to  Cape  Cod 
from  an  understanding  with  Pierce  and  Gorges. 
Neill  identifies  the  "  Mayflower  "  captain  with 
Jones  of  the  "  Discovery,"  a  vessel  despatched 
to  Virginia.  (Cf.  Young's  Chronicles,  p.  102,  and 
Palfrey's  New  England,  i.  163.)  O'Callaghan, 
Nro)  Netherlands  i.  80,  rejects  the  bribe  theory. 
The  name  of  Jones  is  preserved  in  Jones  River, 
shown  on  the  map  of  Plymouth  Bay  on  a  pre- 
vious page.  —  Ed.] 

1.  [Our  chief  accounts  of  Bradford,  other  than 
from  his  own  writings,  are  derived  from  Mather's 
Magnalia,  and  from  Hunter's  Fou7tders  of  New 
Plymouth.  Belknap,  in  his  American  Biography, 
gives  a  judicious  summary  of  what  was  then 
known,  and  there  is  a  brief  one  in  Cheever. 
Besides  what  may  be  found  in  the  general  his- 
tories, the  reader  can  find  other  accounts  in 
Tyler's  American  Literature,  i.  116;  by  J.  B. 
Moore  in  Amer.  Quart.  Reg.  xiv.  155,  and  in  his 
Governors  of  New  Plymouth,  etc. ;  by  W.  F.  Rae 
in  Good  Words,  xxi.  337  ;  in  the  Congregational 
Monthly,  ix.  337,  393.  His  will  is  in  the  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1851,  p.  385;  and  an 
account  of  his  Bible  in  same,  1865,  P-  ^^2.  For 
accounts  of  his  descendants,  see  genealogy  by 
G.  M.  Fessenden  in  Register,  1850,  pp.  39,  233; 
also,  1855,  pp.  127,  218;  i860,  pp.  174,  195.  Cf. 
also  Durrie's  Index  to  American  Genealogies,  and 
Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary. 

Bradford's  views  on  the  Separatist  move- 
ment, and  on  church  government,  are  given  in 
several  "  Dialogues  between  Old  Men  and  Young 
Men;"  one  of  which,  written  in  1648,  and  copied 
in  the  Records  by  Morton,  is  given  by  Dr.  Young 
VOL.   III.  — 37. 


in  his  Chronicles,  and  an-         I 
other,  probably  written  in        ^ 
1652,   was    printed    with        O 
comments    by   Charles        ^ 
Deane  in  the  Mass.  Hist.        S 
Sac.  Proc,  October,  1870, 
vol.  ix.  p.  396.     See  also        n; 
the     Congregational        ^ 
Board's   edition  of  Mor-        § 
ton's  Memorial.    A  letter        < 
of  Bradford  to  Governor 
Winthrop    on    the    early 
relations    of    the    Plym- 
outh Colony  with  the  Bay, 
dated  Feb.  6,  1631-32,  is 
now  in  the  possession  of 
Judge    Chamberlain,    of 
the  Boston  Public  Libra- 
ry;   and,  with    its    signa- 
tures of  Bradford  and  his 
associates,  it  is  the  most 
precious  autograph  docu- 
ment of  the   Pilgrims  in 
private  hands.    It  is  print-  ^ 

^^\\\  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Ge- 
neal. Reg.,  ii.  240,  annotated  by  Charles  Deane. 
Some  verses  by  Bradford,  illustrating  in  a  slen- 
der way  the  colony's  early  history,  were  referred 
to  in  his  will,  and  were  printed  as  a  fragment 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  77,  by  Dr.  Belknap.  The 
original  manuscript  came  with  Belknap's  papers 
to  the  Society,  —  Proceedings,  iii.  317.  Other 
verses  of  a  similar  character  were  printed  in  3 
Collections,  vii.  27;  still  others  are  edited  by  Mi. 
Deane  in  Proceediitgs,  xi.  465.  —  Ed.] 


290 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


daily  journal  of  the  first  twelve  months  (Sept.  1620,  to  Dec.  11,  1621),  so  called  from  the 
name,  "  G.  Mourt,"  subscribed  to  the  preface,  but  doubtless  written  by  Bradford  and 
Winslow.  The  standard  edition  is  that  of  1865,  with  notes  by  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter.i  A 
few  facts  may  also  be  gleaned  from  a  Sermon  (by  Robert  Cushman)  preached  at  Plymouth 
Dec.  9,  1621,^  and  from  the  second  edition  of  Captain  John  Smith's  A^ew  England'' s 


1  [Smith  gave  an  abstract  of  Mourt  in  his 
Generall  Historie ;  then  Purchas,  vol.  iv.,  con- 
densed it ;  and  this  condensation  was  reprinted, 
with  notes,  in  1802,  by  Dr.  Freeman  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  203;  but  in  1819  Dr.  Freeman 
and  Judge  Davis  procured  from  a  copy  in  the 
Philadelphia  Library  the  parts  omitted  by  Pur- 
chas in  Jbid.,  xix.  26.  (Cf.  Proceedings,  i.  279.) 
Dr.  Young  first  printed  it  entire  in  his  Chronicles. 
Dr.  Cheever,  in  1848,  gave  it  with  disorderly  and 
homiletical  editing  in  \i\%  Journal  of  the  Pilgrims. 
Dr.  Dexter  used  Charles  Deane's  copy.  There 
are  other  copies  in  the  Carter-Brown  and  S.  L, 
M.  Barlow  libraries.  (Cf.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no. 
1,909;  Menzies  Catalogue,  no.  1,447;  Crownin- 
shield  Catalogue,  no.  742;  and  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.,  1849,  p.  282,  and  1866,  p.  281.) 
Rich,  in  his  1832  Catalogue,  164  and  171,  priced 
a  copy  at  £2  2s.,  and  in  his  1844  Catalogice  at 
£\  8j.  ;  Quaritch  recently  held  one  at  £2)^. 
Doctors  Young  and  Dexter  agree  that  "  G. 
Mourt "  must  represent  George  Morton.  A 
previous  note  has  given  Dr.  Dexter  as  the 
best  authority  for  tracing  the  localities  named 
in  this  journal.  See,  also.  Freeman's  Cape  Cod 
and  De  Costa's  F'ootprints  of  Miles  Standish. 

Mourt  makes  no  record  of  the  landing  from 
the  "  Mayflower  "  being  upon  a  rock,  nor  does  he 
indicate  the  precise  spot,  or  fix  a  commemorative 
day.  In  an  earlier  note  mention  has  been  made 
of  a  recent  controversy  on  these  points.  Mr. 
Gay  found  an  earlier  opponent  than  Dr.  Dexter 
in  Mr.  William  T.  Davis,  Boston  Daily  Advertiser, 
Nov.  17,  188 1,  to  which  Mr.  Gay  replied,  Nov. 
30,  1881 ;  and  again  Mr.  Davis  rejoined,  Dec. 
3,  188 1.  As  to  the  mistake  of  celebrating 
the  22d  instead  of  the  21st  December,  which 
arose  from  the  Committee  of  the  Old  Colony 
Club  adding  for  the  change  of  style  one  day  too 
many,  a  Committee  of  the  Pilgrim  Society  in 
1850  recommended  a  change  in  the  commemo- 
ration day  ;  but  though  for  a  few  years  followed, 
it  has  not  effected  a  permanent  compliance,  and 
by  a  recent  vote  of  the  Society  the  22d  has  been 
re-established.  The  1850  Report  was  printed. 
(Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  iv.  350,  369  ) 
Mr.  Gay,  in  the  Popular  History  of  the  United 
States,  i.  393,  takes  another  view  of  the  mistake. 
It  was  in  1769  that  the  Plymouth  people  deter- 
mined to  institute  a  celebration,  and  fixed  upon 
the  day,  December  11,  Old  Style,  when  the 
exploring  party  from  the  "  Mayflower,"  then  in 
Provincetown  harbor,  first  landed  on  the  main- 
land and  explored  it. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  trace  the 
earlier   and   later   career   of   the    "Mayflower." 


Mr.  Hunter,  in  an  appendix  to  his  Founders  of 
New  Plymouth,  p.  186,  has  shown  how  common 
the  name  was.  She  is  thought  to  have  been 
identical  with  one  of  Winthrop's  fleet  ten  years 
later;  but  the  slaver  "Mayflower,"  with  which 
she  has  been  sometimes  identified,  was  a  larger 
vessel.  Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1871, 
p.  91,  and  1874,  p.  50;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Domestic  Series,  April  12,  1588. 

Of*  Samoset,  the  Indian  whom  the  colonists 
first  encountered  after  landing,  there  are  accounts 
in  Dexter's  edition  of  Mourt's  Relation  ;  Sewall's 
Ancient  Dominion  of  Maine,  p.  loi  ;  Popham 
Memorial,  by  Professor  Johnson,  p.  297  ;  Thorn- 
ton's Pemaquid,  p.  54 ;  and  in  Maine  Hist.  Coll., 
V.  186. 

yionxi's  Relation  and  Winslow's  Good  News 
give  the  earliest  accounts  of  the  Indians  in  the 
Pilgrims'  neighborhood,  who  had  been  nearly 
exterminated  by  a  recent  plague.  {Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc,  V.  130.)  Of  Massasoit  and  his  family, 
—  this  chief  being  the  nearest  sachem,  —  Fes- 
senden's  History  of  Warren,  R.  I.,  gives  an  ac- 
count. See  also  E.  W.  Peirce's  Indian  History, 
Biography,  and  Getiealogy  pertaining  to  the  good 
Sachem  Massasoit  and  his  descendants.  North 
Abington,  1878.  Drake,  in  his  Book  of  the 
Indians,  book  ii.  chap,  ii.,  and  in  the  N.  E. 
Hist,  attd  Geneal.  Reg.,  1858,  p.  i,  examines  the 
colonists'  relations  with  the  Indians.  See  Con- 
gregational Quarterly,  i.  129,  for  a  paper,  "Did 
the  Pilgrims  wrong  the  Indians.'*"  Their  efforts 
to  Christianize  them  are  examined  in  the  Ap- 
pendix to  the  Congregational  Board's  edition  of 
Morton's  Memorial. 

It  was  at  Plymouth  (1631-1633)  that  Roger 
Williams  drew  up  his  treatise  attacking  the 
validity  of  the  titles  acquired  under  the  patents 
granted  by  the  king,  in  accordance  with  the  com^ 
mon-law  principle  as  understood  at  the  time. 
Acceptance  of  his  views  as  to  the  sole  validity 
of  the  Indian  title  would  have  disturbed  the 
foundations  of  the  colony's  government ;  and  it 
was  not  without  satisfaction  that  the  authorities 
saw  Williams  return  to  the  Bay,  where  his  fac- 
tious and  impracticable  views  on  civil  policy, 
quite  as  much  or  even  more  than  any  views  on 
theology,  led  to  his  subsequent  banishment.  The  ^ 
later  history  of  Williams  was  Massachusetts'  best 
vindication.  Charles  Deane  has  thoroughly  ex- 
amined his  position  as  regards  the  patent,  with 
an  amplitude  of  references,  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc,  February,  1873.  —  Ed.] 

2  [The  bibliography  of  this  famous  discourse 
is  traced  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg , 
April,   1861,  p.   169;  and  in  the  Hist.  Alag.,  ii. 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


291 


Trials,  — both  published  in  London  in  1622.     Winslow's  Good  News  from  New  England 

appeared  in  1624,  continuing  the  narrative  of  events  from  November,  1621,  to  September 

10,  1623.1     Next  came,  after  a  long  interval,  New    ^.n^ 

England^s Memorml,by N2ith2Ln\Q\Monon,pnnted  ^jV     f^jQ       .     mQjLf 

at  Cambridge  in  1669,  which  professed  to  give  the    ^^^^n^c/^^^^ic  (/njx^(A<rh^  * 

annals  of  New  England  to  1668;  beyond  the  part  supplied  from  Bradford  and  Winslow, 

however,  there  was  little  of  value.     Judge  John  Davis's ^  edition  of  1826  is  still  the  best.^ 

To  these  materials  the  next  sensible  addition  was  in  the  "Summary  of  the  Affairs  of 
the  Colony  of  New-Plimouth,"  appended,  in  1767,  to  vol.  ii.  of  Governor  Hutchinson's 
History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  containing  some  personal  items  not  before  collected. 
In  1794  a  fragment  of  a  letter-book,  preserving  copies  of  important  letters  written  and 
received  by  Governor  Bradford  from  1624  to  1630,  having  lately  been  found  in  Nova 
Scotia,  was  printed  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vol.  iii."*  In  1798  Dr. 
Jeremy  Belknap  included  in  vol.  ii.  of  his  American  Biography  sketches  of  the  leading 
Pilgrims  (Robinson,  Carver,  Bradford,  Brewster,  Cushman,  Winslow,  and  Standish),  which 
put  in  admirable  form  all  then  known  of  early  Plymouth  history. 

The  next  quarter  of  a  century  added  nothing  to  the  existing  stock  of  knowledge,  unless 
by  the  publication  in  1815  of  the  General  History  of  New  England  \.o  1680,  by  the  Rev. 
William  Hubbard  (born  1621,  died  1704),  which,  so  far  as  Plymouth  was  concerned,  was 
little  more  than  a  compilation  from  sources  already  named.  But  with  the  issue,  in 
1826,  of  a  new  edition  of  Morton,  and  in  1830  oi  An  Historical  Mejnoir  of  the  Colony  of 
New  Plymouth,  hy  the  Hon.  Francis  Bayhes,^  and  in  1832  of  a  History  of  the  Town  oj 
Plymouth,  by  Dr.  James  Thacher,  was  introduced  the  new  era  of  modern  research.^ 


344;  iv.  57;  v.  89.  Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  v. 
156.  Dr.  Dexter  notes  three  copies,  —  his  own, 
the  Bodleian's,  and  Charles  Deane's.  The  ser- 
mon has  been  several  times  reprinted  ;  is  given 
in  part  by  Dr.  Young;  also  in  the  Cushmatt 
Genealogy,  and  was  photo-lithographed  (6d  cop- 
ies), in  1870,  from  Dr.  Dexter's  copy,  then  in 
Mr.  Wiggin's  hands,  with  a  historical  and  bib- 
liographical preface  by  Charles  Deane.  Dexter, 
Congregationalism,' K.^"^.,  p.  30,  gives  the  reprints. 
—  Ed.] 

1  [It  was  printed  in  London  in  1624.  There 
are  copies  in  Charles  Deane's  and  the  Carter- 
Brown  collections.  Rich  (1844),  £\  %s.  Eur- 
chas,  vol.  iv.,  abridged  it ;  and  his  abridgment 
was  printed  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  239,  with 
omissions  supplied  in  xix.  74 ;  cf.  also  Proceed- 
ings, i.  279.  Young  first  printed  it  entire  in  his 
Chronicles,  from  a  copy  formerly  in  Harvard 
College  Library ;  it  is  also  in  the  Appendix  of 
the  Congregational  Board's  edition  of  Morton's 
Memorial.  —  Ed.] 

2  [See  a  memoir  of  Judge  Davis  by  Convers 
Francis,  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  x.  186.  —  Ed.] 

^  [The  second  edition,  Boston,  1721,  had  a 
supplement  by  Josiah  Cotton,  with  changes  of 
title,  indicating  perhaps  successive  impressions. 
The  third  edition  appeared  in  1772,  at  Newport. 
In  1826  an  edition  appeared  at  Plymouth,  fol- 
lowed the  same  year  by  Judge  Davis's  at  Boston. 
The  last  edition  was  issued  by  the  Congrega- 
tional Board  in  1855,  with  notes  and  appendix 
of  Bradford's  account  of  the  church  from  the 
Colony   records,  and   Winslow's   visit  to  Mas- 


sasoit,  from  his  Good  Newes.  The  Harvard  Col 
lege  copy  of  the  1669  edition  has  autographs  of 
"W.  Stoughton"  and  "John  Danforth."  The 
Prince  Library  copy  is  imperfect,  restored  in 
manuscript,  and  has  Prince's  notes.  There  were 
different  imprints  to  the  1721  edition,  the 
Harvard  copy  reading,  "  Reprinted  for  Daniel 
Henchman ; "  Charles  Deane's  copy  has  "  Re- 
printed for  Nicholas  Boone;"  otherwise  the 
two  seem  to  be  alike.  See  Brinley  Catalogue, 
nos.  329,  330 ;  Dexter's  Congregationalism,  App. 
p.  94 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  vi.  427  ;  Tyler's 
American  Literature,  i.  126.  —  Ed.] 

*  [Certain  of  the  letters,  being  the  correspond- 
ence between  the  Plymouth  and  New  Netherland 
Colonies  in  1627,  are  reprinted  in  the  New  York 
Hist.  Coll.,  2d  series,  vol.  i.  See  an  account  of 
the  MS.  in  Cheever's  fournal  of  the  Pilgrims, 
chap,  xxiii.  —  Ed.] 

5  IMass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  i.  246,  279.  S.  G. 
Drake  added  a  fifth  part  and  an  index  to  Baylies', 
when  he  re-issued  the  remainder-sheets  of  the 
original  work,  giving  an  account  of  the  1628  Ken- 
nebec patent,  with  an  old  map  of  that  region. 
See,  also,  for  the  Pilgrims'  experiences  on  the 
Kennebec,  R.  H.  Gardiner's  paper  in  the  Maine 
Hist.  Coll.  ii.,  and  the  N'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geiteal. 
Reg.,  1855,  p.  80,  and  187 1,  pp.  201,  274  ;  for  their 
Penobscot  experiences,  J.  E.  Godfrey's  paper  in 
Maine  Hist.  Coll.  vii.  29.  —  Ed.] 

6  [An  "Old  Colony  Historical  Society," 
whose  seat  is  at  Taunton,  began  to  publish 
papers  of  a  Collection  in  1878.  The  local  as- 
pect of  the  colony's  history  is  traced  in  various 


292 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF  AMERICA. 


The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  gave  fresh  impulse  to  this  spirit  of  investigation  by 
publishing  in  1836,  under  the  editorship  of  Mr.  William  Brigham,  the  Laws  passed  in 


t  f2.o\ 


^0   -noi^J^    /t^«- 


X 


Plymoiith  Colony  fro7n  1623  to  1691,  with 
a  selection  of  other  permanent  documents. 
In  1841  the  Rev.  Alexander  Young^  col- 
lected, under  the  title  of  Chro7ticles  of  the 
Pilgrmi  Fathers  from  1602  to  1625,  the 
principal  writings  of  that  period,  and,  en- 
riching them  with  a  body  of  useful  notes, 
made  a  volume  which  still  retains  a  distinct 
value.  In  1846  and  185 1  a  local  antiquary, 
Mr,  William  S.  Russell,2  brought  out  two 
small  volumes, — A  Guide  to  Plymouth  and 
Pilg7'ini  Memorials^  —  which  are  not  yet 
superseded  ;  Mr.  William  H.  Bartlett's  Pil- 
gri77t  Fathers^  (1853)  added  something  to 
these  local  touches.  Between  1855  and 
1 861  the  Records  of  the  Colony  of  A^ew 
Plymouth  were  printed  /;/  exte^iso,  by  order 

town  and  parish  histories,  to  which  clews  will 
be  found  in  F.  B.  Perkins's  C/iec^  List  of  Amer- 
ican Local  History,  Colburn's  Massachusetts  Bib- 
liography, and  in  the  historical  sketch  prefixed 
to  the  Plymouth  County  Atlas,  Boston,  1879. 

These  local  histories  usually  contain  more 
or  less  genealogical  information  about  the  de- 
scendants of  the  "  first  comers,"  as  those  who 
came  in  the  first  three  vessels 
("  Mayflower,"    180   tons,   in 
1620;  "  Fortune,"  55  tons,  in 
1621 ;   "  Ann,"  140  tons,  and 
"  Little  James,"  44  tons,  1623) 
are  distinctively  called;   and 
various  family  histories  have 
also  traced  the  spread  of  Pil- 
grim   blood    throughout    the 
American    States.      Savage's 
Geneal.  Diet,   of  N.  E.,   and 
the  bibliographies  of   Amer- 
ican genealogies  by  Whitmore 
and  Durrie,  will  indicate  these. 
Dr.  N.  B.  Shurtleff  published  the  long-accepted 
list  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  passengers  in  the  N.  E. 
Hist,  and   Geneal.  Reg.,   i.   47    (also    separately 
privately  printed);  but  several  errors  were  cor- 
rected on  the  recovery  of  the  Bradford  manu- 
script, and  the  true  list  is  printed  in  that  History. 
—  Ed.1 

^  [A  memoir  of  Dr.  Young  by  Chandler  Rob- 


CoooLmctrb 

F^/t 

^oj 

C/TttncttS      -6^  0^0 


n. 


FIRST   PAGE,    PLYMOUTH    RECORDS. 


bins  will  be  found  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ii.  241. 
—  Ed.] 

2  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1863,  p.  366. 

3  [A  Dutch  translation  of  this,  published  in 
1859,  may  indicate  the  interest  still  felt  in  the 
story  in  the  land  of  their  exile.  —  Ed.] 

4  [This  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Governor 
Bradford;  it  is  also  in  Hazard,  i.  100,  and  in  the 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY.  293 

of  the  State  Legislature,  under  the  editorship  of  Dr.  N.  B.  Shurtleff  ^  and  Mr.  David 
Pulsifer. 

The  year  1856  was  made  memorable  by  the  printing  of  Bradford's  manuscript,  and 
two  years  later  appeared  the  initial  volume  of  Dr.  John  G.  Palfrey's  History  of  New 
England,  which  comprehends  by  far  the  best  of  modern  narratives  of  the  complete  career 
of  Plymouth  Colony.  Only  in  subsidiary  literature  have  the  more  recent  years  added 
anything.  Valuable  bibliographical  notes  on  Pilgrim  history,  by  the  editor  of  the  present 
volume,  were  printed  in  the  Harvard  College  Library  Bulletin  for  1878,  nos.  7  and  8 ;  and 
the  "Collections  toward  a  Bibliography  of  Congregationalism,"  appended  to  Dr.  H.  M. 
Dexter's  Congregationalisju  as  seen  in  its  Literature  (1880),  are  indispensable  to  future 
students.  In  1881  General  E.  W.  Peirce  published  a  useful  volume  of  Civil,  Military, 
and  Professional  Lists  of  Plymouth  and  Rhode  Island  Colonies  to  1 700. 

Apart  from  strictly  historical  composition,  the  theme  has  inspired  some  of  the  greatest 
oratorical  efforts  of  the  sons  of  New  England  in  the  present  century,  —  especially  in  con- 
nection with  the  stated  annual  celebrations  of  the  Pilgrim  Society,^  formed  at  Plymouth  in 
1820  (a  successor  of  the  earlier  Old  Colony  Club,^  founded  in  1769).  Most  deservedly  con- 
spicuous in  this  series  are  the  orations  delivered  in  1820  by  Daniel  Webster,  in  1824  by 
Edward  Everett,  and  in  1870  by  Robert  C.  Winthrop ;  of  similar  note  are  several  of  the 
orations  before  the  New  England  Society  of  New  York,  founded  in  1805.  The  Pilgrim 
Society  has  also  fostered  local  sentiment  by  erecting  (in  1824)  Pilgrim  Hall  in  the  town  of 
Plymouth,  and  by  gathering  within  it  a  valuable  collection  of  memorials  of  the  early 
settlers  and  of  portraits  of  historical  interest.'* 

A  portrait  of  Edward  Winslow  (engraved  on  a  previous  page)  is  in  Pilgrim  Hall  at 
Plymouth,  and  is  the  only  undoubted  portrait  of  any  of  the  Pilgrims  now  existing.^  Of 
the  many  attempts  to  depict  on  canvas  signal  events  of  Pilgrim  history,  the  most  import- 
ant is  a  painting  by  Robert  W.  Weir  of  the  embarkation  at  Delft  Haven,  executed  in 
1846,  and  occupying  one  of  the  panels  in  the  Rotunda  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington.^ 
The  most  imposing  works  of  architecture  and  sculpture  in  commemoration  of  the  same 
events  are  the  canopy  recently  erected  over  the  rock  in  Plymouth  on  which  the  Pilgrims 
are  believed  to  have  landed,  and  the  monument  on  a  neighboring  hill-top.' 

State  edition,  xii.  2.     It  is  not  clear  when  the  larger  portion  in  1774,  and  after  having  been 

entry  was  made.      YxA'sMox,' Records,  xii.  p.  iv..  kept  before  the  Court  House  till  1834,  when  it 

holds  it  was  written  in  1620;  Shurtleff,  Ibid.,  i.  was  placed  before  this  hall,  was  taken  back  to 

Introd.,  says  that  all  entries  dated  before  1627  its  original  site  beneath  the  present  monumental 

were  made  in  this  last  year.     Beside  the  account  canopy.  —  Ed.] 

of    the   records   in   this   introduction,    there   is  ^  The  family  tradition  fixes  the  painting  of 

another  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,\\.    Also  see  N.  E.  it  in  1651,  and  Vandyke,  to  whom  it  has  been 

Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1858,  p.  358.      The  State  assigned,  died  in  1541.     See  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

edition  is  in  twelve  volumes,  usually  bound  in  Proc,  xv.  324,  for  a  notice  of  an  alleged  portrait 

ten;  and  was  originally  sold  for  $75,  but  is  now  of    Miles    Standish  ;    also  Memorial  History  of 

obtainable  at  a  much  less  price.  Boston,  i.  65. 

The  patents   under  which   the  colony  gov-  ^  [See   Dr.   Waddington's    description    of   a 

erned  itself  have  been  defined  in  the  preceding  picture  in  one  of  the  compartments  of  the  Lords' 

narrative,  and'  in  a  note  the  first  one  is  traced,  corridor  at  Westminster,  representing  with  some 

(Cf.  also  Neill's  notes  on  it  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  misconception  the  same  scene.     Historical  Mag- 

Geneal.  Reg.,  1876,  p.  413,  and  Poor's  Vindication  azine,  i.   149.     Sargent's  picture  of  the  landing 

of  Gorges.)    The  second  patent,  of  April  20,  1622,  at  Plymouth,  well  known  from  engravings,  is  in 

is  not  extant.     The  third,  of  Jan.  13,  1629-30,  is  Pilgrim  Hall.      N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  iv. 

at  Plymouth  in  the    Registry  of  Deeds,  and  is  193.  —  Ed.] 

printed  in  Brigham's  edition  of  the  Laws,  ">  [This  monument,  after  a  design  by  Ham- 
Hazard's  Collections,  etc.  Cf.  Mass.  Archives,  matt  Billings,  was  originally  intended  to  be  one 
Miscellanies,  i.  123.  —  Ed.]  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high;  but  it  was  reduced 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xiii.  390.  nearly  one-half,  as  the  necessary  subscriptions 

2  See  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  i.  114.  failed.  It  bears  a  colossal  figure  of  Faith,  and 
2  See  Ibid.,  iv.  367.  four  other  typical  figures  surrounding  the  base, 
*  [It  was  remodelled  in  1880,  when  a  frag-  not  all  of  which  are  yet  in  place.     N.  E.  Hist. 

ment  of   the  rock,  which  was  taken  from  the     and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1857,  p.  283.  —  Ed.] 


294 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


In  poetical  literature  the  most  serious  and  sustained  effort  to  represent  the  Pilgrim 
spirit  is  in  Longfellow's  "Courtship  of  Miles  Standish  "  (1859);!  while  in  briefer  compass 
Old  England,  through  Lord  Houghton  (Prefatory  Stanzas  to  Hunter's  Founders  of  New 
Plymouth)  and  Mrs.  Hemans  ("Landing  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers"),  and  New  England 
through  Pierpont  ("The  Pilgrim  Fathers")  and  Lowell  ("Interview  with  Miles  Standish"), 
have  vied  in  celebrating  the  character  and  deeds  of  the  exiles  of  1620.2 


^W<K/£^u^  A    t)^-^^^r<A.. 


1  [This  well-known  production  is  for  the 
historical  student  much  disfigured  by  abundant 
anachronisms,  which,  as  it  happens,  do  not  con- 
duce to  the  effect  of  the  poem.  Crayofi,  v.  356 ; 
Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist.,  April,  1882.  —  Ed.] 


2  [A  collection  of  the  minor  commemorative 
poems,  edited  by  Zilpha  H.  Spooner,  was  pub- 
lished as  Poems  of  ike  Pilgrims,  Boston,  1882, 
with  photographs  of  associated  localities.  Cf. 
Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  April  22,  1881.  —  Ed.] 


CHAPTER     IX. 

NEW   ENGLAND. 

BY  CHARLES  DEANE,  LL.D., 

Vice-President  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

The  Council  for  New  England.  —  This  body  was  incorporated  in 
the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  James  L,  on  the  3d  of  November, 
1620,  under  the  name  of  the  *'  Council  estabhshed  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
County  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering,  and  governing  of  New- 
England,  in  America."  The  corporation  consisted  of  forty  patentees,  the 
most  of  whom  were  persons  of  distinction :  thirteen  were  peers,  some 
of  the  hrghest  rank.  The  patentees  were  empowered  to  hold  territory  in 
America  extending  from  the  fortieth  to  the  forty-eighth  degree  of  north 
latitude,  and  westward  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  they  were 
authorized  to  settle  and  govern  the  same.  This  charter  is  the  founda- 
tion of  most  of  the  grants  which  were  afterward  made  of  the  territory  of 
New  England. 

This  Company  was  substantially  a  reincorporation  of  the  adventurers  or 
associates  of  the  Northern  Colony  of  Virginia,  with  additional  privileges, 
placing  them  on  a  footing  with  their  rivals  of  the  Southern  Colony,  whose 
franchise  had  been  twice  enlarged  since  the  issuing  of  the  original  charter 
of  April  10,  1606,  which  incorporated  both  companies.  A  notice  of  this 
earlier  enterprise  will  but  briefly  detain  us. 

While  the  Southern  Colony  had  attracted  the  wealth  and  influence  of 
leading  adventurers  who  represented  the  more  liberal  party  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  were  enabled  to  prosecute  their  plans  of  colonization  with  vigor  to 
a  good  degree  of  success,  the  Northern  Colony  had  signally  failed  from  the 
beginning.  The  former  had  established  at  Jamestown,  in  1607,  the  first 
permanent  English  Colony  in  America.  The  latter  produced  no  greater 
results  than  the  abortive  settlement  at  Sabino,  known  as  the  Popham 
Colony.^  The  discouragement  following  upon  its  abandonment  prompted 
the  withdrawal  of  many  of  the  adventurers,  though  the  organization  of  the 
patentees  still  survived ;  but  of  their  meetings  and  records  we  have  no 
trace.     Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  himself  would  not  despair,  but  engaged  his 

1  The  stories  of  these  two  colonies  are  told  respectively  in  chapters  v.  and  vi. 


296  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

private  fortune  in  fishing,  trading,  and  exploring  expeditions,  and  in  making 
attempts  at  settlement.  Many  of  these  enterprises  he  speaks  of  as  private 
ventures,  while  the  Council  for  New  England,  in  their  Brief e  Relation,  of 
1622,  which  I  have  sometimes  thought  was  written  by  Gorges  himself, 
speaks  of  them  in  the  name  of  the  Company.  The  probability  is  that 
Gorges  was  the  principal  person  who  kept  alive  the  cherished  scheme  of 
settling  the  country,  and  by  his  influence  a  few  other  persons  were  engaged, 
and  the  name  of  the  Council  covered  many  of  these  enterprises. 

Gorges  now  conceived  the  scheme  of  a  great  monopoly.  King  James 
had  reigned  since  1614  without  a  parliament,  and  during  the  following  years 
down  to  the  meeting  of  the  next  parliament,  in  January,  1620/21,  a  large 
part  of  the  business  of  the  country  had  been  monopolized  by  individuals  or 
by  associations  that  had  secured  special  privileges  from  the  Crown.  Gorges 
was  a  friend  of  the  King  and  of  the  "  prerogative."  Under  the  plea  of 
desiring  a  new  incorporation  of  the  adventurers  of  the  Northern  Colony,  in 
order  to  place  them  on  an  equality  of  privileges  with  the  Southern  Colony, 
Gorges  had  devised  the  plan  of  securing  a  monoply  of  the  fishing  in  the 
waters  of  New  England  for  the  patentees  of  the  new  corporation,  and  for 
those  who  held  or  purchased  hcense  from  them.  He  had  the  adroitness  to 
enlist  in  his  favor  a  large  number  of  the  principal  noblemen  and  gentlemen. 
Relative  to  his  proceedings.  Gorges  himself  says :  *'  Of  this,  my  resolution, 
I  was  bold  to  offer  the  sounder  considerations  to  divers  of  his  Majesty's 
honorable  Privy  Council,  who  had  so  good  liking  thereunto  as  they  willingly 
became  interested  themselves  therein  as  patentees  and  councillors  for  the 
managing  of  the  business,  by  whose  favors  I  had  the  easier  passage  in  the 
obtaining  his  Majesty's  royal  charter  to  be  granted  us  according  to  his 
warrant  to  the  then  solicitor-general,"  etc.  The  petition  for  the  new 
charter  was  dated  March  3,  1619/20;  the  warrant  for  its  preparation,  July 
23  ;   and  it  passed  the  seals  Nov.  3,  1620. 

An  inspection  of  the  several  patents  granted  by  King  James  will  show 
that,  in  those  of  1606  and  1609,  among  the  privileges  conferred  is  that  of 
"  fishings."  But  the  word  is  there  used  in  connection  with  other  privileges 
appertaining  to  and  within  the  precincts  conveyed,  such  as:  "mines,  minerals, 
marshes,"  etc.,  and  probably  meant  *'  fishings  "  in  rivers  and  ponds,  and  not 
in  the  seas.  In  the  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  a  similar  clause  ends,  *'and  seas 
adjoining,"  which  may  be  intended  to  cover  the  alleged  privilege.  In  this 
patent,  as  in  the  others,  there  is  no  clause  forbidding  free  fishing  within  the 
seas  of  New  England;  but  all  persons  without  license  first  obtained  from 
the  Council  are,  in  the  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  forbidden  to  visit  the  coast, 
and  the  clause  of  forfeiture  of  vessel  and  cargo  is  inserted.  This  prevented 
fishermen  from  landing  and  procuring  wood  for  constructing  stages  to  dry 
their  fish. 

A  few  days  after  the  petition  of  Gorges  and  his  associates  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  King  for  a  new  charter,  with  minutes  indicating  the  nature  of 


NEW   ENGLAND.  297 

the  privileges  asked  for,  the  Southern  Colony  took  the  alarm,  and  the  sub- 
ject was  brought  before  its  members  by  the  treasurer,  Sir  Edwin  Sandys, 
at  a  meeting  on  the  15th  of  March,  1619/20,  at  which  a  committee  was  ap- 
pointed  to  appear  before  the  Privy  Council  the  next  day,  to  protest  against 
the  fishing  monopoly  asked  for  by  the  Northern  Colony.  The  result  of  the 
conference,  at  which  Gorges  was  present,  was  a  reference  to  two  members 
of  the  Council,  —  the  Duke  of  Lenox  and  the  Earl  of  Arundell,  both  paten- 
tees in  the  new  patent ;  and  they  decided  or  recommended  that  each  colony 
should  fish  within  the  bounds  of  the  other,  with  this  limitation,  —  *' that  it 
be  only  for  the  sustentation  of  the  people  of  the  colonies  there,  and  for  the 
transportation  of  people  into  either  colony."  This  order  gave  satisfaction 
to  neither  party.  The  Southern  Colony  protested  against  being  deprived 
of  privileges  which  they  had  always  enjoyed.  Gorges  contended  that  the 
Northern  Colony  had  been  excluded  from  the  limits  of  the  rival  company, 
and  he  only  desired  the  same  privilege  of  excluding  them  in  turn.  The 
matter  came  again  before  the  Privy  Council  on  the  21st  of  July  following, 
and  that  board  confirmed  the  recommendation  of  the  i6th  of  March.  Two 
days  later,  on  the  23d  of  July,  the  warrant  to  the.  solicitor-general  for  the 
preparation  of  the  patent  was  issued,  and  it  passed  the  seals,  as  already 
stated,  on  the  3d  of  November. 

On  the  following  day,  November  4,  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  announced  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Southern  Colony,  or  what  was  now  known  as  the  Virginia 
Company,  that  the  patent  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  containing  certain 
words  which  contradicted  a  former  order  of  the  Lords  of  the  Council, 
had  passed  the  seals,  and  that  the  adventurers  of  the  Northern  Colony 
by  this  grant  had  utterly  excluded  the  Southern  Colony  from  fishing 
on  that  coast  without  their  leave  and  license  first  sought  and  obtained. 
By  a  general  consent  it  was  resolved  to  supplicate  his  Majesty  for  redress, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Roe  was  desired  to  present  the  petition  which  had  been 
drawn. 

On  the  13th  Sir  Thomas  Roe  reported  that  he  had  attended  to  that 
duty,  and  that  the  King  had  said  that  if  anything  was  passed  in  the  New 
England  patent  prejudicial  to  the  Southern  Colony,  it  was  surreptitiously 
done,  and  without  his  knowledge,  and  that  he  had  been  abused  thereby  by 
those  who  pretended  otherwise  unto  him.  This  was  confirmed  by  the  Earl 
of  Southampton,  who  further  said  that  the  King  gave  command  to  the  Lord 
Chamberlain,  then  present,  that  if  this  new  patent  were  not  sealed,  to  for- 
bear the  seal ;  and  if  it  wer-e  sealed  and  not  delivered,  to  keep  it  in  hand 
till  they  were  better  informed.  His  Lordship  further  signified  that  on 
Saturday  last  they  had  been  with  the  Lord  Chancellor  about  it,  when  were 
present  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  the  Earl  of  Arundell,  and  others,  who,  after 
hearing  the  allegations  on  both  sides,  ordered  that  the  patent  should  be 
delivered  to  be  perused  by  some  of  the  Southern  Colony,  who  were  to  report 
what  exceptions  they  found  thereunto  against  the  next  meeting.  Two  days 
later  it  was  announced  through  the  Earl  of  Southampton  that,  at  a  recent 

VOL.  III. —38. 


298  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

conference  with  Gorges,  it  was  agreed  that  for  the  present  ''the  patent  of 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  should  be  sequestered  and  deposited  in  my  Lord 
Chancellor's  hands  according  to  his  Majesty's  express  command." 

The  Council  for  New  England,  in  their  Briefe  Relation  (1622)  of  these 
proceedings,  recounting  the  opposition  of  the  Virginia  Company,  say  that 
**  lastly,  the  patent  being  passed  the  seal,  it  was  stopped,  upon  new  sugges- 
tions to  the  King,  and  by  his  Majesty  referred  to  the  Council  to  be  settled, 
by  whom  the  former  orders  were  confirmed,  the  difiference  cleared,  and  we 
ordered  to  have  our  patent  delivered  us." 

The  modifications  suggested  or  directed  by  the  Privy  Council  appear 
not  to  have  been  embodied  in  the  instrument  itself  as  it  passed  the  seals. 
Gorges'  friends  were  very  strong  in  the  council  board,  some  of  the  mem- 
bers being  patentees  in  the  grant,  and  they  carried  matters  with  a  high 
hand.  But  before  the  order  came  for  the  final  delivery  of  the  patent. 
Gorges  and  his  patentees  were  called  to  encounter  a  still  more  formidable 
opposition.  Gorges  himself  tells  us  that  his  rivals  had  plainly  told  him 
that  "  howsoever  I  had  sped  before  the  Lords,  I  should  hear  more  of  it 
the  next  Parliament ;  "  and  that  this  body  was  no  sooner  assembled  than 
he  found  it  too  true  wherewith  he  had  been  formerly  threatened. 

The  Parliament  met  Jan.  16,  1620/21,  it  being  the  first  time  for  more 
than  seven  years,  and  at  once  adjourned  to  the  30th  of  that  month.  On 
its  assembling,  the  House  of  Commons  immediately  proceeded  to  present 
the  public  grievances  of  the  kingdom,  prominent  among  which  were  the 
monopolies  that  had  sprung  up  like  hydras  during  the  last  few  years  un- 
der the  royal  prerogative.  On  the  17th  of  April  "An  Act  for  the  freer 
liberty  of  fishing  voyages,  to  be  made  and  performed  on  the  sea-coast  and 
places  of  Newfoundland,  Virginia,  New  England,  and  other  the  sea-coasts 
and  parts  of  America,"  was  introduced.  On  the  25th  this  was  repeated,  and 
a  debate  followed,  opened  by  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  who  called  attention  to 
the  new  grant  obtained  for  what  had  now  come  to  be  called  New  England, 
with  a  sole  privilege  of  fishing ;  also  to  the  fact  that  the  King,  who  had  been 
made  acquainted  with  it,  had  stayed  the  patent;  that  the  Virginia  Company 
desired  no  appropriation  of  this  fishing  to  them ;  that  it  was  worth  one 
hundred  thousand  pounds  per  annum  in  coin;  that  the  English  "little  fre- 
quent this,  in  respect  of  this  prohibition,  but  the  Dutch  and  French."  He 
therefore  moved  for  "  a  free  liberty  for  all  the  King's  subjects  for  fishing 
there,"  saying  it  was  pitiful  that  any  of  the  King's  subjects  should  be  pro- 
hibited, since  the  French  and  Dutch  were  at  liberty  to  come  and  fish  there 
notwithstanding  the  colony. 

The  debate  was  continued.  Secretary  Calvert  "  doubteth  the  fishermen 
the  hinderers  of  the  plantation ;  that  they  burn  great  store  of  woods,  and 
choke  the  havens ;  "  that  he  "  never  will  strain  the  King's  prerogative  against 
the  good  of  the  commonwealth;"  and  that  it  was  "not  fit  to  make  any 
laws  here  for  those  countries  which  not  as  yet  annexed  to  the  Crown." 

The  bill  was  committed  to  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  and  a  full  hearing  adver- 


NEW    ENGLAND. 


299 


tized  to  all  burgesses  of  London,  York,  and  the  port  towns,  who  might  wish 
to  testify,  that  day  seven-night,  in  the  Exchequer  Chamber. 

On  the  4th  of  June  Parliament  adjourned  to  the  14th  of  November,  and 
in  the  intermission  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  was  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison. 
It  is  significant  that,  notwithstanding  this  opposition  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, the  Privy  Council,  on  the  i8th,  ordered  that  the  sequestered  patent 
be  delivered  to  Gorges,  in  terms  which  provided  that  each  colony  (the 
Northern  and  the  Southern)  should  have  the  additional  freedom  of  the 
shore  for  the  drying  of  their  nets  and  the  taking  and  saving  of  their  fish,  and 
to  have  wood  for  their  necessary  uses,  etc. ;  also  that  the  patent  of  the 
Northern  plantation  be  renewed  according  to  the  premises,  while  those  of 
the  Southern  plantation  were  to  have  a  sight  thereof  before  it  be  engrossed, 
and  that  the  former  patent  be  delivered  to  the  patentees. 

I  have  already  remarked  that  the  orders  of  the  Privy  Council  early 
directed  certain  modifications  to  be  made  in  the  proposed  patent  which 
were  not  embodied  in  it  when  first  drawn ;  nor  were  they  ultimately  in- 
cluded, although  Gorges  himself  admitted,  when  afterward  summoned 
before  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  that  the  patent  yet 
remained  in  the  Crown  office,  *' where  it  was  left  since  the  last  Par- 
liament" (he  meant,  since  the  last  session  of  Parliament),  "for  that  it 
was  resolved  to  be  renewed  for  the  amendment  of  some  faults  contained 
therein." 

No  doubt  the  intention  was  that  a  new  patent  should  be  drawn,  and  that 
the  delivery  of  the  existing  parchment  was  provisional  only.^  The  patent, 
however,  never  was  renewed,  though  a  scheme  for  a  renewal  of  a  most 
radical  character  was  seriously  contemplated  all  through  the  year  following 
the  dissolution  of  the  Parliament  in  16^2;  and  Sir  Henry  Spelman  and 
John  Selden  were  consulted  in  regard  to  land  tenures,  the  rights  of  the 
Crown,  and  the  like,  in  reference  thereto.  , 

On  the  reassembling  of  Parliament  in  November,  the  subject  was  once 
again  approached  in  the  Commons.  It  was  charged  that  since  the  recess 
Gorges  had  executed  a  patent.  One  had  been  issued,  dated  June  i,  162 1, 
to  John  Peirce  for  the  Plymouth  people.  He  had  also,  by  patent  or  by 
verbal  agreement,  by  the  King's  request,  released  to  Sir  William  Alexander 
all  the  land  east  of  St.  Croix,  known  as  Nova  Scotia,  confirmed  to  him  by 
a  royal  charter  September  10  of  this  year.^  It  was  also  charged  that 
Gorges  was  threatening  to  use  force  in  restricting  the  right  to  fish ;  and 
accordingly  on  the  20th  an  order  was  passed  directing  his  patent  to  be 
brought  in  to  the  Committee  on  Grievances.^ 

1  The  records  of  the  Council  for  New  Eng-  the  necessary  supply  of  what  is  found  de- 
land  frequently  refer  to  the  subject  of  the  fective,"  etc.  Then  follow  some  minutes  of 
renewal  of  their  patent.  Under  the  date  of  additional  changes  desired  by  the  patentees 
Aug.  6,  1622,  we  read  :  "  Forasmuch  as  it  has  themselves. 

been   ordered   by   the    Lords   of   his    Majesty's  2  [See  Vol.  IV.  chap.  iv.  —  Ed.] 

Privy  Council   that  the    Patent   for  New  Eng-  ^  "  jyjj-.  Glanvyle  moveth  to  speed  the  bill  of 

land  shall  be  renewed,  as  well  for  the  amend-  fishing  upon  the  coast  of  America,  the  rather 

ment  of  some  things  therein   contained  as  for  because   Sir  Ferdinand  Gorge  hath  executed  ^ 


300 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  result  was  that  on  the  2ist  of  December  an  Act  for  freer  Hberty  of 
fishing  passed  the  Commons,  while  previously,  on  the  i8th,  **  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  Sir  Jo.  Bowcer,  the  patentees  for  fishing  in  and  about 
New  England,  to  be  warned  to  appear  here  the  first  day  of  next  Access, 
and  to  bring  their  patent,  or  a  copy  thereof"  Parliament  then  adjourned 
to  the  8th  of  February;  but  it  was  subsequently  prorogued  and  dissolved. 
Before  the  adjournment,  in  the  afternoon,  the  Commons,  foreseeing  their 
dissolution,  entered  on  their  records  a  protestation  in  vindication  of  their 
rights  and  privileges ;  but  the  record  is  here  mutilated  by  having  the  ob- 
noxious passage  torn  out  by  the  hands  of  the  King,  who  sent  for  the 
Journal  of  the  House  and  placed  this  mark  of  his  tyranny  upon  it.  Gorges 
himself,  at  this  session  of  the  Parliament,  twice  appeared  before  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  House,  and  had  a  preliminary  examination  without  his  coun- 
sel. He  was  questioned  by  Sir  Edward  Coke  about  his  patent,  which  Coke 
called  a  grievance  of  the  commonwealth,  and  complained  of  as  ''  a  mono- 
poly, and  the  color  of  planting  a  colony  put  upon  it  for  particular  ends  and 
private  gain."  Gorges  says  he  was  treated  with  great  courtesy,  but  was 
told  that  '^  the  Public  was  to  be  respected  before  all  particulars,"  and  that 
the  patent  must  be  brought  into  the  House.  Gorges  replied  by  defending 
the  plan  of  the  adventurers,  which  he  said  was  undertaken  for  the  advance- 
ment of  religion,  the  enlargement  of  the  bounds  of  the  nation,  the  increase 
of  trade,  and  the  employment  of  many  thousands  of  people.  He  rehearsed 
what  had  already  been  done  in  the  discovery  and  seizure  of  the  coast,  told 
of  the  failures  and  discouragements  encountered,  and  explained  the  present 
scheme  of  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  intended  plantation  for  the  public 
good.  As  for  the  delivery  of  the  patent,  he  had  not  the  power  to  do  it 
himself,  as  he  was  but  a  particular  person,  and  inferior  to  many.  Besides, 
the  patent  still  remained,  for  aught  he  knew,  in  the  Crown  Office,  where  it 
was  left  for  amendment.  He  was  then  told  to  be  prepared  to  attend  further 
at  a  future  day,  and  with  counsel.  In  the  end,  also,  the  breaking  up  of  Par- 
liament prevented  the  bill  for  free  fishing,  which  had  passed  the  Commons, 
from  becoming  a  law. 

Of  course,  the  opposition  encountered  —  first  from  the  Virginia  Company 
and  then  from  the  House  of  Commons,  the  latter  representing  largely  the 
popular  sentiment — was  a  serious  hindrance  to  the  operations  of  the  Coun- 

patent  since  the  recess.     Hath,  by  letters  from  tentees]    and    Sir    Ferdinando   his    son,    to   be 

the  Lords  of  the  Council,  stayed  the  ships  ready  sent   for,  to  be  then  there,  if   he  be  in  town, 

to  go  forth.  Sir  Ferdinando  himself  being  captain  of  Ports- 

"  Mr.  Neale  accordant,  that   Sir  Ferdinando  mouth"  (Plymouth), 
hath  besides  threatened  to  send  out  ships  to  beat  On  the  24th,  "  Neale  moveth  again  concern- 
off  from  their  free  fishing,  and   restraineth  the  ing  .  .  .  restraint  of  fishing  upon  the  coasts  of 
ships,  ut  supra.  ...  it  may  be  brought  in  at  the  next  ...  for 

"  Sir  Edward  Coke,  that  the  patent  may  be  grievances  and  the  Com.  .  .  . 
brought  in  ;   and    Sir  T.  Wentworth,   that   the  "  Ordered,    the    patent,   or    in    the    default 

party  may  be  sent  for.  thereof  [a  copy  ?  ],  shall  be  considered  of  by  the 

"  Ordered,  the  patent  shall  be  brought  in  to  said  com[mittee]  in  the  afternoon.     Sir  Jo.  Barr 

the  Committee  for  Grievances  upon  Friday  next,  [Bowcer?  .    .   .]    attend  the  said  committee  at 

and  Sir  Jo.  Bowcer  [Bourchier,  one  of  the  pa-  that  time." — Journal  of  the  House  of  Commons. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  3OI 

cil  for  New  England.  The  disputes  with  the  former,  the  Council  themselves 
say,  "held  them  almost  two  years,  so  as  all  men  were  afraid  to  join  with 
them." 

The  records  of  the  Council,  so  far  as  they  are  extant,  begin  on  ''Satur- 
day, the  last  of  May,  1622,"  at  "  Whitehall,"  at  which  there  were  seven 
persons  present,  "  the  Lord  Duke  of  Lenox "  heading  the  list.  Some 
business  was  transacted  before  this  date,  as  the  first  day's  record  here  refers 
to  it.  The  record  of  the  organization  of  the  Council  is  wanting ;  and  two 
persons  named  as  present  at  this  meeting — Captain  Samuel  Argall  and 
Dr.  Barnabe  Goche  —  were  not  included  in  the  list  of  the  forty  patentees. 
They  must  have  been  elected  since,  in  the  place  of  others  who  had  resigned. 
Goche  was  now  elected  treasurer  in  the  place  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. 
I  think  that  the  Duke  of  Lenox  was  the  first  president  of  the  Council.  In 
the  patent  granted  to  John  Peirce,  mentioned  above  as  taken  out  on  behalf 
of  the  Pilgrims,  dated  June  i,  1621,  —  which,  I  may  add,  was  nearly  a  year 
before  the  date  of  any  known  record  of  the  Council,  —  purporting  to  be 
signed  by  "  the  President  and  Counsell,"  who  have  "  set  their  seals  "  to  the 
same,  were  the  names  of  Lenox,  Hamilton,  Ro.  Warwick,  Sheffield,  Ferd. 
Gorges,  in  the  order  here  given,  and.  one  other  name  indistinct,  with  their 
separate  seals.^ 

It  is  not  improbable,  therefore,  that  the  business  transactions  of  the 
Council,  in  this  inchoate  and  uncertain  period  of  its  existence,  were  so  few 
that  they  were  preserved  only  in  loose  minutes,  or  files  of  papers,  which 
were  never  recorded,  and  are  now  lost. 

After  they  had  freed  their  patent,  they  first  considered  how  they  should 
raise  the  means  to  advance  the  plantation,  and  two  methods  were  suggested. 
One  contemplated  a  voluntary  contribution  by  the  patentees;  and  the 
other,  the-  ransoming  the  freedoms  of  those  who  were  willing  to  partake 
of  present  profits  arising  by  the  trade  or  fishing  on  the  coast.  The 
patentees,  in  the  one  case,  agreed  to  pay  one  hundred  pounds  apiece 
(the  records  say  ;^iio);  in  the  other,  inducements  were  offered  to  the 
western  cities  and  towns  to  form  joint-stock  associations  for  trade  and  fish- 
ing, from  which  a  revenue  in  the  shape  of  royalty  might  be  derived  to  the 
Council:  and,  in  order  to  further  this  latter  project,  letters  were  to  be 
issued  to  those  cities,  by  the  Privy  Council,  prohibiting  any  not  free  of  that 
business  from  visiting  the  coast,  upon  pain  of  confiscation  of  ship  and 
goods.  This  last  scheme  was  not  favorably  received.  The  letters  pro- 
duced an  eff"ect  contrary  to  what  was  expected,  since  the  restraining  of  the 
liberty  of  free  fishing  gave  alarm;  and,  as  the  Parliament  of  1621  was 
about  to  meet,  every  possible  influence  was  brought  to  bear  against  this 
great  monopoly,  with  what  efi'ect  we  have  already  seen. 

While  the  plan  of  voluntary  associations  failed,  the  business  of  exacting 
a  tax  from  individual  fishermen  was  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and  probably; 
in  some  instances  with  success.     A  proclamation  against  disorderly  trading, 

1  See  chapter  viii. 


302  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

or  visiting  the  coasts  of  New  England  without  a  license  from  the  Council, 
was  issued.  A  grand  scheme  for  settling  the  coast  of  New  England  by 
a  local  government  was  marked  out,  and  the  Platform  of  the  Government 
was  put  into  print.^ 

The  project  of  laying  out  a  county  on  the  Kennebec  River,  forty  miles 
square,  for  general  purposes,  and  building  a  great  city  at  the  junction 
of  the  Kennebec  and  Androscoggin  Rivers,  was  part  of  the  great  plan. 
A  ship  and  pinnace  had  been  built  at  Whitby,  a  seaport  in  Yorkshire, 
at  large  expense,  for  use  in  the  colony;  and  others  were  contemplated. 
They  were  to  lie  on  the  coast  for  the  defence  of  the  merchants  and  fisher- 
men, and  to  convoy  the  fleets  as  they  went  to  and  from  their  markets. 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  had  been  treasurer  of  the  Council,  was  now 
chosen  governor,  and  was  destined  for  New  England ;  but  the  Company 
were  seriously  embarrassed  for  funds,  and  finally  were  obliged  to  mortgage 
the  ship  to  some  of  their  individual  members.  The  assessments  of  ;^iio 
each  were  not  all  paid  in,  and  patentees  who  did  not  intend  to  pay  were 
asked  to  resign,  so  that  others  might  take  their  places.  Constant  com- 
plaints were  made  of  merchants  who  were  violating  the  privileges  of  the 
Company  by  sending  out  vessels  for  fishing  and  trading  on  the  coast;  and 
orders  were  passed  for  applying  remedies.  The  plan  for  the  new  patent 
is  constantly  referred  to  in  the  records,  and  the  present  patentees  are  to  be 
warned  that  they  will  have  no  place  in  it,  unless  they  pay  up  their  past 
dues.  The  inducement  to  be  held  out  is,  that  all  who  actually  pay  ;^iio 
may  have  a  place  in  the  new  grant,  provided  they  "  be  persons  of  honor 
or  gentlemen  of  blood,  except  only  six  merchants  to  be  admitted  by  us  for 
the  service,  and  especial  employments  of  the  said  Council  in  the  course 
of  trade  and  commerce,"  etc.     But  their  schemes  were  not  realized. 

In  the  Council's  prospectus  already  cited,  issued  in  the  summer  of  1622, 
they  say,  *'  We  have  settled,  at  this  present,  several  plantations  along  the 
coast,  and  have  granted  patents  to  many  more  that  are  in  preparation  to  be 
gone  with  all  conveniency."  The  bare  fact,  however,  is  that  the  Pilgrims 
at  Plymouth  were  the  only  actual  settlers,  and  they  had  landed  within  the 

1  Two  parts  of  the  territory  were  to  be  and  lordships,  with  courts  for  determining  petty 
divided  among  the  patentees,  and  one  third  matters.  When  great  cities  had  grown  up,  they 
was  to  be  reserved  for  public  uses  ;  but  the  were  to  be  made  bodies  politic  to  govern  their 
entire  territory  was  to  be  formed  into  counties,  own  private  affairs,  with  a  right  of  representa- 
baronies,  hundreds,  etc.  From  every  county  tion  by  deputies  or  burgesses.  The  manage- 
and  barony  deputies  were  to  be  chosen  to  con-  ment  of  the  whole  affair  was  to  be  committed 
suit  upon  the  laws  to  be  framed,  and  to  reform  to  a  general  governor,  to  be  assisted  by  the  ad- 
any  notable  abuses ;  yet  these  are  not  to  be  vice  and  counsel  of  so  many  of  the  patentees  as 
assembled  but  by  order  of  the  President  and  shouldbe  there  resident,  together  with  the  officers 
Council  of  New  England,  who  are  to  give  life  of  State.  There  was  to  be  a  marshal  for  mat- 
to  the  laws  so  to  be  made,  as  those  to  whom  it  ters  of  arms  ;  an  admiral  for  maritime  business, 
of  right  belongs.  The  counties  and  baronies  civil  and  criminal ;  and  a  master  of  ordnance 
were  to  be  governed  by  the  chief  and  the  officers  for  munition,  etc.  (Cf.  the  Council's  "  Briefe 
vmder  him,  with  a  power  of  high  and  low  jus-  Relation,"  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Co/l ,ix.  21-25;  S.  F. 
tice,  —  subject  to  an  appeal,  in  some  cases,  to  Haven's  Lecture  before  the  Massachusetts  His- 
the  supreme  courts.  The  lords  of  counties  torical  Society,  Jan.  15,  1869,  on  The  History  oj 
might  also  divide   their   counties   into   manors  the  Grants,  etc.,  pp.  18,  19.) 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


303 


patent  limits  by  the  merest  chance.  There  may  have  been  some  other 
bodies  of  men,  in  small  numbers,  living  on  the  coast,  such  as  Gorges 
used  to  hire,  at  large  expense,  to  spend  the  winter  there.  His  servant, 
Richard  Vines,  a  highly  respectable  man,  was  sent  out  to  the  coast  for 
trade  and  discovery,  and  spent  some  time  in  the  country;  and  he  is  sup- 
posed to  have  passed  one  winter  during  a  great  plague  among  the  Indians, 
—  perhaps  that  of  1616-17,  —  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saco  River.^  Vines 
and  John  Oldham  afterward  had  a  patent  of  Biddeford,  on  that  river. 
Several  scattering  plantations  were  begun   in   the  following  year. 

The  complaints  to  the  Council  of  abuses  committed  by  fishermen  and 
other  interlopers,  who  without  license  visited  the  coast,  and  by  their  con- 
duct caused  the  overthrow  of  the  trade  and  the  dishonor  of  the  government, 
led  to  the  selection  of  Robert  Gorges,  the  younger  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  and  who  was  recently  returned  from  the  Venetian  wars,  to  be  sent 
to  New  England  for  the  correction  of  these  abuses.  He  was  commissioned 
as  lieutenant-general,  and  there  were  appointed  for  his  council  and  assist- 
ants Captain  Francis  West  as  admiral,  Christopher  Levett,  and  the  governor 
of  Plymouth  for  the  time  being.     Robert  Gorges  had  but  recently  become 


1  Tradition  has  preserved  the  name  of  "Win-  wife  had  been  a  sister  of  Cavendish,  and  he  is 

ter  Harbor"  there,  and  this  name  appears  on  a  otherwise  connected  with  American  exploration; 

map  of  the  New  England  coast,  which  is  one  of  but  there  is  no  evidence  that 
the  collection  known  as  Dudley's  Arcano  del  p    A^  t-i^^ 

Mare,  issued  at  Florence  in  1646,  ^.  /-  //«f  lisfr" 


FROM   DUDLEY  S  ARCANO  DEL   MARE. 


and  of  which  a  reduced  fac-simile  is  given  here-  he  had  much  other  material  for  this  map  than 

with.     Dudley  was  an  expatriated  Englishman,  Smith  and  the  Dutch.     [Dudley  and  his  carto- 

son  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  had  a  romantic  graphical  labors  are  also  brought  under  notice 

story,  which  has  been  told  by  Mr.  Hale  in  the  in  chap.  ii.  of  the  present  volume,  and  in  chap. 

Anter.  Antiq.  Soc.   Proc,   1873.      Dudley's  first  ix.  of  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 


304  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

a  shareholder  in  the  grand  patent,  and  he  had  also  a  personal  grant  of  a 
tract  of  land  on  the  northeast  side  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  ten  miles  along 
the  coast,  and  extending  thirty  miles  into  the  interior.  This  was  made  to 
him  partly  in  consideration  of  his  father's  services  to  the  Company. 

West  was  commissioned  in  November,  1622;  and  his  arrival  at  Plymouth, 
in  New  England,  is  noticed  by  Bradford  "  as  about  the  latter  end  of  June." 
He  had  probably  been  for  some  time  on  the  Eastern  coast  as  he  related 
his  experiences  to  Bradford,  who  says  he  *'  had  a  commission  to  be  admiral 
of  New  England,  to  restrain  interlopers  and  such  fishing  ships  as  came 
to  fish  and  trade  without  a  license  from  the  Council  of  New  England,  for  j 
which  they  should  pay  a  round  sum  of  money.  But  he  could  do  no  good 
of  them,  for  they  were  too  strong  for  him,  and  he  found  the  fishermen 
to  be  stubborn  fellows.  ...  So  they  went  from  hence  to  Virginia."  West  j 
returned  from  Virginia  in  August,  and  probably  joined  Captain  Gorges, 
who  made  his  appearance  in  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts  in  August  or  Sep- 
tember of  this  year,  having  "  sundry  passengers  and  families,  intending  1 
there  to  begin  a  plantation,  and  pitched  upon  the  place  Mr.  Weston's 
people  had  forsaken,"  at  Wessagusset.  By  his  commission  he  and  his 
council  had  full  power  '^  to  do  and  execute  what  to  them  should  seem 
good,  in  all  cases,  capital,  criminal,  and  civil." 

This  sending  out  of  young  Gorges  with  authority  was  probably  a  tempo-  1 
rary  expedient  for  the  present  emergency,  preparatory  to  the  great  scheme  * 
of  government  set  forth,  a  few  months  before  he  sailed,  in  the  Council's 
Briefe  Relation.  Captain  Gorges  had  a  private  enterprise  to  look  after 
while  charged  with  these  public  duties.  The  patent  which  he  brought 
over,  issued  to  himself  personally,  provided  for  a  government  to  be 
administered  "  acording  to  the  great  charter  of  England,  and  such  Lawes 
as  shall  be  hereafter  established  by  public  authority  of  the  State  assembled 
in  Parliament  in  New  England,"  all  decisions  being  subject  to  appeal  to  the 
Council  for  New  England,  **  and  to  the  court  of  Parliament  hereafter  to 
be  in  New  England  aforesaid." 

Gorges  remained  here  but  a  short  time,  —  probably  not  quite  a  year,  — 
having  during  his  stay  a  sharp  conflict  with  the  notorious  Thomas  Weston, 
whom  Governor  Bradford,  in  pity  to  the  man,  attempted  to  shield  from 
punishment.  In  speaking  of  Gorges'  return  to  England,  Bradford  says 
that  he  **  scarcely  saluted  the  country  in  his  government,  not  finding  the 
state  of  things  here  to  answer  his  quality  and  condition."  His  people 
dispersed :  some  went  to  England,  and  some  to  Virginia.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  himself  assigns  another  reason  for  his  son's  speedy  abandoning  the 
country.  He  says  that  Robert  was  sent  out  by  Lord  Gorges  and  himself, 
— meaning,  I  suppose,  that  he  came  at  their  personal  charge,  —  and  that 
he  was  disappointed  in  not  receiving  supplies  from  "  divers  his  familiar 
friends  who  had  promised  as  much ;  but  they,  hearing  how  I  sped 
in  the  House  of  Parliament,  withdrew  themselves,  and  myself  and  friends 
were  wholly  disabled  to  do  anything  to  purpose.'*      The  report  of  these 


NEW   ENGLAND.  •  305 

proceedings  coming  to  his  son's  ears,  he  was  advised  to  return  home  till 
better  occasion  should  serve. 

The  records  of  the  Council  show  that  for  the  space  of  one  year  their 
business  was  pursued  with  considerable  vigor  by  the  few  members  who 
were  interested.^  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  of  course,  was  the  mainstay 
of  the  enterprise.  The  principal  business  was  to  prepare  to  put  their  plans 
into  operation.  The  money  did  not  come  in,  and  a  large  number  of  the 
patentees  fell  off.  Much  time  was  spent  in  inducing  new  members  to 
engage,  and  pay  in  their  money;  and  the  efforts  to  bring  the  merchant 
fishermen  to  acknowledge  the  claims  of  the  Council,  and  to  take  out 
licenses  for  traffic  and  fishing,  were  untiring. 

Finally,  in  the  summer  of  1623,  the  Council  resolved  to  divide  the  whole 
territory  of  New  England  among  the  patentees,  ''in  the  plot  remaining  with 
Dr.  Goche,"  the  treasurer.  The  reasons  given  for  this  step  are,  "  For  that 
some  of  the  adventurers  excuse  their  non-payment  in  of  their  adventures 
because  they  know  not  their  shares  for  which  they  are  to  pay,  which  much 
prejudiceth  the  proceedings,  it  is  thought  fit  that  the  land  of  New  England 
be  divided  in  this  manner;  viz.,  by  20  lots,  and  each  lot  to  contain  2  shares. 
And  for  that  there  are  not  full  40  and  above  20  adventurers,  that  only 
20  shall  draw  those  lots."  Provision  was  accordingly  made  that  each 
person  drawing  two  shares  should  part  with  one  share  to  some  member 
who  might  not  have  drawn,  or  some  one  else  who  shall  thereafter  become 
an  adventurer,  to  the  end  that  the  full  "  number  of  forty  may  be  com- 
plete." The  meeting  for  the  drawing  was  held  on  Sunday,  June  29,  1623, 
at  Greenwich,  at  which  the  King  was  present.^ 

The  "plot"  of  New  England,  on  which  this  division  is  shown,  with 
the  names  set  down  according  as  the  lots  were  drawn,  was  published  the 
next  year  in  Sir  William  Alexander's  Encouragement  to  Colonies;  and  on 
page  31  of  his  book  the  writer  speaks  of  hearing  that  *'  out  of  a  generous 
desire  by  his  example  to  encourage  others  for  the  advancement  of  so  brave 
an  enterprise  he  [Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges]  is  resolved  shortly  to  go  him- 
self in  person,  and  to  carry  with  him  a  great  number  well  fitted  for  such 
a  purpose ;  and  many  noblemen  in  England  (whose  names  and  proportions 
as  they  were  marshalled  by  lot  may  appear  upon  the  map),  having  interested 
themselves  in  that  bounds,  are  to  send  several  colonies,  who  may  quickly 
make  this  to  exceed  all  other  plantations." 

Alexander  must  have  been  well  informed  of  the  intentions  of  the  Com- 

*  Of  thirty-six   meetings   recorded   to   have  of  New  England,  divided  into  twenty  parts,  each 

been  held  between  May  31,  1622,  and  June  28,  part  containing  two  shares,  and  twenty  lots  con- 

1623,  Sir  F.  Gorges  was  present  at  thirty-five  taining  the  said  double  shares,  made  up  in  little 

meetings  ;      Sir    Samuel     Argall,    thirty-three  ;  bales  of  wax,  and  the  names  of  twenty  patentees 

Goche,  treasurer,  twenty-two.     The  average  at-  by  whom  these  lots  were  to  be  drawn."     The- 

tendance  at  a  meeting  was  but  four.     One  half  King  drew  for  three  absent  members,  including; 

the   patentees   originally   named    in   the    grant  Buckingham,  who  had  gone  to  Spain.     There 

never  attended  a  meeting.  were   eleven   members    present,  who   drew  for 

2  The  record  says  that  there  was  presented  themselves.      Nine  other  lots  were  drawn  for 

to  the  King  "  a  plot  of  all  the  coasts  and  lands  absent  members. 
VOL.  III.  —  39. 


3o6 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Alexander's  map,  1624.^ 


pany,  certainly  familiar  with  those  of  Gorges  himself;  and  it  must  have 
been  with  their  knowledge  and  approbation  that  the  act  above  recorded 
was  thus  published.     The  meeting  at  which  the  division  was  made  is  the 

^  [This  is  a  fac-simile  of  a  part  of  the  map,  as  reproduced  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims.  —  Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND.  307 

last  of  which  we  have  any  record  for  a  number  of  years,  and  the  history 
of  the  Company  during  these  years  must  be  gathered  from  other  sources. 
The  grand  colonial  scheme  intended  to  be  put  in  operation  never  went  into 
effect ;  and  at  a  late  period  the  Council  say,  concerning  this  division,  that 
hitherto  they  have  never  been  confirmed  in  the  lands  so  allotted. 

A  new  Parliament  was  summoned  to  meet  February  12,  1623/24,  and 
on  the  24th  we  find  this  minute:  ''  Mr.  Neale  delivereth  in  the  bill  for  free 
liberty  of  fishing  upon  the  coasts  of  America."  ''  Five  ships  of  Plymouth 
under  arrest,  and  two  of  Dartmouth,  because  they  went  to  fish  in  New 
England.  This  done  by  warrant  from  the  Admiralty.  To  have  these  suits 
staid  till  this  bill  have  had  its  passage.  This  done  by  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  his  Patent.  Ordered,  that  this  patent  be  brought  into  the  Com- 
mittee of  Grievances  upon  Friday  next."  March  15,  1623/24,  an  Act  for 
freer  liberty  of  fishing,  as  previously  introduced,  was  committed  to  a  large 
committee,  of  which  Sir  Edward  Coke  was  chairman.  On  the  17th,  Sir 
Edward  reported  from  this  committee  that  they  had  condemned  one 
grievance,  namely,  "  Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges  his  patent  for  a  plantation  in  New 
England.  Their  council  heard,  the  exceptions  being  first  delivered  them. 
Resolved  by  consent,  that,  notwithstanding  the  clause  in  the  patent  dated 
3d  November,  i8th  Jac,  that  no  subject  of  England  shall  visit  the  coast 
upon  pain  of  forfeiture  of  ship  and  goods,  the  patentees  have  yielded  that 
the  Englishmen  shall  visit,  and  that  they  will  not  interrupt  any  fisherman 
to  fish  there."  Finally  it  was  enacted  by  the  House  that  the  clause  of  for- 
feiture, being  only  by  patent  and  not  by  act  of  Parliament,  was  void. 

Gorges  himself  gives  a  graphic  picture  of  the  scene  when  he,  with  his 
counsel,  was  before  the  Committee  of  the  House,  and  he  spoke  so  unavail- 
ingly  in  defence  of  his  patent.  This  patent  was  the  first  presented  from 
the  Committee  of  Grievances.  "This  their  public  declaration  of  the 
Houses  .  .  .  shook  off  all  my  adventurers  for  plantation,  and  made  many 
of  the  patentees  to  quit  their  interest;"  so  that  in  all  likelihood  he  would 
have  fallen  under  the  weight  of  so  heavy  a  burden,  had  he  not  been  sup- 
ported by  the  King,  who  would  not  be  drawn  to  overthrow  the  corpora- 
tion he  so  much  approved  of,  and  Gorges  was  advised  to  persevere.  Still 
he  thought  it  better  to  forbear  for  the  present,  though  the  bill  did  not 
become  a  law  of  the  realm.  Soon  afterward  the  French  ambassador  made 
a  challenge  of  all  those  territories  as  belonging  of  right  to  the  King  of 
France,  and  Gorges  was  called  to  make  answer  to  him ;  and  his  reply  was 
so  full  that  ''  no  more  was  heard  of  that  their  claim." 

Being  unable  to  enforce  the  claim  whence  was  to  come  the  principal 
source  of  its  income,  and  the  larger  part  of  the  patentees  having  abandoned 
the  enterprise,  the  Great  Council  for  New  England,  whose  patent  had  been 
denounced  by  the  House  of  Commons  as  a  monopoly  and  opposed  to  the 
public  policy  and  the  general  good,  became  a  dead  body.  In  the  follow- 
ing year,  1625,  we  hear  of  Gorges  as  commander  of  one  of  the  vessels  in 
the  squadron  ordered  by  Buckingham  to  Dieppe  for  the  service  of  the 


3o8  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

King  of  France.  Finding  on  his  arrival  that  the  vessels  were  destined 
to  serve  against  Rochelle,  which  was  then  sustaining  a  siege,  Gorges  broke 
through  the  squadron,  and  returned  to  England  with  his  ship. 

In  the  summer  of  1625  the  Plymouth  people  were  in  great  trouble  by 
reason  of  their  unhappy  relations  to  the  Adventurers  in  London,  and  Cap- 
tain Standish  was  sent  over  to  seek  some  accommodation  with  them.  At 
the  same  time  he  bore  a  letter  from  Governor  Bradford  to  the  Council  of 
New  England,  urging  their  intervention  in  behalf  of  the  colony  **  under 
your  government."  But  Bradford  says  that,  by  reason  of  the  plague  which 
that  year  raged  in  London,  Standish  could  do  nothing  with  the  Council 
for  New  England,  for  there  were  no  courts  kept  or  scarce  any  commerce 
held. 

Two  years  later,  in  the  summer  of  1627,  Governor  Bradford  again  wrote 
to  the  Council  for  New  England,  under  whose  government  he  acknowl- 
edged themselves  to  be,  and  also  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  himself,  advis- 
ing them  of  the  encroachments  of  the  Dutch,  and  also  making  complaints 
of  the  disorderly  fishermen  and  interlopers,  who,  with  no  intent  to  plant, 
and  with  no  license,  foraged  the  country  and  were  off  again,  to  the  great 
annoyance  of  the  Plymouth  settlers. 

After  a  patent  to  Christopher  Levett,  of  May  5,  1623,  the  Council  appear 
to  have  made  no  grants  of  land  till,  in  1628,  two  patents  were  issued,  —  one 
to  the  Plymouth  people  of  land  on  the  Kennebec  River,  and  one  to  Rose- 
well,  Young,  Endicott,  and  others,  patentees  of  Massachusetts.  These  were 
followed  by  a  grant  to  John  Mason,  of  Nov.  7,  1629,  the  Laconia  grant  of 
Nov.  17,  1629,  that  to  Plymouth  Colony  of  Jan.  13,  1629/30,  and  sundry 
grants  of  territory  in  the  present  States  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire. 

The  records  of  the  Council,  of  which  there  is  a  hiatus  of  over  eight 
years  in  the  parts  now  extant  (and  the  latter  portion  is  a  transcript  with 
probably  many  omissions),  begin  on  the  4th  of  November,  1631,  with  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  as  president,  and  contain  entries  of  sundry  patents 
granted,  and  of  the  final  transactions  of  the  Company  during  its  exist- 
ence. Precisely  when  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  chosen  president  we  do 
not  know.  His  name  appears  in  the  Plymouth  patent  of  Jan.  13,  1629/30, 
as  holding  that  office,  and  it  is  quite  likely  that  he  was  president  when 
the  Massachusetts  patent  was  issued,  he  being  chiefly  instrumental  in  pass- 
ing that  grant.  The  Council  seem  now  to  have  revived  their  hopes  as  they 
did  their  activity.  As  late  as  Nov.  6,  1634,  divers  matters  of  moment  were 
propounded :  '*  First,  that  the  number  of  the  Council  be  with  all  conven- 
ient speed  filled.  [It  appears  by  a  previous  meeting  that  there  were  now 
but  twenty-one  members  in  all,  whereas  the  patent  called  for  no  less  than 
forty.]  Second,  that  a  new  patent  from  his  Majesty  be  obtained."  Also, 
that  no  ships,  passengers,  nor  goods  be  permitted  to  go  to  New  England 
without  license  from  the  President  and  Council ;  and  that  fishermen  should 
not  be  allowed  to  trade  with  savages,  nor  with  the  servants  of  planters, 
nor  to  cut  timber  for  stages,  without  license.     This,  surely,  is  a  revival  of 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


309 


the  old  odious  policy.  We  do  not  know  if  any  of  these  orders  were 
adopted. 

There  seems  at  this  time  to  have  arisen  a  serious  misunderstanding  or 
quarrel  between  the  Council  and  their  President,  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  It 
first  appears  at  a  meeting  held  June  29,  1632.  The  President  was  not 
present  at  this  meeting,  though  it  was  held,  as  the  meetings  had  been  held 
for  some  years  past,  at  ''Warwick  House."  An  order  was  adopted  "that 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  should  be  entreated  to  direct  a  course  for  finding  out 
what  patents  have  been  granted  for  New  England."  At  the  same  meeting 
the  clerk  was  sent  to  the  Earl  for  the  Council's  great  seal,  which  was  in  his 
lordship's  keeping;  and  word  came  back  that  he  would  send  it  when  his 
man  came  in.  It  was  also  ordered  that  the  future  meetings  of  the  Council 
be  held  at  the  house  of  Captain  Mason,  in  Fenchurch  Street.  But  the  seal 
was  not  sent,  and  two  more  formal  requests  were  made  for  it  during  the 
next  six  months.  Captain  John  Mason  was  chosen  vice-president  Nov. 
26,  1632.  The  records  for  1633  and  1634  are  wanting.  Early  in  1635 
the  Council  resolved  to  resign  their  patent  into  the  hands  of  the  King; 
preparatory  to  which  they  made  a  new  partition  of  the  territory  of  New 
England,  dividing  it  among  themselves,  or,  according  to  the  records, 
among  eight  of  their  number.  Of  what  precise  number  the  Council  con- 
sisted at  this  time  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  The  division  was 
made  at  a  meeting  held  Feb.  3,  1634/35,  ^^id  to  the  description  of  each 
particular  grant  the  members  on  the  14th  of  April  affixed  their  signatures, 
each  person  withholding  his  signature  to  his  own  share.  In  making  this 
division  it  was  ordered  that  every  one  who  had  lawful  grants  of  land,  or 
lawfully  settled  plantations,  should  enjoy  the  same,  laying  down  his  jura 
regalia  to  the  proprietor  of  this  division,  and  paying  him  some  small  ac- 
knowledgment. A  memorandum  is  also  made  that  "  the  22d  day  of  April 
several  deeds  of  feoft*ment  were  made  unto  the  several  proprietors." 

The  act  of  surrender  passed  June  7,  1635.  Lord  Gorges  had  been 
chosen  president  April  18.  The  Company  seem  to  have  been  kept  alive 
till  some  years  later,  as  there  is  an  entry  as  late  as  Nov.  i,  1638,  at  which 
it  was  agreed  to  augment  the  grants  of  the  Earl  of  Sterling  and  Lord 
Gorges  and  Sir  F.  Gorges,  the  two  latter  to  have  "  sixty  miles  more  added 
to  their  proportions  further  up  into  the  main  land."  Of  course,  in  making 
this  division  the  whole  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  was  not  divided,  for  that 
ran  from  sea  to  sea.  It  was  a  division  on  the  New  England  coast,  running 
back  generally  sixty  miles  inland.  It  was  part  of  the  plan  to  procure  from 
the  King,  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  a  confirmation  of  these  several 
grants.  Lord  Sterling's  grant  included  also  Long  Island,  near  Hudson's 
River. 

The  intention  in  this  division  was  to  ride  over  the  Massachusetts  patent 
of  1628,  which  had  been  confirmed  the  following  year  by  a  charter  of 
incorporation  from  the  King,  and  legal  proceedings  were  soon  afterward 
instituted  by  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  for  vacating  their  franchises.  The 
notorious  Thomas  Morton  was  retained  as  a  solicitor  to  prosecute  this  suit. 


3IO  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 

The  grants  issued  in  this  division  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  to  John 
Mason  are  the  only  ones  with  which  subsequent  history  largely  deals.^ 

The  King,  in  accepting  the  resignation  of  the  Grand  Patent,  resolved  to 
take  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  New  England  into  his  own  hands, 
and  to  appoint  as  his  general  governor  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  him- 
self, or  by  deputy,  was  to  reside  in  the  country.  But  "  the  best  laid 
schemes  o'  mice  and  men  gang  aft  a-gley."  The  attempt  to  vacate  the 
charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  a  fundamental  thing  to  be  done,  was  not  ac- 
complished. The  patentees  to  whom  several  of  the  divisions  of  the  terri- 
tory of  New  England  were  assigned  appear  to  have  wholly  neglected  their 
interest,  and,  except  in  the  case  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  before  referred 
to,  royal  charters  were  granted  to  none. 

Massachusetts,  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and  Connecticut  were  settled 
under  grants,  or  alleged  grants,  from  the  Council  for  New  England.  The 
grant  of  the  territory  of  Massachusetts  Bay  of  March  19,  1627/28,  was 
in  the  following  year  confirmed  by  the  Crown,  with  powers  of  govern- 
ment. The  grant  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  in  the  general  division  of 
February,  1634/35,  with  an  additional  sixty  miles  into  the  interior  subse- 
quently added,  was  confirmed  by  the  Crown  April  3,  1639,  with  a  charter 
constituting  him  Lord  Proprietor  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  giving  him 
extraordinary  powers  of  government.  The  territory  issued  to  John  Mason 
at  the  general  division,  which  was  to  be  called  New  Hampshire,  the  parch- 
ment bearing  date  April  22,  1635,  was  never  confirmed  by  the  King,  rior 
were  any  powers  of  government  granted.  The  first  settlements  in  Connec- 
ticut,—  namely,  those  of  the  three  towns  on  the  river  of  that  name,  in  1635 
and  1636, — were  made  under  the  protection  of  Massachusetts,  as  though 
the  territory  had  been  part  of  that  colony.  But  the  inhabitants  subse- 
quently acquired  a  ^iiasi  claim  to  this  territory,  under  what  is  known  as 
the  ''old  patent  of  Connecticut,"  impliedly  proceeding  from  the  Council 
for  New  England,  through  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele 
and  his  associates.  The  settlers  of  Quinnipiack,  afterward  called  New 
Haven,  in  1638  and  1639,  had  no  patent  for  lands,  but  made  a  number  of 
purchases  from  the  Indians.  Plymouth  Colony,  of  which  an  account  is 
given  here  by  another  hand,  received  a  roving  patent  from  the  Council, 
dated  June  i,  1621,  with  no  boundaries;  and  another  patent,  dated  Jan. 
13,  1629/30,  defining  their  limits,  but  with  no  powers  of  government. 
The  territory  of  Rhode  Island  was  not  a  grant  from  the  Council  to  the 
settlers. 

Massachusetts.  —  There  were  scattered  settlements  in  Massachusetts 
Bay  prior  to  the  emigration  under  the  patent  of  1627/28.     Thomas  Weston 

1  Yet  it  should  be  mentioned  here  that  the  and   at   a  later  period,  but  was   not   allowed, 

grant  to  the  Marquis,  afterward  Duke,  of  Ham-  The  grant  to  the  Earl  of  Sterling,  between  St. 

ilton  of  land  between  the  Connecticut  River  and  Croix  and  Sagadahoc,  was  in  1663  sold  by  his 

Narragansett,  which  lay  dormant  during  his  life,  heir  to  Lord  Clarendon,  and  a  charter  for  it  was 

was  claimed  by  his   heirs  at  the  Restoration,  granted  next  year  to  the  Duke  of  York. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  3II 

began  a  settlement  at  what  is  now  Weymouth  Fore-River,  in  the  summer 
of  1622,  which  lasted  scarcely  one  year.  Robert  Gorges,  as  we  have  seen, 
took  possession  of  the  same  place,  in  September,  1623,  for  his  experimental 
government,  but  the  colony  broke  up  the  next  spring,  leaving,  it  is  thought, 
a  few  remnants  behind,  which  proved  a  seed  for     ^j/ 7^.  ^^^^wv'dor^ 

a  continuous  settlement.     Persons  are  found  tem-       f^^^*^ 
porarily  at  Nantasket  in   1625,  and  perhaps  ear- 
lier;  at  Mount  Wollaston  the  same  year,  and  at     nnufir    ';^2A^a^^n_ 
Thompson's  Island  in  1626.     The  solitary  William  (y 

Blaxton,    clerk,    is    traced    to    Shawmut, 

(Boston)  in  1625  or  1626,  and  the  equally  ^^fn.u3^ cAi.  o.i/e^ycc^.^ 
solitary  Samuel  Maverick,  at  Noddles' 
Island,  about  the  same  time ; 
while  Walford,  the  blacksmith, 
is  found  at  Charlestown  in  1629. 
The  last  three  named  are  rea- 
sonably conjectured  to  have  formed  part  of  Robert  Gorges'  company  at 
Weymouth,  in  1623/24. 

The  Dorchester  Fishing  Company,  in  England,  of  which  the  Rev.  John 
White,  a  zealous  Puritan  minister  of  that  town,  was  a  member,  resolved  to 
make  the  experiment  of  planting  a  small  colony  somewhere  upon  the  coast, 
so  that  the  fishing  vessels  might  leave  behind  in  the  country  all  the  spare 
m^n  not  required  to  navigate  their  vessels  home,  who  might  in  the  mean 
time  employ  themselves  in  planting,  building,  etc.,  and  be  ready  to  join  the 
ships  again  on  their  return  to  the  coast  at  the  next  fishing  season.  Cape 
Ann  was  selected  as  the  site  of  this  experiment,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1623 
fourteen  men  were  left  there  to  pass  the  winter.  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  1625  Roger  Conant,  who  had  been  living  at  Plymouth  and  at  Nan- 
tasket, was  invited  to  join  this  community  as  its  superintendent,  and  he 
remained  there  one  year.  The  scheme  proving  a  financial  failure,  the  set- 
tlement broke  up  in  the  autumn  of  1626,  most  of  the  men  returning  home; 
but  Conant  and  a  few  others  removed  to  Naumkeag  (Salem),  where  they 
were  found  by  Endicott,  who,  under  the  authority  of  the  Massachusetts 
patentees,  arrived  there  Sept.  6,  1628.  These  old  settlers  joined  the  new 
community. 

Endicott  was  sent  out  as  agent  or  superintendent  of  a  large  land  com- 
pany, of  which  he  was  one  of  the  proprietors,  colonization  being,  of  course, 
a  prominent  feature  in  their  plans.  In  the  following  year,  March  4,  1628- 
29,  the  patentees  and  their  associates  received  a  charter  of  incorporation, 
with  powers  of  government,  and  with  authority  to  establish  a  subordinate 
government  on  the  soil,  and  appoint  officers  of  the  same.  This  local  gov- 
ernment, entitled  ''  London's  Plantation  in  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England,"  was  accordingly  established,  and  Endicott  was  appointed  the 
first  resident  governor.  The  charter  evidently  contemplated  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Company  should  be  administered  in  England.     In  a  few 


312  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

months,  however,  the  Company  resolved  to  transfer  the  charter  and  gov- 
ernment from  London  to  Massachusetts  Bay;  and  Matthew  Cradock,  who 
^^.^  had   been  the  first  charter  governor,  re- 

I     lYXltlCS-LLxf^  ^ScAik^^--^    signed  his  place,  and  John  Winthrop,  who 
VA^  ^.^^  had  resolved  to  emigrate  to  the  colony, 

^  was  chosen  governor  of  the  Company  in 

his  stead.  On  the  transfer  of  the  Company  to  Massachusetts  by  the  arri- 
val of  Winthrop,  the  subordinate  government,  of  which  Endicott  was  the 
head,  was  silently  abolished,  and  its  duties  were  assumed  by  its  principal, 
the  corporation  itself,  which  took  immediate  direction  of  affairs.  As  the 
successor  of  Cradock,  Winthrop  was  the  second  governor  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company,  yet  he  was  the  first  who'  exercised  his  functions  in  New 
England. 

The  Massachusetts  charter  was  not  adapted  for  the  constitution  of  a 
commonwealth ;  therefore,  as  the  colony  grew  in  numbers  it  became  neces- 
sary for  it  to  assume  powers  not  granted  in  that  instrument.  Between  the 
years  1630  and  1640  about  twenty  thousand  persons  arrived  in  the  colony, 
after  which,  for  many  years,  it  is  supposed  that  more  went  back  to  Eng- 
land than  came  thence  hither.  Previous  to  the  year  last  named  the  colony 
had  furnished  emigrants  to  settle  the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  New  Haven, 
and  Rhode  Island. 

The  charter  gave  power  to  the  freemen  to  elect  annually  a  governor,  dep- 
uty-governor, and  eighteen  assistants,  who  should  make  laws  for  their  own 
benefit  and  for  the  government  of  the  colony ;  and  provision  was  made  for 
general  courts  and  courts  of  assistants,  which  exercised  judicial  as  well  as 
legislative  powers.  But  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  general  court  in  Boston,  in 
October,  1630,  it  was  ordered  that  the  governor  and  deputy-governor  should 
be  chosen  by  the  assistants  out  of  their  own  number.  This  rule  was  of 
short  duration,  as  in  May,  1632,  the  freemen  resumed  the  right  of  election, 
and  the  basis  of  a  second  house  of  legislature  was  laid. 

The  colonists,  though  Puritans,  were  Church  of  England  men,  and  were 
fearful  of  rigid  separation;  but  Winthrop  and  his  party,  —  among  whom 
was  John  Wilson,  a  graduate  of  King's  College,  Cambridge,  and  destined 
to  become  their  first  minister,  —  found  on  their  arrival  a  church  already 
established  at  Salem  on  the  basis  of  separation.  Thenceforward,  fol- 
lowing that  example,  the  Massachusetts  colony  became  a  colony  of  con- 
gregational churches.  It  has  been  a  favorite  saying  with  eulogists  of 
Massachusetts,  that  the  pious  founders  of  the  colony  came  over  to  this 
wilderness  to  establish  here  the  principle  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and 
to  transmit  the  same  inviolate  to  their  remotest  posterity.  Probably  noth- 
ing was  further  from  their  purpose,  which  was  simply  to  find  a  place  where 
they  themselves,  and  all  who  agreed  with  them,  could  enjoy  such  liberty. 
This  was  a  desirable  object  to  attain,  and  they  made  many  sacrifices  for  it, 
and  felt  that  they  had  a  right  to  enjoy  it. 

The  banishment  of  Roger  Williams,  and  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and   her 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


313 


sympathizers,  was  no  doubt  largely  due  to  the  feeling  that  the  peace  of  the 
community  was  endangered  by  their  presence.  In  the  unhappy  episode  of 
the  Quakers,  at  a  later  period,  the  colonial  authorities  were  wrought  into  a 
frenzy  by  these  *'  persistent  intruders."  It  seemed  to  be  a  struggle  on  both, 
sides  for  victory ;  but  though  four  Quakers  were  hanged  on  Boston  Com- 
mon, the  Quakers  finally  conquered.  In  the  second  year  of  the  settle- 
ment, in  order  to  keep  the  government  in  their  own  hands,  or,  in  the 
language  of  the  Act, 
"  to  the  end  the  body 
of  the  commons  may 
be  preserved  of  honest 
and  good  men,"  the 
Court  ordered  that 
thenceforward  no  one 
should  be  elected  a 
freeman  unless  he  was 
a  member  of  one  of  the 
churches  of  the  colony. 
Probably  there  were  as 
good  men  outside  the 
churches  as  there  were 
inside,  and  by  and  by 
a  clamor  was  raised  by 
those  who  felt  aggrieved 
at  being  denied  the 
rights  of  freemen ;  but 
the  rule  was  not  modi- 
fied till  after  the  Res- 
toration. 

A  few  unsavory  per- 
sons whom  Winthrop 
and  his  company  found 
here  and   speedily  sent 

away,  on  their  arrival  home  failed  not  to  make  representations  injurious 
to  the  Puritan  settlement,  and  they  were  seconded  by  the  influence  of  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason.  Attempts  were  made  in  1632  to  va- 
cate the  colony's  charter;  but  these  attempts  proved  unsuccessful.  A  more 
serious  effort  was  made  a  few  years  later,  when  the  Council  for  New  England 
resigned  its  franchises  into  the  hands  of  the  King ;  but  owing  to  the  trouble 
which  environed  the  government  in  England,  and  to  other  causes  not  fully 
explained,  the  colony  then  escaped,  as  it  also  escaped  at  the  same  time  the 
impending  infliction  of  a  general  governor  for  New  England. 


^Qr^Vtlff^K  StfnUlr? 


1  [This  portrait  of  the  first  minister  of  Bos- 
ton hangs  in  the  gallery  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society.     Its  authenticity  has  been  in 
VOL,    III. — 40. 


turn  questioned  and  maintained.  Cf.  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc.  September,  [867,  and  December,  1880. 
—  Ed.I 


314 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


In  1640  some  of  the  colony's  friends  in  England  wrote  to  the  authori- 
ties here  advising  them  to  send  some  one  to  England  to  solicit  favors  of 
the  Parliament  ''  But,  consulting  about  it,"  says  Winthrop,  **  we  declined 
the  motion,  for  this  consideration, — that  if  we  should  put  ourselves  under 


CU^^ 


^d</f^>Ji^^ 


^OrCilci^  UhiLA^nJC 


QUAKER   AUTOGRAPHS.  1 

the  protection  of  Parliament,  we  must  then  be 
subject  to  all  such  laws  as  they  should  make, 

ryt^'xil'ixlr,.   J^  tJL  °'  ^\  '"^f.  !""''  ^'  ^^7  might  impose  upon 

'  /  us ;   m  which  course,  though  they  should  m- 

tend  our  good,  yet  it  might  prove  very  preju- 
^7         ^  dicial  to  us."     From  1640  to  1660  the  colony 

jLy*-^    j^(^^Z/^J^P2^        was    substantially  an   independent   common- 
wealth,   and    during   this  period    they   com- 
y  ^^  ^  pleted    a    system    of   laws    and    government 

^     '^Aj  //tcn^CS<ffL  which,  taken  as  a  whole,  was  well  adapted  to 

their  wants.     Their  "  Body  of  Liberties  "  was 

established    in    1641,    and   three    editions    of 

^ajcvi^       Laws  were  published  by  authority,  and   put 

in  print  in  1649,  in  1660,  and  in  1672.     The 

f^j/ff^      rTT*      Q  Ir^^       ^^^^    ^^^    establishing    public    schools    was 

^^  passed  in  October,   1647.      Harvard   College 

had    already,  in    1637,    been    established   at 

C^^'^ac^  Sf^tAR.      Cambridge. 

O  The  ecclesiastical  polity  of  the  churches, 

embodied  in  the  "  Cambridge  Platform,"  was 
drawn  up  in  1648,  and  printed  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  and   was  finally  approved  by  the 
General  Court  in  165 1. 
The  community  was  obliged  to  feel  its  way,  and  adapt  its  legislation 
rather  to  its  exigencies  than  to  its  charter.     The  aristocratical  element  in 
the  society  early  cropped  out  in  the  institution  of  a  Council  for  life,  which 

1  [This  group  gives  the  names  of  some  of  and  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston.  Cf.  the 
the  victims  of  the  judicial  extremities  practised  note  on  the  treatment  of  the  early  Quakers  in 
in  Boston.     See  Bowden's  Friends  in  America,     New  England,  in  chapter  xii.  —  Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


315 


may  have  had  its  origin  in  suggestions  from   England;    but  it  met  with 
Httle  favor. 

The  confederation  of  the  United  Colonies,  first  proposed  by  Connecticut, 
was  an  act  of  great  wisdom,  foreshadowing  the  more  celebrated  political 
unions  of  the  English 
race  on  this  continent,  for 
they  all  have  recognized 
the  common  maxim,  that 
"  Union  is  strength."  The 
colonists  were  surrounded 
by  ''people  of  several 
nations  and  strange  lan- 
guage," and  the  existence 
of  the  Indian  tribes  with- 
in the  boundaries  of  the 
New  England  settlements 
was  the  source  of  cease- 
less anxiety  and  alarm. 
The  Pequot  War  had  but 
recently  ended,  and  it  had 
left  its  warning.  It  would 
have  been  an  act  of  grace 
to  admit  the  Maine  and 
Narragansett  settlements 
to  this  union,  but  it  was 
probably  impracticable. 

The  conversion  of  the 
Indian  tribes  to  Christian- 
ity was  a  subject  which 
the  colony  had  much  at 
heart,  and  a  number  of  its  ministers  had  fitted  themselves  for  the  work :  the 
special  labors  of  the  Apostle  Eliot  need  only  be  mentioned.  Through  the 
instrumentality  of  Edward  Winslow,  a  society  for  propagating  the  gospel 


DR.    JOHN    CLARK.  ^ 


1  [This  portrait  of  a  leading  physician  of  the 
colony  hangs  in  the  gallery  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  and  is  inscribed  "  ^Etatis  suae 
66  ann.  suo,"  and  purports  to  be  a  Dr.  John 
Clark,  and  is  probably  the  physician  of  that 
name  of  Newbury  and  Boston,  who  died  in  1664. 
His  son  John,  likewise  a  physician,  was  also  a 
prominent  public  man  in  Boston,  and  died  in 
1690.  That  it  is  the  former  is  believed  by  Dr. 
Thacher  in  his  American  Medical  Biography, 
and  by  Coffin  in  his  History  of  N'ewbury,  both 
of  whom  give  lithographs  of  the  picture.  Dr. 
Appleton,  who  printed  an  account  of  the  So- 
ciety's portrait  in  its  Proceedings,  September, 
1867,  also  took  this  view;  while  the  Rev.  Dr. 


Harris,  in  the  Society's  Collections,  third  series, 
vii.  287,  finds  the  year  1675  in  the  inscription, 
which  is  not  there,  and  identifies  the  subject  of 
the  picture  with  another  Dr.  John  Clark,  who 
was  prominent  in  Rhode  Island  history.  There 
was  still  a  third  Dr.  John  Clark,  son  of  John, 
and  of  Boston,  who  died  in  1728.  It  is  not  prob- 
ably determinable  beyond  doubt  which  of  the 
earlier  two  this  is  ;  and  Savage,  in  his  Genealog- 
ical Dictionary,  gives  twenty-five  John  Clarks 
as  belonging  to  New  England  before  the  end 
of  the  first  century ;  but  of  these  only  four  are 
physicians,  as  above  named.  Cf.  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society'' s  Proceedifigs,  July,  1844,  p.  287. 
—  Ed.] 


3l6  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

among  the  Indians  was  incorporated  in  England  in  1649,  and  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  were  made  the  agents  of  its  corporation  as 
long  as  the  union  of  the  colonies  lasted. 

The  Massachusetts  colonists  were  at  first  seriously  tasked  for  the  means 
of  subsistence ;  but  these  anxieties  soon  passed  away.  Industry  took  the 
most  natural  forms.  Agriculture  gave  back  good  returns.  To  the  invalu- 
able Indian  maize  were  added  all  kinds  of  English  grain,  as  well  as  veg- 
etables and  fruits.  Some  were  indigenous  to  the  soil.  English  seeds  of 
hay  and  of  grain  returned  bountiful  crops.  All  animals  with  which  New 
England  farms  are  now  stocked  then  well  repaid  in  increase  the  care  be- 
stowed upon  them.  The  manufacture  of  clothing  was  of  slower  growth. 
Thread  and  yarn  were  spun  and  knit  by  the  women  at  home ;  but  in  a  few 
years  weaving  and  fulling  mills  were  set  up,  and  became  remunerative. 
The  manufacture  of  salt,  saltpetre,  gunpowder,  and  glassware  gave  employ- 
ment to  many,  while  the  brickmaker,  the  mason,  the  carpenter,  and  indeed 
all  kindred  trades  found  occupation.  The  forests  were  a  source  of  income. 
Boards,  clapboards,  shingles,  staves,  and,  at  a  later  period,  masts  had  a 
ready  sale.  Furs  and  peltry,  received  in  barter  from  the  Indians,  became 
features  of  an  export  trade.  The  fisheries  should  be  specially  enumerated 
as  a  source  of  wealth,  and  this  industry  led  to  the  building  of  ships,  which 
were  the  medium  of  commerce  with  the  neighboring  colonies,  the  West 
Indies,  and  even  with  Spain.^ 

After  the  coin  brought  over  by  the  settlers  had  gone  back  to  England 
to  pay  for  supplies,  the  colony  was  greatly  embarrassed  for  a  circulating  me- 
dium, and  Indian  corn  and  beaver-skins  were  early  used  as  currency,  while 
wampum  was  employed  in  trade  with  the  Indians.  The  colony,  however, 
in  1652  established  a  mint,  where  was  coined,  from  the  Spanish  silver  which 
had  been  introduced  from  the  West  Indies,  and  from  whatever  bullion  and 
plate  might  be  sent  in  from  any  quarter,  the  New  England  money  so  well 
known  in  our  histories  of  American  coinage.^  The  relation  of  the  colony 
to  the  surrounding  New  England  plantations  is  noticed  further  on  in  the 
brief  accounts  given  of  those  settlements. 

Events  in  England  moved  rapidly  onward.  The  execution  of  King 
Charles  occurred  about  two  months  before  the  death  of  ^Vinthrop,  which 
happened  on  the  26th  of  March,  1648/49,  and  it  is  certain  that  the  latter 
never  heard  of  the  tragic  end  of  his  old  master.  The  colonists  prudently 
acknowledged  their  subjection  to  the  Parliament,  and  afterward  to  Crom- 
well, so  far  as  was  necessary  to  keep  upon  terms  with  both.  Hutchinson 
says  that  he  had  nowhere  met  with  any  marks  of  disrespect  to  the  memory 
of  the  late  king,  and  that  there  was  no  room  to  suppose  they  bore  any  dis- 
affection to  his  son ;  and  if  they  feared  his  restoration,  it  was  because  they 
expected  a  change  in  religion,  and  that  a  persecution  of  all  Nonconformists 
would  follow.     Charles  II.  was  tardily  proclaimed  in  the  colony,  owing,  per- 

1   Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  ii.  51-56. 

-  Ibid.  pp.  57,  403-405;    Transactions  0/ the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  iii.  281-300 


NEW   ENGLAND.  317 


haps,  to  a  lack  of  definite  information  as  to  the  state  of  poHtics  in  England, 
and  to  rumors  that  the  people  there  were  in  an  unsettled  condition.  A  loyal 
address  was  finally  agreed  upon  and  sent ;  but  he  was  not  proclaimed  till 
August  of  the  following  year,  1661.     The  Restoration  brought  trouble  to 


the  colony.  Among  those  who  laid  their  grievances  before  the  King  in 
Council  were  Mason  and  Gorges,  each  a  grandson  and  heir  of  a  more  dis- 
tinguished proprietor  of  lands  in  New  England.  They  alleged  that  the 
colony  had,  in  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  petitioners,  extended  its  juris- 
diction over  the  provinces  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine.     The  Quaker^ 

1  [See  note  on.  this  portrait  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  309.  —  Ed.] 


3l8  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AiMERICA. 

and  some  of  the  Eastern  people  also  had  their  complaints  to  make  against 
the  colony. 

To  the  humble  address  made  to  the  King  a  benignant  answer  was  received ; 
but  an  order  soon  afterward  came  that  persons  be  sent  over  authorized  to 
make  answer  for  the  colony  to  all  complaints  alleged  against  it.  These  agents 
on  their  return  brought  a  letter  from  the  King  to  the  colony,  in  which  he 
promised  to  preserve  its  patent  and  privileges;  but  he  also  required  of 
the  colony  that  its  laws  should  be  reviewed,  and  such  as  were  against  the 
King's  authority  repealed;  that  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  the  forms  of  jus- 
tice be  administered  in  the  King's  name ;  that  no  one  who  desired  to  use  : 
the  book  of  Common  Prayer  should  be  prejudiced  thereby  as  to  the  baptism 
of  his  children  or  admission  to  the  sacrament  or  to  civil  privilege. 

These  requirements  were  grievous  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts ;  but 
worse  was  to  come.  In  the  spring  of  1664  intelligence  was  brought  that 
several  men-of-war  were  coming  from  England  with  some  gentlemen  of 
distinction  on  board,  and  preparations  were  made  to  receive  them.  At 
the  next  meeting  of  the  General  Court  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  was 
appointed,  and  their  patent  and  its  duplicate  were  brought  into  Court  and 
committed  to  the  charge  of  four  trusty  men  for  safe-keeping.  The  ships 
arrived  in  July,  with  four  commissioners  having  authority  for  reducing  the 
Dutch  at  Manhados,  and  for  visiting  the  several  New  England  colonies,  and 
hearing  and  determining  all  matters  of  complaint,  and  settling  the  peace 
and  security  of  the  country.  Proceeding  on  their  errand  to  the  Manhados, 
the  Dutch  surrendered  on  articles.-^  In  the  mean  time  an  address  was 
agreed  upon  by  the  Court  to  be  sent  to  the  King,  in  which  was  recounted 
the  sacrifices  and  early  struggles  of  the  colonists,  while  they  prayed  for  the 
preservation  of  their  liberties.  Colonel  Nichols  remaining  in  New  York, 
the  other  commissioners  returned  to  New  England,  and,  having  despatched 
their  business  elswhere,  came  to  Boston  in  May,  1665,  after  they  had  been 
joined  by  Colonel  Nichols.  Governor  Endicott  had  died  the  preceding 
March,  and  Mr.  Bellingham,  the  deputy-governor,  stood  in  his  place.  The 
commissioners  laid  their  claim  before  the  Court,  and  demanded  an  answer. 
There  was  skirmishing  on  both  sides.  It  is  a  long  story,  filling  many  pages 
of  the  colony  records.  The  envoys  asked  to  have  their  commission  ac- 
knowledged by  the  government ;  but  this  would  have  overridden  the  char- 
ter of  the  colony,  and  placed  the  inhabitants  at  the  mercy  of  their  enemies. 
In  short,  the  authorities  refused  to  yield,  and  the  commissioners,  after  being 
defeated  in  other  attempts  to  effect  their  purpose,  were  called  home.  Sev- 
eral letters  and  addresses  followed.  Thus  ended  for  a  time  the  contest  with 
the  Crown.  For  nearly  ten  years  there  was  an  almost  entire  suspension  of 
political  relations  between  New  England  and  the  mother  country.  But  the 
projects  of  the  Home  Government  were  not  given  over.  Gorges  and  Mason 
persisted  in  their  claims.  In  the  mean  time  New  England  was  ravaged  by  an 
Indian  war,  known  as  Philip's  War.     The  distress  was  great,  and  the  loss  of 

1  [See  chap.  x.  of  the  present  volume,  and  chap.  x.  of  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


319 


life  fearful.  During  its  progress  Edward  Randolph,  the  evil  genius  of  New 
England,  appeared  on  the  scene,  prepared  for  mischief.  He  arrived  in  July, 
1676,  with  a  letter  from  the  King  and  with  complaints  from  Mason  and 
Gorges,  and  armed  with  a  royal  order  for  agents  to  be  sent  to  England  to 


MEETING-HOUSE   AT    HINGHAM. 


1  [This  is  considered  the  oldest  meeting-house 
in  present  use  in  New  England.     It  was  erected 
in  1 68 1.     Cf.  The  Commemorative  Ser- ^i 
vices  of  the  First  Parish  iii  Hingham  on 
the  Two  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the 
Building  of  its  Meeting- House,  Aug.  8, 
1881    (Hingham,   1882),  with   another 
view  of  the  building,  —  a  photograph  ; 
also  E.  A.  Horton's  Discourse,  Jan.  8, 
1882.   A  meeting-house  of  similar  type, 
erected  in  Lynn  in  1682,  is  represented 
in  Lynn,  Her  First  Two  Hundred  and 
Fifty  Years,  p.  117,     The  annexed  au- 
tographs, taken  from  a  document  in 
the  Trumbull  Manuscripts,  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts   Historical    Society's    Cab- 
inet, and  dated  1690,  represent  some 
of  the  leading  ministers  of  the  colony 
at  the  close  of  the  colonial  period.     Morton  was 
of  Charlestown ;  Allen  of  Boston ;  Wigglesworth, 


the  author  of  the  Day  of  Doom,  a  sulphurous 
poem  greatly  famous  in  its  day,  was  of  Maiden ; 

Moodey  was  of  Portsmouth ;  Willard  and  Mather 
of  Boston;  and  Walter  of  Roxbury.  —  Ed.] 


320 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


make  answer.  This  was  but  the  beginning  of  the  end.  The  legal  authorities 
in  England,  before  whom  the  case  was  brought,  decided  that  neither  Maine 
nor  New  Hampshire  was  within  the  chartered  limits  of  Massachusetts,  and 
that  the  title  of  the  former  was  in  the  grandson  of  the  original  proprietor. 
Whereupon  the  agent  of  Massachusetts  bought  the  patent  of  Maine  from 
its  proprietor  for  ^1,250,  and  stood  in  his  shoes  as  lord  paramount.     This 


greatly  displeased  the  King,  and  the  hostility  to  the  colony  continued. 
Additional  charges,  such  as  illegal  coining  of  money,  violations  of  the  laws 
of  trade  and  navigation,  and  legislative  provisions  repugnant  to  the  laws  of 
England  and  contrary  to' the  power  of  the  charter,  were  now  alleged  against 
the  colony.  The  agents  of  the  colony  and  the  emissaries  of  the  Crown 
crossed  and  recrossed  the  ocean  with  apologies  on  the  one  hand  and  requi- 


NEW   ENGLAND.  32  I 

sitions  on  the  other;  but  nothing  would  satisfy  the  Crown  but  the  subjuga- 
tion of  the  colony.  A  quo  warranto  against  the  Governor  and  Company 
was  issued  in  1683  ;  and  finally,  by  a  new  suit  of  scire  facias  brought  in  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  judgment  against  the  Company  was  entered  up  Oct. 
23,  1684.  Intelligence  of  this  was  not  officially  received  till  the  following 
summer.  Meantime  the  new  king,  James  II.,  was  proclaimed,  April  20, 
1685.  The  government  of  the  colony  was  expiring.  The  "Rose"  frigate 
arrived  in  Boston  May  14,  1686,  bringing  a  commission  for  Joseph  Dudley 
as  President  of  the  Council  for  Massachusetts  Bay,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Maine,  and  the  Narraganset  country,  or  King's  Province.  There  was  no 
House  of  Deputies  to  oppose  him.  Dudley  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  on  the  19th  of  December,  who  had  arrived  in  the  frigate  *'  King- 
fisher," with  a  commission  for  the  government  of  New  England.  He  was 
detested  by  the  colony,  and  the  people  only  needed  a  rumor  of  the  revolu- 
tion in  England,  which  reached  Boston  in  the  spring  of  1689,  to  provoke 
a  rising,  and  he  was  thrown  into  prison.^  A  provisional  government,  with 
the  old  charter-officers,  was  instituted,  and  continued  till  the  new  charter  of 
1 69 1  was  inaugurated. 

Maine.  —  There  were  many  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Maine  prior 
to  the  grant  to  Gorges  from  the  Council  in  1635,  ^^^d  consequently  before 
his  subsequent  charter  from  the  King.  Indeed,  very  little  was  done  by 
Gorges  as  Lord  Proprietor  of  Maine.  The  patents  from  the  Council  to 
the  year  1633  had  embraced  the  whole  territory  from  Piscataqua  to  Penob- 
scot, thus  including  the  territory  on  both  sides  the  Kennebec,  which  was 
claimed  by  the  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth  under  their  patent  of  Jan.  13,  1629/30. 
In  various  places  settlements  had  already  been  begun.  In  the  royal  charter 
to  Gorges,  whose  grant  extended  from  Piscataqua  to  Sagadahoc,  the  rights 
of  previous  grantees  were  reserved  to  them,  they  relinquishing  or  laying 
down  their  jura  regalia. 

The  earliest  permanent  settlement  in  this  State,  on  the  mainland,  would 

seem  to  have  been  made  at  Pemaquid.     One  John  Brown,  of  New  Harbor, 

/  /\  r?    bought  land  in  that  quarter 

^^-"^ '  edgment  of  the  deed  being 

taken  by  Abraham  Shurt,  of 


\ 


Pemaquid,     in  /  the  same  month  in  the  following  year,  if  there 

is  no  error  in  Shurt's  deposition.  Shurt  says  that  he  came  over  as  the 
agent  of  the  subsequent  proprietors,  Aldsworth  and  Elbridge,  who  had  a 
grant  of  Pemaquid  from  the  Council,  issued  Feb.  29,  1631/32,  and  that  he 
bought  for  them  the  Island  of  Monhegan,  on  which  a  fishing  settlement, 
temporarily  broken  up  in  1626,  was  made  three  years  before. 

The  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saco  River  must  have  begun  soon 

1  See  chapter  x. 
VOL.  m,  —  41. 


322  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

after  Richard  Vines  took  possession  of  his  grant  there  in  1630.  During  the 
same  year  Cleeves  and  Tucker  settled  near  the  mouth  of  the  Spurwink ; 
but  in  two  years  they  removed  to  the  neck  of  land  on  which  Portland  now 
stands,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  that  city.  In  applications  to  the  Council 
for  grants  of  land  made  respectively  to  Walter  Bagnall  and  John  Stratton, 
Dec.  2,  163 1,  the  former  represents  himself  to  have  lived  in  New  England 
"  for  the  space  of  seven  years,"  and  the  latter  *'  three  years  last  past." 
Bagnall's  patent  included  Richmond  Island,  where  he  had  lived  some  three 
years  at  least.  He  was  killed  by  the  Indians  two  months  before  the  Council 
acted  upon  his  application.  Stratton's  grant  was  located  at  Cape  Porpoise. 
Bagnall  probably  had  been  one  of  Thomas  Morton's  unruly  crew  at  Mt. 
Wollaston,  in  Boston  Harbor. 

In  1630  what  is  known  as  the  "  Plough  Patent"  was  issued  by  the  Coun- 
cil. The  original  parchment  is  lost,  and  it  is  nowhere  recorded.  The  grant 
was  bounded  on  the  east  by  Cape  Elizabeth,  and  on  the  west  by  Cape  Por- 
poise, a  distance  of  some  thirty  miles  on  the  sea-coast.  This  included  the 
patents  on  the  Saco  River  previously  granted,  against  which  Vines  protested. 
There  was  early  a  dispute  as  to  its  extent.  The  holders  of  it  came  over  in 
the  ship  ''Plough,"  in  1631.  They  went  to  the  eastward;  but  not  liking  the 
place,  came  to  Boston.  They  subsequently  fell  out  among  themselves,  and, 
as  Winthrop  says,  "  vanished  away."  Afterward  the  patent  fell  into  the 
hands  of  others,  and  played  an  important  part  for  a  number  of  years  in  the 
history  of  Maine,  of  which  notice  will  be  taken  further  on. 

On  Dec.  2,  163 1,  a  grant  of  land  of  twenty-four  thousand  acres  in  ex- 
tent was  made  to  a  number  of  persons,  including  Ferdinando  Gorges,  a 
grandson  of  Sir  Ferdinando,  then  some  three  years  of  age.  This  territory 
was  on  both  sides  of  the  Acomenticus  River.  Some  settlements  were  made 
here  about  this  time,  and  April  10,  1641,  after  the  Gorges  govei:iiment  was 
established,  the  borough  of  Acomenticus  was  incorporated,^nd  in  the  fol- 
lowing March  the  place  was  chartered  as  the  city  of  "  Gorgeana." 

There  were  other  early  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Maine,  but  we  have  no 
space  for  their  enumeration.  The  inhabitants,  really  or  nominally,  for  the 
most  part  sympathized  with  the  Loyalist  party  as  well  in  politics  as  in  reli- 
gion, and  it  was  the  policy  of  the  proprietor  of  Maine  to  foster  no  opposing 
views.  They  were  subjected  to  no  external  government  until  the  arrival  of 
Captain  William  Gorges,  in  1636,  as  deputy-governor,  with  commissions  to 
Richard  Vines  and  others  as  councillors  of  the  province,  to  which  the 
name  of  "  New  Somersetshire  "  was  given.  The  first  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners was  held  at  Saco,  March  25,  1636,  where  the  first  provincial 
jurisdiction  in  this  section  of  New  England  was  exercised.  The  records  of 
this  province  do  not  extend  beyond  1637,  ^^^  it  is  uncertain  whether  the 
courts  continued  to  be  held  until  the  new  organization  of  the  government 
of  Maine  in  1640.  In  1636  George  Cleeves,  a  disaffected  person  who  lived 
at  Casco,  went  to  England,  and  next  year  returned  with  a  commission 
from  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  authorizing  several  persons  in  Massachusetts 


NEW   ENGLAND.       .  323 

Bay  to  govern  his  province  of  New  Somersetshire,  and  to  oversee  his  ser- 
vants, etc.  The  authorities  of  the  Bay  decHned  the  service,  and  the  matter 
''passed  in  silence."  Winthrop  says  they  did  not  see  what  authority  Gorges 
had  to  grant  such  commissions. 

The  charter  of  Maine,  which  covered  the  same  territory  as  New  Somer- 
setshire, having  been  granted  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  he  issued  a  com- 
mission for  its  government.  This  included  a  number  of  his  kinsmen,  with 
Thomas  Gorges  as  deputy-governor.  The  first  General  Court  under  this 
government  was  held  at  Saco,  June  25,  1640,  under  an  earlier  commission 
and  before  the  arrival  of  the  deputy-governor.  This  Court  exercised  the 
powers  of  an  executive  and  legislative,  as  well  as  of  a  judicial,  body,  in  the 
name  of  '*  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Knight,  Lord  Proprietor  of  the  Province 
of  Maine."  The  second  term  of  the  Court  was  held  in  September,  when 
the  Deputy-Governor  was  present.  He  made  his  headquarters  at  Gor- 
geana.  The  records  of  the  courts  between  1641  and  1644,  inclusive,  are 
not  preserved.  Deputy-Governor  Gorges  sailed  for  England  in  1643,  leav- 
ing Richard  Vines  at  the  head  of  the  government.  At  a  meeting  held  at 
Saco  in  1645,  the  Court,  not  having  heard  from  the  proprietor,  appointed 
Richard  Vines  deputy-governor  for  one  year,  and  if  he  departed  within  the 
year,  Henry  Josselyn  was  to  take  his  place.  The  civil  war  was  raging  in 
England  at  this  time,  and  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  active  for  the  King, 
and  was  in  Prince  Rupert's  army  at  the  siege  of  Bristol.  When  that  city 
was  retaken  by  the  Parliamentary  forces,  in  1645,  h^  was  plundered  and 
imprisoned.  Under  these  circumstances  he  had  no  time  to  give  to  his  dis- 
tant province.  In  1645  the  Court  ordered  that  Richard  Vines  shall  have 
power  to  take  possession  of  all  goods  and  chattels  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  and  to  pay  such  debts  as  Gorges  may  owe. 

But  Gorges'  authority  was  not,  meanwhile,  without  its  rival.  Not  long 
after  the  government  under  the  charter  of  1639  had  been  organized,  George 
Cleeves,  of  Casco,  again  went  to  England,  and  induced  Alexander  Rigby, 
"  a  lawyer  and  Parliament-man,"  from  Wigan,  Lancashire,  to  purchase  the 
abandoned  Plough  patent  before  mentioned,  which  he  did,  April  7,  1643; 
and  Cleeves  received  a  commission  from  him,  as  deputy,  to  administer  its 
affairs.  By  the  following  January  he  had  returned,  and,  landing  at  Boston, 
he  solicited  the  aid  of  the  Massachusetts  Government  against  the  authority 
of  Gorges ;  but  that  Government  declined  to  interfere.  Cleeves  claimed 
that  Casco  was  within  the  bounds  of  his  patent,  and  he  immediately  set  up 
his  authority  as  *'  Deputy-President  of  the  Province  of  Lygonia,"  extending 
his  jurisdiction  over  a  large  part  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  which  was  then 
under  the  administration  of  Richard  Vines,  as  deputy  for  Gorges.  This 
produced  a  collision,  and  both  parties  appealed  to  Massachusetts,  which 
declined,  as  before,  to  act;  but  finally,  in  1646,  after  Vines  had  left  the 
country,  the  Bay  Government  consented  to  serve  as  umpire ;  but  no  con- 
clusion was  reached.  Winthrop  says  that  both  parties  failed  of  proof;  and 
as  a  joint  appeal  had  been  made  to  the  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Planta- 


324 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


tions  in  England,  they  were  advised  in  the  mean  time  to  Hve  peaceably 
together.  Rigby's  position  and  influence  in  Parliament  secured  a  decision 
in  his  favor,  while  Gorges  at  that  time  was  in  no  position  to  protect  his 
interests.  The  decision  of  the  Commissioners,  which  was  given  in  1646,  ter- 
minated Gorges'  jurisdiction  over  that  part  of  Maine  included  in  the  Prov- 
ince of  Lygonia,  embracing  the  settlements  from  Casco  to  Cape  Porpoise, 
and  including  both.  The  last  General  Court  under  the  authority  of  Gorges, 
of  which  any  record  exists,  was  held  at  Wells,  in  July  of  this  year. 

At  length,  in  1649,  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  part  of  this  province, 
between  Cape  Porpoise  and  Piscataqua  River,  —  including  Wells,  Gorgeana, 
and  Piscataqua,  —  having  had  intelligence  in  1647  of  the  death  of  the  pro- 
prietor (Gorges  died  in  May  of  that  year,  and  was  buried  on  the  fourteenth 
of  the  month),  and  finding  no  one  in  authority  there,  and  having  in  vain 
written  to  his  heirs  to  ascertain  their  wishes,  formed  a  combination  among 
themselves.  Mr.  Edward  Godfrey  was  chosen  governor,  the  style  of  the 
*'  Province  of  Maine  "  being  still  retained.  This  state  of  things  continued 
till  1652/53,  when  the  towns  were  annexed  to  Massachusetts.  The  inhab- 
itants then  living  between  Casco  and  the  Kennebec  were  few  in  number. 
Thomas  Purchase,  one  of  the  proprietors  of  the  Pejepscot  patent,  had,  in 
1639,  conveyed  a  large  tract  to  Massachusetts  with  alleged  powers  of  gov- 
ernment over  it.  The  people  living  within  the  Kennebec  patent  were 
regarded  as  belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Plymouth. 

In  the  mean  time  the  inhabitants  under  the  Lygonia  government  quietly 
submitted  to  its  authority.  Alexander  Rigby  died  in  August,  1650,  and 
the  proprietorship  of  Lygonia  fell  to  his  son  Edward.  In  brief,  the  gov- 
ernment was  soon  at  an  end.  The  inhabitants  of  Cape  Porpoise  and  Saco 
submitted  to  Massachusetts  in  1652,  and  the  remaining  settlements  in  1658. 
Thus  was  accomplished  what  the  Bay  Colony  had  for  some  time  been  aim- 
ing to  effect,  —  the  bringing  of  these  eastern  settlements  under  her  jurisdic- 
tion. Having  decided  that  the  northern  boundary  of  her  patent  extended 
three  miles  above  the  northernmost  head  of  the  Merrimac  River,  the  com- 
missioners appointed  on  a  recent  survey  showed  that  the  northern  line,  as 
run  by  them,  terminated  at  Clapboard  Island  (about  three  miles  eastward  of 
Casco  peninsula)  ;  and  this  brought  the  Maine  settlements  within  the  bounds 
of  the  Massachusetts  charter.  This  state  of  things  continued  till  after  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.,  when  the  hopes  of  those  favorable  to  the  Gorges 
interest  began  to  revive.  Young  Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  grandson  and  heir 
of  the  old  proprietor,  petitioned  the  Crown  to  be  restored  to  his  inheritance. 
His  agent,  Mr.  Archdale,  came  into  the  province,  and  appointed  magistrates 
to  act  under  his  authority,  but  the  Government  of  Massachusetts  speedily 
repressed  all  such  movements.  Charles  II.,  however,  soon  directed  his  atten- 
tion to  New  England.  He  appointed  four  commissioners  to  proceed  thither, 
charged  with  important  duties  and  clothed  with  large  powers.  They,  or 
three  of  them,  visited  the  province  in  the  summer  of  1665,  and  at  York 
issued  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Maine,  requiring  them  to  sub- 


NEW   ENGLAxND.  325 

mit  to  the  immediate  protection  and  government  of  the  King ;  and  in  his 
Majesty's  name  forbidding  the  magistrates  either  of  Massachusetts  or  of  the 
claimant  to  exercise  jurisdiction  there,  until  his  Majesty's  pleasure  should 
be  further  known.  A  provisional  government  was  therefore  established, 
and  the  revival  of  the  Church  of  England  was  encouraged. 

In  the  previous  year  the  Duke  of  York  received  a  charter  of  the  Province 
of  New  York,  and,  embraced  within  the  same  document,  was  a  grant  of  the 
territories  between  the  St.  Croix  and  Pemaquid,  which  was  interpreted  to 
include  Pemaquid  and  its  dependencies;  and  a  government  was  subse- 
quently erected  there  under  the  name  of  Cornwall  County.  After  the 
Duke  became  King  it  was  a  royal  province.  This  was  beyond  the  eastern 
bounds  of  the  Province  of  Maine.  There  had  scarcely  been  even  a  pre- 
tence of  a  civil  government  here  under  the  old  patents.  The  Royal  Com- 
missioners speak  of  the  low  moral  condition  of  the  people  of  this  region. 
"  For  the  most  part,"  they  say,  ''  they  are  fishermen,  and  share  in  their 
wives  as  they  do  in  their  boats."  The  government  under  the  Duke  of 
York  was  of  an  uncertain  character,  and  was  subject  to  the  contingencies 
of  political  changes;  and  in  1674  the  Government  of  Massachusetts,  on 
the  petition  of  the  inhabitants,  took  them  for  a  time  under  its  protection. 
During  the  Indian  wars  which  scourged  the  eastern  settlements,  in  the  lat- 
ter part  of  that  century,  the  Pemaquid  country  was  wholly  depopulated. 

The  Government  established  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  in  the 
Province  of  Maine  never  possessed  any  permanent  principle  or  power 
to  give  sanction  to  its  authority,  and  in  1668  it  had  nearly  died  out;  at 
this  time  the  inhabitants  there  looked  to  the  wise  and  stable  Government 
of  Massachusetts  for  relief,  and  so  petitioned  to  be  again  taken  under  its 
jurisdiction.  Four  commissioners,  therefore,  accompanied  by  a  military 
escort  were  sent  from  the  Bay,  and  reaching  York  in  July,  1668,  assumed 
jurisdiction  '*  by  virtue  of  their  charter."  There  were  a  few  prominent  in- 
dividuals who  did  not  quietly  submit,  but  they  were  summarily  dealt  with. 
Renewed  exertions  were  now  made  by  the  proprietor  and  his  friends  for  a 
recognition  of  his  title,  and  at  length  they  so  far  prevailed  as  to  obtain  let- 
ters from  the  King,  dated  March  10,  1675/76,  requiring  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  to  send  over  agents  with  full  instructions  to  answer  all  complaints. 
The  agents  appeared  within  the  time  specified,  and  after  a  full  hearing  the 
authorities  decided  that  neither  Maine  nor  New  Hampshire  was  within  the 
chartered  limits  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  the  government  of  Maine  be- 
longed to  the  heir  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.  Soon  after  this  decision  an 
agent  of  Massachusetts  made  a  proposition  for  the  purchase  of  the  province, 
which  was  accepted;  and  in  March,  1677/78,  Ferdinando  Gorges  transferred 
his  title  for  ;^i,25o,  and  Massachusetts  became  lord-paramount  of  Maine. 
This  proceeding  was  a  surprise  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  and,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  gave  offence  to  the  King,  who  ineffectually  de- 
manded that  the  bargain  should  be  cancelled.  Massachusetts,  as  the  lawful 
assign  of  Ferdinando  Gorges,  now  took  possession  of  the  province.     A 


326  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


proclamation  to  that  effect  was  issued  March  17,  1679/80;   and  a  govern- 
ment was  set  up  at  York,  of  which  Thomas  Danforth  was  deputed  to  be 

president  for  one  year.  This 
state  of  things  continued  till 
the  accession  of  James  II., 
when  the  events  in  Maine  were 
shaped  by  the  revolution  which  took  place  in  Massachusetts,  and  Danforth 
was  in  the  end  provisionally  restored,  as  Bradstreet  had  been  in  the  Bay. 


•S^.      ^C^C^^/^ 


New  Hampshire.  —  The  first  settlement  in  New  Hampshire  was  made 
by  David  Thomson,  a  Scotchman,  in  the  spring  of  1623,  at  Little  Harbor, 
on  the  south  side  of  the  mouth  of  Piscataqua  River.  He  had  received  a 
patent  from  the  Council  of  New  England  the  year  before,  and  came  over  in 
the  ship  "  Jonathan,"  of  Plymouth,  under  an  indentured  agreement  with 
three  merchants  of  Plymouth  in  England.  He  lived  at  Little  Harbor  till 
1626,  when  he  removed  to  an  island  in  Boston  Harbor,  which  now  bears  his 
name.  By  1628  he  had  died,  leaving  a  wife  and  child.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  the  settlement  at  Little  Harbor  was  continued  after  Thomson 
left  the  place. 

Following  Thomson,  —  perhaps  about  1627,  —  came  Edward  Hilton, 
a  fishmonger  of  London,  who  settled  six  miles  up  the  river,  on  a  place 
afterward  called  Hilton's  Point,  or  Dover  Neck.  Here  he  was  joined  by  a 
few  others,  including  his  brother  William  and  his  family,  who  had  been  at 
New  Plymouth.  In  1630  Hilton  and  his  associates  received  from  the  Coun- 
cil a  patent  of  the  place  on  which  he  was  settled.  This  was  dated  March  12, 
1629  (O.  S.),  and  the  whole  or  part  of  it  they  soon  sold  to  some  merchants 
of  Bristol  in  England.  Two  years  later  the  patent,  or  a  large  interest  in 
it,  was  purchased  by  Lord  Say,  Lord  Brook,  and  other  gentlemen  friendly 
to  Massachusetts.  This  latter  agreement  was  effected  through  the  agency 
of  Thomas  Wiggin,  who  had  gone  over  to  England  in  1632,  and  who  in 
the  following  year  returned,  bringing  with  him  a  large  accession  to  the 
settlement,  which  included  a  '*  worthy  Puritan  divine,"  who  soon  left  for 
want  of  adequate  support.  Other  ministers  came,  and  some  laymen,  all  of 
whom  had  been  in  bad  repute  in  Massachusetts.  Although  the  inhabitants 
went  through  the  form  of  electing  magistrates,  there  was  no  authorized 
government.  The  original  proprietor  of  the  patent  had  left  the  place,  and 
scenes  of  confusion,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  sometimes  highly  amusing, 
characterized  the  settlement  for  a  number  of  years.  In  1637  the  people 
combined  into  a  body  politic,  which  seems  not  to  have  received  general  sanc- 
tion, and  the  notorious  George  Burdett  supplanted  Wiggin,  the  former 
governor ;  but  the  troubles  which  subsequently  ensued  led  to  a  new  com- 
bination, Oct.  22,  1640,  signed  by  forty-two  persons,  or  nearly  every 
resident.  Massachusetts  had  for  some  years .  desired  to  bring  the  several 
governments  on  the  Piscataqua  and  its  branches  under  her  jurisdiction,  and 
had,  by  an  early  revision  of  the  northern  boundary  of  her  patent,  decided 


NEW    ENGLAND.  327 

that  it  included  them.  The  inhabitants  here  desired  to  be  under  a  stable 
government,  and  on  June  14,  1641,  they  submitted  to  the  Massachusetts 
authorities,  and  the  Act  of  Union  was  passed  by  that  Government,  Oct.  9 
following.! 

The  next  independent  settlement  was  made  by  the  Laconia  Company  in 
1630,  This  company  was  formed  soon  after  the  Laconia  patent  of  Nov.  17, 
1629,  was  granted  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason.  It  was  an 
unincorporated  association  of  nine  persons,  most  of  whose  names  appear 
in  a  subsequent  grant  of  land,  to  be  presently  mentioned.  Some  of  these 
associates  had  been  members  of  the  Canada  Company,  of  which  Sir  Will- 
iam Alexander  was  the  head,  who  had  undertaken  the  conquest  of  Can- 
ada as  a  private  enterprise,  under  the  command  of  Sir  David  Kirke.  The 
fur~trade  of  that  province  was  the  tempting  prize.  The  sudden  peace  which 
followed  the  conquest,  with  the  stipulation  that  all  articles  captured  should 
be  restored,  brought  the  Canada  Company  to  grief.  Ten  days  after  the  re- 
turn of  the  expedition,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason  took  out  the 
patent  above  mentioned.  The  purpose  of  the  Company  was  to  engage  in 
the  fur-trade ;  to  send  cargoes  of  Indian  truck-goods  to  the  Piscataqua  and 
unlade  them  at  their  factories  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  thence  to 
transport  them  in  boats  or  canoes  up  the  river  to  Lake  Champlain,  to  be  bar- 
tered there  for  peltries  for  the  European  market.  Their  patent  was  a  grant 
of  a  vaguely  bounded  territory  on  the  lakes  of  the  Iroquois,  which  they 
named  Laconia.  The  first  vessel  despatched  to  Piscataqua  was  the  barque 
"  Warwick,"  which  sailed  from  London  the  last  of  March,  1630,  and  which 
by  the  first  of  June  had  arrived,  with  Walter  Neal,  governor,  and  Ambrose 
Gibbons,  factor,  and  some  others.  They  took  possession  of  the  house  and 
land  at  Odiorne's  Point,  Little  Harbor,  which  Thomson  had  left  in  1626,  — 
perhaps  by  an  agreement  with  his  associates.  In  the  following  year  others 
were  sent.  Stations  for  the  Company's  operations  were  also  established  at 
Strawberry  Bank  (Portsmouth),  and  at  Newichwaneck  (South  Berwick), 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river.  Captain  Neal  was  charged  with  the  duty 
of  penetrating  into  the  interior  of  the  country  in  search  of  the  lakes  of  La- 
conia. This  he  finally  attempted,  but  without  success.  Hubbard  says  that 
"  after  three  years  spent  in  labor  and  travel  for  that  end,  or  other  fruitless 
endeavors,  and  expense  of  too  much  estate,  they  returned  back  to  England 
with  a  non  est  inventa  Provincial  The  Company  also  attempted  to  carry 
on,  in  connection  with  the  peltry  business,  the  manufacture  of  clapboards 
and  pipe-staves,  and  the  making  of  salt  from  sea-water.  A  fishing  station 
was  also  set  up  at  the  Isles  of  Shoals.  Large  quantities  of  truck-goods  were 
sent  over,  which  were  put  off  to  advantage  for  furs  brought  to  the  factories 
by  the  Indians.  In  order  to  afford  the  Company  greater  facilities,  and  to 
secure  to  themselves  what  they  had  already  gained,  they  had,  on  Nov.  3, 

1  Hilton's  Point  (Dover)  about  the  year  1640  North-ham  in  England.  Wiggin  was  governor 
was  called  North-ham,  in  compliment  to  Thomas  here  five  years,  George  Burdett  two,  John 
Larkham,  who  in  that  year  arrived  there  from     Underhill  three,  and  Thomas  Roberts  one. 


328  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

1 63 1,  procured  a  grant  from  the  Council  of  a  tract  of  land  on  each  side  of 
the  Piscataqua  River,  in  which  the  Isles  of  Shoals  were  included. 

But  success  did  not  attend  their  operations.     The  returns  were  inade- 
quate to  the  outlay,  and  there  was  bad  management  and  alleged  bad  faith 
on  the  part  of  the  employes ;  the  larger  part  of  the  associates  became  dis- 
couraged, and  at  the  end  of  the  third  year  they  decided  to  proceed  no 
further  till  Captain  Neal  should  return  and  report  upon  the  condition  of 
affairs.      Neal  left  Piscataqua  July   15,    1633,   and   sailed   from   Boston   in 
August.     His  report  was  probably  not  encouraging,  for  the  Company  pro- 
ceeded later  to  wind  up  its  affairs,  and  in  December  following  they  divided 
their  lands  on  the  east  side  of  the  river.     In  May,  1634,  a  further  division 
was  made,  by  which  it  appears  that  Gorges  and  Mason,  by  purchase  from 
their  partners,  had  acquired  one  half  of  the  shares ;   and  of  this  part  Mason 
owned  three  fourths.     Gibbons,  their  factor,  was  now  directed  to  discharge 
all  the  servants  and  pay  them  off  in  beaver.     Mason  next  sent  over  a  new 
supply  of  men,  and  set  up  two  saw-mills  on  his  own  portion  of  the  lands ; 
but  after  this  we  have  no  account  of  anything  being  done  by  him  or  by  any 
other  of  the  adventurers  on  the  west  side.     Neither  have  we  seen  evidence 
of  any  division  of  lands  having  been  made  on  the  west  side.     Hubbard  says 
that  in  some  "  after  division  "  Little  Harbor  fell  to  Mason,  who  mentions 
it  in   his  will.     But  Mason  in  that  instrument   claims   and   bequeaths  his 
whole  grant  of  New  Hampshire  of  April  22,  1635,  which  included  the  part 
mentioned  by  Hubbard.     Mason  died  before  the  close  of  the  year  1635. 
What  course  was   taken  by  his   late  partners   or  by  the  heirs   of  Mason 
during  the  two  following  years,  there  are  but  few  contemporary  documents 
to  tell  us.     In  1638  Mrs.  Mason,  the  executrix  of  John  Mason's  estate,  ap- 
pointed Francis  Norton  her  general  attorney  to  look  after  her  interests  in 
those  parts.     But  the  expenses  were  found  to  be  so  great  and  the  income 
so  small,  and  the  servants  were  so  clamorous  for  their  arrears  of  pay,  that 
she  was  obliged  to  relinquish  the  care  of  the  plantation,  and  tell  the  ser- 
vants to  shift  for  themselves.     Upon  this  they  shared  the  goods  and  cattle, 
while  some  kept  possession  of  the  buildings  and  improvements,  claiming 
them  as  their  own.      Charges  were  afterward  brought  against  her  agents 
and   servants   for   embezzling   the    estate.      Some   years   later   suits   were 
brought  in  her  name  and  in  that  of  the  other  proprietors  in  the  courts  of 
Massachusetts  against  the  inhabitants  of  Strawberry  Bank  and  of  Newich- 
waneck,   for  encroaching  upon  the  lands   in  the  Laconia  patent.      As  a 
conclusion  of  this  summary  sketch  of  the  Laconia  Company,  it  may  be 
added  that  the  records  of  the  old  Court  of  Requests  of  London  show  that, 
on  the  dissolution  of  the  Company,  suits  sprang  up  among  the  adventurers 
themselves,  which  were  for  a  long  time  in  litigation. 

After  Captain  Neal  went  to  England  the  Company  appointed  Francis 
Williams  to  be  governor  in  his  place.  As  Strawberry  Bank  (the  place  was 
not  called  Portsmouth  till  1653)  had  no  efficient  government  during  all  this 
time,  the  inhabitants  now  by  a  written  instrument,  signed  by  forty-one  per- 


NEW   ENGLAND.  329 

sons,  formed  a  combination  among  themselves,  as  Dover  had  done,  and 
Francis  Williams  was  continued  governor.  The  people  belonged  principally 
to  the  Church  of  England,  and  during  this  combination  they  set  apart  fifty 
acres  of  land  for  a  glebe,  committing  it  in  trust  to  two  church  wardens.^ 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  successful  attempts  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Government  to  bring  all  the  Piscataqua  settlements  under  her  juris- 
diction. The  people  of  Strawberry  Bank  were  as  successfully  wrought  upon 
as  those  of  Dover  were,  and  the  same  agreement  of  June  14,  1641,  included 
the  submission  of  both,  and  certain  proprietors  named,  in  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  of  the  other  partners  of  the  two  patents,  subscribed  to  the  paper. 

Of  no  one  of  the  grants  issued  to  John  Mason,  or  in  which  he  had  a  joint 
interest,  covering  the  territory  of  New  Hampshire  (except  those  connected 
with  the  Laconia  Company)  did  he  make  any  improvement,  —  and  these 
grants  were  that  of  Aug.  10,  1622,  with  Gorges,  between  the  Merrimac  and 
Sagadahoc;  that  of  Nov.  7,  1629,  between  the  Merrimac  and  the  Piscata- 
qua; and  that  of  April  22,  1635,  between  Naumkeag  and  the  Piscataqua. 
The  territory  now  known  as  New  Hampshire  was  never  called  by  that 
name,  except  by  Mason  in  his  last  will,  till  1661,  when,  through  the  dis- 
cussions consequent  upon  the  claims  of  the  heir  of  Mason,  this  designation 
was  introduced  for  the  first  time. 

The  independent  settlement  at  Exeter  was  made  in  1638  by  John  Wheel- 
wright and  others ;  and  of  these  pioneers  Wheelwright  himself  with  some 
companions  had  been  banished  from  Massachusetts  in  the  previous  year. 
They  bought  their  lands  in  April  of  that  year  from  the  Indians.  On  the 
5th  of  June,  1639,  they  formed  a  combination  as  a  church  and  as  subjects  of 
King  Charles,  promising  to  submit  to  all  laws  to  be  made.  It  was  signed 
by  thirty-one  persons,  of  whom  fourteen  made  their  marks.  In  1643  they 
came  under  Massachusetts.  The  order  of  the  General  Court  of  that  col- 
ony recites,  under  date  of  September  7,  that,  finding  themselves  within 
the  bounds  of  Massachusetts,  the  inhabitants  petitioned  to  be  taken  under 
her  jurisdiction.  Wheelwright  then  removed  to  Wells,  in  the  Province 
of  Maine. 

Hampton,  where  the  ''bound-house"  was  built  by  Massachusetts  in  1636, 
was  considered  from  the  first  as  belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachu- 
setts. A  union  having  been  thus  formed  between  the  settlements  on  the 
Piscataqua  River  and  its  branches  and  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  their 
history  for  the  next  forty  years  is  substantially  the  same.  These  planta 
tions  were  governed  by  the  general  laws  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  terms  of 
union  were  strictly  observed.^ 

But  Massachusetts  was  destined  to  be  arraigned  by  the  heir  of  the  old 
patentee  of  New  Hampshire,  Robert  Tufton  Mason,  who  at  the  Restoration 

1  It  is  by  virtue  of  this  agreement  that  the  rimac  River,  and  as  a  part  of  Massachusetts, 
lands  are  still  held.  Cf.   Granite  Monthly,  v.   224 ;   N.  E.  Hist,  and 

2  [The  so-called  Endicott  Rock,  with  its  in-  Geneal.  Reg.,  i.  311  ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xviii. 
scription  dated  1652,  fixed  the  northern  limits  of  400;  New  Hampshire  Historical  Collections,  iv. 
New  Hampshire  at  the  head-waters  of  the  Mer-  194.  —  Ed.] 

VOL.  m.  —  42. 


330  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 

pressed  his  claim  on  the  attention  of  the  Crown.  Finally,  after  a  long 
struggle,  the  judges  in  1677  advised  that  Mason  had  no  right  to  the  govern- 
ment of  New  Hampshire,  but  that  the  four  towns  of  Portsmouth,  Dover, 
Exeter,  and  Hampton  were  beyond  the  bounds  of  Massachusetts,  whose 
northern  boundary  was  thereby  driven  back  to  its  old  limits,  while  its  char- 
ter of  1629  was  held  to  be  valid.  In  1679  a  revised  opinion  was  given  by 
the  attorney,  Jones,  to  the  effect  that  Mason's  title  to  the  soil  must  be  tried 
on  the  spot,  where  the  ter-tenants  could  be  summoned.  A  new  govern- 
ment was  now  instituted  by  the  Crown  for  New  Hampshire,  and  a  com- 
mission was  issued  to  John  Cutt  as  president 'for  one  year. 

This  form  of  government,  the  administration  of  which  was  arbitrary  and 
very  unpopular  throughout  the  province,  continued  till  the  time  of  Dudley 
and  Andros,  whose  commissions  rode  over  all  others  preceding.  On  the 
downfall  of  Andros  New  Hampshire  was  for  a  short  time  again  united  to 
Massachusetts. 

Connecticut.  —  Connecticut  was  settled  in  1635  and  1636  by  emigrants 
from  three  towns  in  Massachusetts,  —  namely,  Dorchester,  Watertown,  and 
Newtown  (Cambridge) ;  those  from  Newtown  arriving  in  1636.  Their 
places  of  settlement  on  the  Connecticut  River  bore  for  a  while  the  names  of 
the  towns  in  Massachusetts  whence  the  emigrants  came ;  but  in  February, 
1637,  the  names  of  Windsor,  Wethersfield,  and  Hartford  were  substituted. 

„  - —     yj     /  The  Rev.    Thomas   Hooker    and    the    Rev.    Samuel 

/  /#'*7vX^«^  Stone  accompanied  the  people  from  Newtown.  The 
Rev.  John  Warham  joined  his  people  at  Windsor,  and  the  Rev.  Henry  Smith 
was  chosen  pastor  of  the  church  at  Wethersfield.  These  several  com- 
munities, though  beyond  the  borders  of  Massachusetts,  were  instituted 
under  her  protection,  and  for  one  year  they  were  governed  by  a  commis- 
sion issuing  from  the  General  Court  of  that  colony.  Springfield,  settled  in 
1636,  was  in  this  commission  united  with  the  lower  plantations.  This  pro- 
visional arrangement  was  found  to  be  inconvenient,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  the  several  towns  took  the  government  into  their  own  hands,  and  a 
General  Court  was  held  at  Hartford,  May  ,i,  1637.  Preparations  were  now 
made  for  the  impending  Pequot  war,  which  called  out  all  the  strength  of  the 
feeble  settlements.  On  its  conclusion,  after  arrangements  had  been  made 
for  future  security  from  savage  foes,  and  for  the  purchase  of  food  till  the 
new  fields  should  become  productive,  the  inhabitants  of  these  towns  — 
Springfield,  now  suspected,  and  soon  afterward  declared,  to  be  within  the 
bounds  of  Massachusetts,  excepted — formed  a  constitution  among  them- 
selves, bearing  date  Jan.  14,  1638/39.  This  instrument  has  been  called 
**  the  first  example  in  history  of  a  written  constitution,  —  a  distinct  organic 
law  constituting  a  government  and  defining  its  powers."^  It  contained 
no  recognition  of  any  external  authority,  and  provided  that  all  persons 
should  be  freemen,  who  should  be  admitted  as  such  by  the  freemen  of 

*  Bacon,  quoted  by  Palfrey,  i.  535,  536. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


331 


the  towns,  and  should  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.     It  continued  in  force, 
with  little  alteration,   for  one  hundred  and   eighty  years.     John  Haynes  ^ 

-^  J  was  the  first  governor ;  and 
f,  ^  *.ff-*c  .^/^/^JFif  *  ^^  ^^^  Edward  Hopkins 
U*    (fU/i^^^^^^^*       held  the  office  during  most 

of  the  time  for  the  next 
fifteen  years.  In  1657 
John  Winthrop,  son  of 
the  Massachusetts  governor,  was  chosen,  and  continued  to  serve  till  the 
acceptance  of  the  new  charter  by  New  Haven,  when  he  was  continued  in 
that  office. 

Meanwhile, 
in  October,  1635, 
this  same  John 
Winthrop,  Jr., 
had  returned 
from  England 
with  a  commis- 
sion from  Lord 
Say  and  Sele, 
Lord  Brook, 
and  others,  their 
associates,  pat- 
entees of  Con- 
necticut, consti- 
tuting him  ''gov- 
ernor of  the  Riv- 
er Connecticut, 
with  the  places 
adjoining,"  for 
the  space  of  one 
whole  year.  He 
was  instructed 
to  build  a  fort 
near  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  and 
to  erect  habita- 
tions;  and  he  was 
supplied    with 

means  to  carry  out  this  purpose.     He   brought  over  with  him   one   Lion 
Gardiner,    an    expert    engineer,  who    planned    the    fortifications,   and  was 


1  [What  purported  to  be  a  portrait  of  Haynes 
appeared  in  C.  W.  Elliott's  History  of  New  Eng- 


2  [This  portrait  hangs  in  the  gallery  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society.     A  heliotype 


la7id ;  but  it  was  later  proved  to  be  a  likeness  of  of  it  will  be  found  in  the  Winthrop  Papers,  Part 
Fitz  John  Winthrop,  and  the  plate  was  with-  iv.,  and  in  Bo  wen's  Boundary  Disputes  of  Con- 
drawn.    Ct  Mass.  Hist. Soc.  Proc.xW.  21Z.  —  ^d.\      necticut.  —  Ed.] 


332 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


appointed  lieutenant-governor  of  the  fort.  It  was  expected  that  a  number 
of  ''gentlemen  of  quality"  would  come  over  to  the  colony,  and  some  dis- 
position was  at  first  shown  to  remove  the  settlers  of  the  towns  on  the  river 
who  had  ''  squatted  "  on  the  lands  of  the  Connecticut  patentees. 

In  the  summer  of  1639  George  Fenwick,  who  was  interested  in  the 
patent,  and  his  family  came  over  in  behalf  of  the  patentees,  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  place,  intend- 
ing to  build  a  town  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  A  set- 
tlement  was  made,  and 
named  Saybrook,  in  honor 
of  the  two  principal  paten- 
tees. The  government  of 
the  town  was  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  Connecticut  till 
1644/45,  when  Fenwick,  as 
agent  of  the  proprietors, 
transferred  by  contract  to 
that  government  the  fort  at 
Saybrook  and  its  appurte- 
nances, and  the  land  upon 
the  river,  with  a  pledge  to 
convey  all  the  land  thence 
to  Narragansett  River,  if  it 
came  into  his  power  to  con- 
vey it. 

In  1638  a  settlement  was 
made  at  Quinnipiack,  after- 
ward called  New  Haven, 
under  the  lead  of  John  Da- 
venport. The  emigrants, 
principally  from  Massachu- 
setts, —  like  those  of  the  river  towns,  —  had  no  patent  or  title  to  the  land 
on  which  they  planted,  but  made  a  number  of  purchases  from  the  Indians. 
Here,  in  April,  under  the  shelter  of  an  oak,  they  listened  to  a  sermon  by 
Davenport,  and  a  few  days  afterward  formed  a  "  plant.ation  covenant,"  as 
preliminary  to  a  more  formal  engagement,  —  all  agreeing  to  be  ordered  by 
the  rule  of  Scripture.  This  colony,  as  well  as  that  just  described,  sympa- 
thized substantially  in  religious  views  with  Massachusetts. 

On  the  4th  of  June,  1639,  all  the  free  planters  met  in  a  barn  ''  to  consult 


^CjoAtL^^f^^enj^Sjir 


^  [The  editor  is  indebted  to  Professor  F.  B. 
Dexter,  of  Yale  College,  for  a  photograph  of  the 
original  picture,  which  is  in  New  Haven,  painted 
on  panel,  and  bears  the  inscription,  "  J.  D.  obiit, 
1670."  Davenport  left  Connecticut  in  1668  to 
become  the  successor  of  John  Wilson  in  Boston, 


and  died  as  the  pastor  of  the  First  Church  in 
Boston,  March  ii,  1670.  Cf.  Memorial  History 
of  Boston^  i.  193,  and  the  important  paper  on 
Davenport  by  Professor  Dexter,  printed  in  the 
New  Haven  Historical  Society's  Papers,  vol.  ii.  — 
Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


333 


about  settling  civil  government  accord- 
ing to  God."  Mr.  Davenport  prayed 
and  preached,  and  they  then  proceeded, 
by  his  advice,  to  form  a  government. 
They  first  decided  that  none  but  church 
members  should  be  free  burgesses. 
Twelve  men  were  then  chosen,  who  out 
of  their  own  number  chose  seven  to 
constitute  a  church ;  and  on  the  "  seven 
pillars  "  thus  chosen  rested  also  the  re- 
sponsibility of  forming  the  civil  govern- 
ment. On  October  29  these  seven  per- 
sons met,  and,  after  a  solemn  address 
to  the  Supreme  Being,  proceeded  to 
form  the  body  of  freemen,  and  to  elect 
their  civil  officers.  Theophilus  Eaton 
was  chosen  to  be  governor  for  that 
year;  indeed,  he  continued  to  be  re- 
chosen  to  the  office  for  nearly  twenty 
years,  till  his  death.  This  was  the  orig- 
inal, fundamental  constitution  of  New 
Haven.  A  few  general  rules  were  adopt- 
ed, but  no  code  of  laws  established. 
The  Word  of  God  was  to  be  taken  as 
the  rule  in  all  things. 

This  year  settlements  were  made  at 
Milford  and  at  Guilford,  each  for  a  time 
being  independent  of  any  other  planta- 
tion. Connecticut  had  also  interposed 
two  new  settlements  between  New  Haven 
and  the  Dutch,  at  Fairfield  and  at  Strat- 
ford. 

1  [This  is  taken  from  a  Dutch  map  which  ap- 
peared at  Middleburgh  and  the  Hague  in  1666,  in 
a  tract  belonging  to  the  controversy  between  Sir 
George  Downing  and  the  States  General.  It  fol- 
lows the  fac-simile  given  in  the  Lenox  edition  of  Mr. 
H.  C.  Murphy's  translation  of  the  Vertoogh  van 
Nieii  Nederland.  It  also  is  found  as  a  marginal 
map  in  the  Pas  Kaart  van  de  Zee  Ktisten  van  Nieu 
Nederland,  published  at  Amsterdam  by  Van  Keulen, 
which  shows  the  coast  from  Narragansett  Bay  to 
Sandy  Hook,  where  is  also  a  portion  of  the  map  of 
the  Hudson  given  in  the  notes  following  Mr.  Fer- 
now's  chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  The  Pas  Kaart  is  in  Har- 
vard College  Library  (Atlas  700,  No.  9).  No.  10  of 
the  same  atlas  is  Pas  Kaart  van  de  Zee  Kusten  inde 
Boght  van  Nieu  Engeland,  which  shows  the  coast 
from  Nantucket  to  Nova  Scotia.  —  Ed.] 


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334 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


In  1642  the  capital  laws  of  Connecticut  were  completed  and  put  upon 
record;  and  in  May,  1650,  a  code  of  laws  known  as  *' Mr.  Ludlow's  Code 
was  adopted."  In  1643  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  were  both  included 
in  the  New  England  Confederation,  as  mentioned  on  an  earlier  page,  and 
the  articles  of  union  were  printed  in  1656,  with  the  code  of  laws  which 
was  adopted  by  New  Haven,  as  drawn  up  by  Governor  Eaton,  the  manu- 
script having  been  sent  to  England  to  be  printed. 

The  old  patent  of  Connecticut  mentioned  in  the  agreement  with  Fen- 
wick  seems  never  to  have  been  made  over  to  the  colony ;  and  they  were 
very  anxious,  on  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  in  1660,  for  a  royal  charter, 
which  would  secure  to  them  a  continuance  and  confirmation  of  their  rights 
and  privileges.  Governor  John  VVinthrop  was  appointed  as  agent  to  repre- 
sent the  colony  in  England,  for  this  purpose;  and  in  April,  1662,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  procuring  a  charter,  which  included  the  colony  of  New  Haven. 
The  charter  conveyed  most  ample  powers  and  privileges  for  colonial 
government,  and  confirmed  or  conveyed  the  whole  tract  of  country  which 
had  been  granted  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele  and  others.  Mr.  Davenport  and 
other  leading  men  of  that  colony  were  entirely  opposed  to  a  union  with 
Connecticut;  and  the  acceptance  of  the  new  charter  was  resisted  till  1665, 
when  the  opposition  was  overcome,  and  the  colonies  became  united,  and 
at  the  general  election  in  May  of  that  year  John  Winthrop  was  elected 
to  be  governor. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  church  polity  of  Connecticut  and  New 
Haven,  from  the  beginning,  was  substantially  that  of  Massachusetts.  Their 
clergymen  assisted  in  framing  the  Cambridge  Platform  in  1648,  which  was 
the  guide  of  the  churches  for  many  years.  Hooker's  Survey  and  Cotton's 
Way  of  the  Chitrches  Cleared  (London,  1648)  were  published  under  one 
general  titlepage  covering  both  works.  After  a  few  years  the  harmony 
of  the  churches  was  seriously  disturbed  by  a  set  of  new  opinions  which 
sprang  up  in  the  church  at  Hartford,  and  which  finally  culminated  in  the 
adoption  by  a  general  council  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  churches, 
held  in  Boston  in  1657,  of  the  "  Half-Way  Covenant."  New  Haven  held 
aloof.  Political  motives  lent  their  influence  in  the  spread  of  the  new  views ; 
and  while  the  government  of  Connecticut  attempted  to  enforce  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  synod,  the  churches  long  refused  to  comply.^ 

The  union  of  the  two  communities  under  one  charter  gave  strength 
to  both,  and  the  colony  prospered,  while  Winthrop  felt  the  strong  control 
of  a  robust  spirit  in  John  AUyn,  the  secretary  of  the  colony .^     There  were 

^  At  last,  in  1696,  what  was  termed  "owning  brook   Platform,   the    result  of  a   Connecticut 

the   covenant"   was    first    introduced    into   the  synod  held  in  1708,  was  an  attempt  to  provide 

church  at  Hartford.     Under  the  influence  of  the  for  this  want.     This  ecclesiastical  document  was 

synod  held  in  Boston  in  1662  of  Massachusetts  printed  in  New  London  in  17 10,  in  a  small,  thin 

churches  alone,  the  "Half-Way  Covenant"  had  volume  called  a  Confession  of  Faith,  etc. ;   and 

been  adopted  in  that  colony.    A  want  of  a  closer  is  the  first  book,  says  Isaiah  Thomas,  printed 

union  among  the  churches  was  a  growing  feel-  in  Connecticut.     Trumbull,  i.  471,  482. 
ing  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut  not  provided  2  Palfrey's  History  of  N'ew  England,  vol.  iii. 

for  by  the  Cambridge  Platform ;  and  the  Say-  p.  238. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  335 

of  course  constant  occasions  of  annoyance  and  dissension,  both  civil  and 
religious.  Their  wily  foe,  the  Indian,  did  not  cease  wholly  to  disturb  their 
repose.      But    during    Philip's  ^ 

War,  which  was  so  disastrous     /-jr^^^  2/        '    LvyA 
to    Massachusetts,    Plymouth, 

and   Rhode   Island,  there  was  /Y ^_^^  /y7 

less   suffering    in  Connecticut.  J4^(j^^ft^  *^^t^lJ/J7      f^    a   iS^ 

Conflicts  of  jurisdiction,  both    y^  J  ^-^--"^^  *^<^~7 

east  and  west,  growing  out  of  ^ — 

the  uncertain  boundaries  of  its  grant,  though  it  ran  west  to  the  South  Sea, 
were  of  long  duration.  No  sooner  had  the  commissioners,  appointed  by 
the  King  in  1683,  made  a  favorable  decision  for  Connecticut  in  her  contro- 
versy with  Rhode  Island  in  regard  to  the  Narragansett  country,  than  a  new 
claimant  arose.  At  the  division  of  the  grand  patent  in  1635,  James,  Mar- 
quis of  Hamilton,  had  assigned  to  him  the  country  between  the  Connecticut 
and  the  Narragansett  rivers ;  but  his  claim  slumbered  only  to  be  revived 
by  his  heirs  at  the  Restoration,  —  and  now  a  second  time,  through  Edward 
Randolph,  the  watchful  and  untiring  enemy  of  New  England.  The  prior 
grant  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  confirmed  by  the  charter  of  April  23,  1662, 
and  the  settlement  of  the  country  under  it,  was  cited  by  Connecticut  in 
their  answer;  and,  in  an  opinion  on  the  case  a  few  years  later,  Sir  Francis 
Pemberton  said  that  the  answer  was  a  good  one. 

When  James  II.  continued  the  attacks  on  the  New  England  charters 
begun  by  the  late  king,  with  a  view  to  bring  all  the  colonies  under  the 
crown,  Connecticut  did  not  escape.  A  quo  warranto  was  issued  against 
the  Governor  and  Company  in  July,  1685,  and  this  was  followed  by  notices 
to  appear  and  defend;  but  the  colony  resisted,  and  petitioned,  and  final 
judgment  was  .never  entered.  The  colony's  language  to  the  King  in  one 
of  its  addresses  to  him  was,  however,  construed  as  a  surrender.  Andros 
went  from  Boston  to  Hartford  in  October,  1687,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Assembly,  which  was  prolonged  till  midnight,  demanded  its  charter. 
The  story  goes,  that,  by  a  bold  legerdemain,  the  parchment,  after  the 
lights  were  blown  out,  was  spirited  away  and  hidden  in  the  hollow  of  an 
oak-tree;  nevertheless  Andros  assumed  the  government  of  the  colony, 
under  his  commission.  Thus  matters  continued  till  the  Revolution  of 
1689,  when  the  colony  resumed  its  charter. 

Rhode  Island.  —  Rhode  Island  was  settled  by  Roger  Williams  in 
1636,  he  having  been  banished  from  Massachusetts  the  year  before.  Pro- 
fessor George  Washington  Greene,  in  his  Short  History  of  Rhode  Island^ 
remarks,  that  in  the  settlement  of  the  New  England  colonies  the  religious 
idea  lay  at  the  root  of  their  foundation  and  development;  that  in  Ply- 
mouth it  took  the  form  of  separation,  or  a  simple  severance  from  the  Church 
of  England;  in  Massachusetts  Bay  it  aimed  at  the  establishment  of  a 
theocracy  and  the  enforcement  of  a  vigorous  uniformity  of  creed  and  dis- 


336  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

cipline ;  and  that  from  the  resistance  to  this  uniformity  came  Rhode  Island 
and  the  doctrine  of  soul-Hberty. 

Williams  was  banished  from  Massachusetts  principally  for  political  rea- 
sons. His  peculiar  opinions  relating  to  soul-liberty  were  not  fully  developed 
until  after  he  had  taken  up  his  residence  in  Rhode  Island.  Five  persons  ac- 
companied him  to  the  banks  of  the  Mooshausic,  and  there  they  planted  the 
town  of  Providence.  Williams  here  purchased,  or  received  by  gift,  a  tract 
of  land  from  the  Indians,  and  he  had  no  patent  or  other  title  to  the  soil. 
Additions  were  soon  made  to  the  little  settlement,  and  he  divided  the  land 
with  twelve  of  his  companions,  reserving  for  them  and  himself  the  right 
of  extending  the  grant  to  others  who  might  be  admitted  to  fellowship.  An 
association  of  civil  government  was  formed"  among  the  householders  or 
masters  of  families,  who  agreed  to  be  governed  by  the  orders  of  the 
greater  number.  This  was  followed  by  another  agreement  of  non-house- 
holders or  single  persons,  who  agreed  to  subject  themselves  to  such  orders 
as  should  be  made  by  the  householders,  but  "  only  in  civil  things."  This 
latter  is  the  earliest  agreement  on  the  records  of  the  colony.  In  1639,  to 
meet  the  wants  of  an  increasing  community,  five  disposers  or  selectmen 
were  chosen,  charged  with  political  duties,  —  their  actions  being  subject  to 
revision  by  the  superior  authority  of  the  town  meetings. 

Meanwhile  two  other  colonies  had  been  planted  on  the  shores  of  Narra- 
gansett   Bay.      The    first,   partly  from   the   ranks   of  the  Antinomians  of 

Massachusetts,  led  by  William 
Coddington  and  John  Clarke, 
who  settled  at  Pocasset  (Ports- 
mouth), in  the  northern  part 
of  the  Island  of  Aquedneck  in 
March,  1637/38;  and  their  number  so  increased  that  in  the  following  year, 
1639,  a  portion  of  them  moved  to  the  south  part  of  the  island,  and  settled 
the  town  of  Newport.  Like  Roger  Williams,  the  settlers  had  no  other  title 
to  the  land  than  what  was  obtained  from  the  natives.  Another  colony  was 
planted  at  Shawomet  (Warwick),  in  January,  1642/43,  by  Samuel  Gorton, — 
a  notorious  disturber  of  the  peace,  —  with  about  a  dozen  followers,  who 
also  secured  an  Indian  title  to  their  lands.  Gorton  had  been  in  Boston, 
Plymouth,  Portsmouth,  and  in  Providence,  and  was  an  unwelcome  resident 
in  all,  and  at  Portsmouth  he  had  been  whipped.  About  1640,  with  some 
followers,  he  came  to  Pawtuxet,  in  the  south  part  j 

of  Providence,  and,  taking  sides  in  some  previous    Ajf  *R    ^'-H- 

land  quarrel  there,  prevailed.     The  weaker  party  fl^  ^    *^      ^^ 
appealed    to    Massachusetts    for   protection,    and  y 

finally  subjected  themselves  and  their  lands  to  that  government;  upon 
which  Gorton  and  his  followers  fled  south  to  Shawomet.  Soon  afterward, 
by  the  surrender  to  Massachusetts  of  a  subordinate  Indian  chief,  who 
claimed  the  territory  there,  purchased  by  Gorton  of  Miantonomi,  that 
Government  made  a  demand  of  jurisdiction   there  also;    and  as  Gorton 


NEW   ENGLAND.  337 

refused  their  summons  to  appear  at  Boston,  Massachusetts  sent  soldiers, 
and  captured  the  inhabitants  in  their  homes,  took  them  to  Boston,  tried 
them,  and  sentenced  the  greater  part  of  them  to  imprisonment  for  blas- 
phemous language  to  the  Massachusetts  authorities.  They  were  finally 
liberated,  and  banished ;  and  as  Warwick  was  included  in  the  forbidden 
territory,  they  went  to  Rhode  Island.  Gorton  and  two  of  his  friends  soon 
afterward  went  to  England. 

The  inhabitants  on  the  island  formed  themselves  into  a  voluntary  asso- 
ciation of  government,  as  they  had  done  at  Providence.  The  community 
at  Warwick  was  at  first  without  any  form  of  government. 

Feeling  a  sense  of  a  common  danger,  the  little  settlements  of  Providence 
and  Rhode  Island  sent  Roger  Williams  to  England,  in  1643,  to  apply  for 
a  charter.  He  found  the  King  at  open  war  with  the  Parliament;  but 
from  the  Parliamentary  commissioners,  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick  at  their 
head,  he  procured  a  charter  of  '*  Incorporation  of  Providence  Plantations 
in  the  Narragansett  Bay  in  New  England,"  dated  March  14,  1643  ;  that  is, 
1644  (N.  S.).  Three  years  were  allowed  to  pass  before  the  charter  was  for- 
mally accepted  by  the  plantations;  but  in  May,  1647,  the  corporators  met 
at  Portsmouth,  and  organized  a  government ;  and  Warwick,  whither  Gorton 
and  his  followers  had  now  returned,  though  not  named  in  the  charter,  was 
admitted  to  its  privileges.  This  franchise  was  a  charter  of  incorporation, 
as  its  title  indicates ;  but  it  contained  no  grant  of  land.  It  recites  the  pur- 
chase of  lands  from  the  natives ;  and  the  Government  under  it  claimed  the 
exclusive  right  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  lands  still  owned  by  the 
tribes  within  its  boundaries.  The  code  of  laws  adopted  when  the  charter 
was  accepted  is  an  attempt  to  codify  the  common  and  statute  laws 
of  England,  or  such  parts  as  were  thought  binding  or  would  suit  their 
condition. 

Williams's  principle  of  liberty  of  conscience  was  sometimes  interpreted 
in  the  community  to  mean  freedom  from  civil  restraint,  and  harmony  did 
not  always  prevail.  This  gave  cause  to  his  enemies  to  exult,  while  his 
friends  feared  lest  their  hope  of  reconciling  liberty  and  law  should  fail. 

The  attempt  of  Massachusetts  to  bring  the  territory  of  the  colony  under 
her  jurisdiction  was  a  source  of  great  annoyance.  During  this  contest  an 
appeal  to  the  authorities  in  England  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the  weaker 
colony.  Then  came  the  ''  Coddington  usurpation,"  —  an  unexplained  epi- 
sode in  the  history  of  Rhode  Island,  by  which  the  island  towns  in  165 1 
were  severed  from  the  government  of  the  colony ;  and  Coddington,  by  a 
commission  from  the  Council  of  State  in  England,  was  made  governor  for 
life.  This  revolution  seemed  for  a  time  successful ;  but  the  friends  of  the 
colony  did  not  despair.  Williams  and  John  Clarke  were  sent  to  England 
as  agents,  —  the  one  in  behalf  of  the  former  charter,  and  the  other  to  ask 
for  a  revocation  of  Coddington's  commission.  They  were  both  successful ; 
and  in  the  following  year  the  old  civil  status  was  fully  restored. 

As  civil  dissensions  ceased,  there  was  danger  of  another  Indian  war, 

VOL.  III.  —  43. 


33^ 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


which  for  the  time  was  arrested  by  the  sagacity  of  Williams.  The  refusal 
of  the  United  Colonies  to  admit  Rhode  Island  to  their  confederacy  placed 
her  at  great  disadvantage.  Yet  though  causes  of  dissension  remained,  the 
colony  grew  in  industry  and  strength.  Newport  especially  increased  in 
population  and  in  wealth.  Not  every  inhabitant,  however,  was  a  freeman. 
The  suffrage  was  restricted  to  ownership  in  land,  and  there  was  a  long 
process  of  initiation  to  be  passed  through  before  a  candidate  could  be 
admitted  to  full  citizenship. 

Changes  were  taking  place  in  England.  Cromwell  died,  and  his  son 
Richard  soon  afterward  resigned  the  Protectorship.  The  restoration  of 
Charles  II.  followed  by  acclamation.  The  colony  hastened  to  acknowledge 
the  new  King;  the  acts  of  the  Long  Parliament  were  abrogated,  and  a  new 
charter  was  applied  for  through  John  Clarke,  who  still  remained  in  England. 
This  instrument,  dated  Nov.  24,  1663,  was  evidently  drawn  up  by  Clarke, 
or  was  prepared  under  his  supervision.  It  confirmed  to  the  inhabitants 
freedom  of  conscience  in  matters  of  religion.  It  recounted  the  purchase  of 
^^Qj  .  the    land    from   the   natives, 


^-^^,i^^Qht^,S^L>i_^&i^-    but  it  equally  asserted   the 
C^       .   ^      /Cy""^  .  ^  roval    prerogative    and    the 


Z^^ 


cnr 


yal  prerogc 
ultimate  dominion  of  the 
lands  in  the  Crown,  —  a  pro- 
vision which  Williams  had 
strenuously  objected  to  and 
preached  against  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts charter.  The 
holding  was  from  the  King, 
as  of  the  manner  of  East 
Greenwich.  This  gave  the 
colony,  in  English  law,  an 
absolute  title  to  the  soil  as 
against  any  foreign  State  or 
its  subjects.  It  operated  prac- 
tically as  a  pre-emptive  right 
to  extinguish  the  Indian 
title.  The  charter  created  a 
/^  ^^        '        f       J- —  corporation  by  the  name  of 


,^e^a.^  ^<i^«^«*-^ 


THE   MASSACHUSETTS   PROPRIETORS   OF   THE 
NARRAGANSETT   COUNTRY. 


The   Governor   and    Com- 
pany of  the  English  Colony 
of  Rhode  Island  and  Prov- 
idence Plantations  in  New  England  in  America." 

This  charter  gave  the  whole  of  the  Narragansett  country  to  the  colony, 
which  the  year  before  had  been  given  to  Connecticut ;  but  it  did  not  bring 
peace.  That  colony  still  clamored  for  her  charter  boundary ;  while  a  body 
of  land  speculators  from  Massachusetts,  known  as  the  Atherton  Company, 
who  had,  in  violation  of  Rhode  Island  law,  bought  lands  at  Quidnesett 


NEW   ENGLAND.  339 

and  Namcook,  now  insisted*  upon  being  placed  under  Connecticut  juris- 
diction. The  King's  commissioners,  who  arrived  in  the  country  in  1664, 
charged  with  the  duty  of  settHng  all  disputes,  came  into  Rhode  Island. 
They  received  the  submission  of  the  Narragansett  chiefs  to  the  King, 
confirmatory  of  the  same  act  performed  in  1644,  and  they  set  apart  the 
Narragansett  country,  extending  from  the  bay  to  the  Pawcatuck  River, 
and  named  it  King's  Province,  and  established  a  royal  government  over  it. 
Some  other  matters  in  dispute  were  happily  settled.  The  royal  commis- 
sioners were  well  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Rhode  Island. 

The  colony  still  grew,  but  it  continued  poor.  About  the  year  1663 
schools  were  established  in  Providence,  —  a  tardy  following  of  Newport, 
which  had  employed  a  teacher  in  1640.  The  colony  was  kept  poor  by 
the  great  expense  incurred  in  employing  agents  to  defend  itself  from  the 
surrounding  colonies,  that  wished  to  crush  it.  But  another  trouble  arose. 
A  fearful  war  was  impending,  the  bloodiest  which  the  colony  had  yet 
waged  with  the  Indians.  We  have  no  space  for  the  story ;  but  Philip's 
War  fell  most  heavily  on  Rhode  Island,  which  furnished  troops,  but  was 
not  consulted  as  to  its  management.  Peace  was  at  length  restored,  and 
the  Indians  subdued;   though  they  were  still  turbulent. 

Connecticut  had  not  yet  renounced  her  claims  on  the  Narragansett  coun- 
try. Rhode  Island  set  up  her  authority  in  the  province,  and  appointed  offi- 
cers for  its  government.  Both  colonies  appealed  to  the  King.  Within  the 
colony   itself  now  arose   ^  ,v.  /^ 

most  bitter  controversy        yiroin^<i^KC\^  ^^  Ul^Cr-  I ^7'^ 
respecting   the    limits    and  ' 

extent  of  the  original  Prov- 
idence and  Pawtuxet  pur- 
chase, which  was  not  finally        Cy      "  "^       ^{o^iyi-  Yf fH^dyM 

settled  till  the  next  century. 

It  grew  out  of  the  careless 

manner   in  which   Roger  Williams  worded   the  deeds  to  himself  from  the 

Indians,  and  also  those  which  he  himself  gave  to  the  colony. 

The  appeal  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  to  the  King  resulted  in  a 
commission,  in  1683,  headed  by  the  notorious  Cranfield,  Governor  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  including  the  no  less  notorious  Edward  Randolph.  They 
quarrelled  with  the  authorities  of  Rhode  Island,  and  decided  in  favor  of 
Connecticut. 

In  due  time  Rhode  Island  was  a  common  sufferer  with  the  rest  of  New 
England,  under  the  imposition  of  Andros  and  his  commission.  He  came 
into  Rhode  Island,  and  was  kindly  received.  He  broke  the  colony  seal, 
but  the  parchment  charter  was  put  beyond  his  reach.  The  colony  surren- 
dered, and  petitioned  the  King  to  preserve  her  charter,  and  then  fell  back 
upon  a  provisional  government  of  the  towns.  At  the  revolution  she  resumed 
her  charter,  and  later  it  was  decided  in  England  that  it  had  never  been  re- 
voked and  remained  in  full  force. 


340  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 

THE  Council  for  New  England.  —  Chalmers,  Annals^  1780,  p.  99,  says  concern- 
ing the  great  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  "This  patent  which  has  never  been  printed 
because  so  early  surrendered,  is  in  the  old  entries  of  New  England  in  the  Plant,  off."  I 
saw  the  parchment  enrolment  of  this  charter  in  her  Majesty's  Public  Record  Office,  in 
Fetter  Lane,  London,  and  described  it  in  full  in  Ainer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  for  April,  1867, 
p.  54.  It  was  first  printed  by  Hazard,  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  1792,  pp.  103-118, 
probably  from  a  manuscript  copy  in  the  Superior  Court  files,  N.  H.^ 

The  petition  of  the  Northern  Colony  for  a  new  charter,  dated  March  3,  1619/20,  and 
the  warrant  to  his  Majesty's  Solicitor-General  to  prepare  such  a  patent,  dated  July  23, 
1620,  may  be  seen  in  Brodhead's  Documents,  etc.,  iii.  2-4.  The  warrant  is  also  in  Gorges' 
Brief e  Narration,  p.  21. 

The  opposition  of  the  Virginia  Company  to  the  granting  of  this  patent  may  be  seen  in 
their  records  as  published  by  Neill,  History  of  the  Virginia  Cojnpany  of  London,  iS6g,  pas- 
si7n;  also  in  Gorges'  Brief e  Narration,  pp.  22-31  ;  in  the  Council's  Brief e  Relation,'^  pp. 
18-22  ;  and  in  Brodhead's  Documents,  iii.  4.  The  opposition  of  the  House  of  Commons  to 
the  patent,  after  it  had  passed  the  seals,  may  be  best  seen  in  the  printed  Journals  of  the 
House  for  the  sessions  of  1621  and  1624.  Chalmers'  extracts  are  to  the  point,  but  are  not 
full.  See  also  Gorges,  and  the  Briefe  Relation,  as  above.  For  the  answer  to  the  French 
ambassador,  see  also  Sainsbury's  Calendar,  Colonial,  p.  61.  The  history  of  the  transac- 
tions of  the  Council  may  be  largely  gathered  from  their  extant  records  as  published  in 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  for  April,  1867,  and  for  October,  1875  5  ^o"^  Gorges,  and  from 
the  Briefe  Relation.     Cf.  Palfrey,  i.  193. 

Probably  no  complete  record  exists  of  all  the  patents  issued  by  the  Council ;  and  of 
those  known  to  have  been  granted,  the  originals,  or  even  copies  of  all  of  them,  are  not 
known  to  be  extant.  As  full  a  list  of  these  as  has  been  collected  may  be  seen  in  a  Lecture 
read  before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Jan.  15,  1869,  by  Samuel  F.  Haven, 
LL.D.,  entitled  History  of  Grants  tinder  the  Great  Council  for  New  England,  etc., — 
a  valuable  paper  with  comments  and  explanations,  with  which  compare  Dr.  Palfrey's  list  in 
his  History  of  New  England,  i.  397-99.^  Since  Dr.  Palfrey  wrote,  new  material  has  come 
to  light  respecting  some  of  these  grants.  The  patent  of  Aug.  10,  1622,  which  Dr.  Belknap 
supposed  was  the  Laconia  patent,  and  which  he  erroneously  made  the  basis  of  the  set- 
tlements of  Thomson  and  of  the  Hiltons,  and  of  later  operations  on  the  Piscataqua,  is 
found  not  to  be  the  Laconia  patent,  which  was  issued  seven  years  later,  namely,  Nov.  17, 
1629.'*  Later  writers  have  copied  him.  Again,  Dr.  Palfrey  refers  the  early  division  of  the 
territory  by  the  Council,  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  Cape  Cod,  among  twenty  associates,  to 
May  31,  1622.  By  the  recovery  of  another  fragment  of  the  records  of  the  Council  in  1875, 
we  are  able  to  correct  all  previous  errors  respecting  that  division,  which  really  took  place 
on  Sunday,  July  29,  1623.     This  fact  has  appeared  since  Dr.  Haven  wrote. ° 

1  Ste.lit\\ix\2i^,  History  of  New  Hampshire,  \.  ^.  rial  History  of  Boston,  i.  87,  a  chapter  on  the 
It  was  also  printed  by  Dr.  Benj.  Trumbull,  His-  subject  of  these  early  patents  and  grants.  He 
tory  of  Connecticut,  vol.  i.  1818,  App.,  from  a  copy  closed  a  valuable  life  Sept.  5,  1881.  Cf.  Amer. 
furnished  by  Chalmers,  under  the  impression  that  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  1881,  and  Mass.  Hist. 
it  had  been  "  never  before  published  in  America,"  Soc.  Proc,  xix.  4,  63.  —  Ed.] 

and  has  since  appeared  in  Brigham's  C/^ar/^r  a«df  ^  See  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc  Proc,  iox  OoXohtx, 

Laws  of  New-Plymouth,  pp.  1-18,  Baylies'  New  1868,  pp.  34,   35 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  May 

Plymouth,  i.  160,  and  in  the  Popham  Memorial,  1876,  p.  364. 

pp.  110-118.  6  See  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.  for  October, 

2  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  52,619, — very  rare.  1875,  PP-  49~63-      Most   of   the   grants   of  the 
8  [Dr.  Haven  also  contributed  to  the  Memo-  Council  are  extant,  either  in  the  original  parch- 


NEW   ENGLAND.  34I 

An  object  of  interest  would  be  the  map  of  the  country  on  which  the  different  patents 
granted  were  marked  off.  Some  idea  from  it  might  be  formed  of  the  geographical  mis- 
takes by  which  one  grant  overlapped  another,  or  swallowed  it  up  entirely.  I  know  of  no 
published  map  existing  at  that  time  that  would  have  served  the  purpose.  The  names  of 
the  places  on  the  coast  from  Penobscot  to  Cape  Cod,  mentioned  by  Captain  Smith  in  his 
tract  issued  in  1616,  were  rarely  indicated  on  his  map  which  accompanied  the  tract. 
They  had  been  laid  down  on  the  manuscript  draft  of  the  map,  but  were  changed  for  Eng- 
lish names  by  Prince  Charles. ^  Quite  likely  the  Council  had  manuscript  maps  of  the 
coast.  Of  the  division  of  1623,  the  records  say  it  was  resolved  that  the  land  "  be  divided 
according  as  the  division  is  made  in  the  plot  remaining  with  Dr.  Goche."  Smith,  speak- 
ing of  this  division,  says  that  the  country  was  at  last  "  engrossed  by  twenty  patentees,  that 
divided  my  map  into  twenty  parts,  and  cast  lots  for  their  shares,"  etc.  Smith's  map  was 
probably  the  best  published  map  of  the  coast  which  existed  at  that  time  ;  but  the  map  on 
which  the  names  were  subsequently  engrossed  and  published  was  Alexander's  map  of 
New  England,  New  France,  and  New  Scotland,  published  in  1624,  in  his  Encouragement 
to  Colonies,  and  also  issued  in  the  following  year  in  Purchas,  vol.  iv.  p.  1872.  This 
record,  as  the  fac-simile  shows,^  is  a  mere  huddling  together  of  names,  with  no  indication 
as  to  a  division  of  the  country,  as  it  was  not  possible  there  should  be  on  such  a  map  as 
this,  where  the  whole  New  England  coast,  as  laid  down,  is  limited  to  three  inches  in 
extent,  with  few  natural  features  delineated  upon  it. 

The  greatest  trouble  existed  among  the  smaller  patents.  A  large  patent,  like  that  to 
Gorges,  for  instance,  at  the  grand  division,  with  well-defined  natural  boundaries  on  the 
coast,  between  the  Piscataqua  and  the  Sagadahoc,  or  the  Penobscot,  would  not  be  likely 
to  be  contested  for  lack  of  description  ;  but  there  had  been  many  smaller  patents  issued 
within  these  limits,  which  ran  into  and  overlapped  each  other,  and  some  were  so  com- 
pletely annihilated  as  to  cause  great  confusion. 

Some  of  these  smaller  patents  had  alleged  powers  of  government  granted  to  the 
settlers,  —  powers  probably  rarely  exercised  by  virtue  of  such  a  grant,  and  which 
the  Council  undoubtedly  had  no  authority  to  confer.^  The  people  of  Plymouth,  for 
instance,  in  their  patent  of  1630,  were  authorized,  in  the  language  of  the  grant,  to  in- 
corporate themselves  by  some  usual  or  fit  name  and  title,  with  liberty  to  make  laws 
and  ordinances  for  their  government.  They  never  had  a  royal  charter  of  incorporation 
during  their  separate  existence,  though  they  strove  hard  to  obtain  one.  The  Council 
for  New  England  might  from  the  first  have  taken  the  Pilgrims  under  their  own  gov- 
ernment and  protection ;  and  Governor  Bradford,  in  letters  to  the  Council  and  to  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  written  in  1627  and  1628,  acknowledges  that  relation,  and  asks  for 
their  aid.* 

The  records  of  the  Council,  so  far  as  they  are  extant,  contain  no  notice  of  the  adoption 
of  a  common  seal,  and  we  are  ignorant  as  to  the  time  of  its  adoption.  In  the  earliest  pat- 
ent known  to  have  been  issued  by  the  Council,  which  was  an  indenture  between  them  and 
John  Peirce  and  his  associates,  dated  June  i,  1621,  the  language  is,  "  In  witness  whereof 
the  said  President  and  Council  have  to  the  one  part  of  this  present  Indenture  set  their 
seals."     This  is  signed  first  by  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  who  I  think  was  the  first  President 

ments  or  in  copies ;   and  many  of   them  have  '^  [See  a  previous  page.  —  Ed.] 

been   printed.     Some  enterprising  scholar  will  ^  ggg  Hutchinson's  History  of  Massachusetts, 

probably  one  day  bring  them  all  together  in  one  i.  9 ;  Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  App.  xv. 
volume,  with  proper  annotations.     It  would  be  *  Bradford,  Plymouth  Plantation,  pp.  89,  90; 

a  convenient  manual  of  reference.  Brigham,  Charter  and  Laws  of  New-Plymouth,  pp. 

1  The  rare  list  of  these  names  in  duplicate  36,  49,  50,  241  ;  i  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  iii.  <f)-^\. 

inserted  in  some  copies  of  Smith's  tract  may  be  For  the  discussion  of  questions  of  European  and 

seen  in  his  Generall  Historic,  p.  206.     [The  map  Aboriginal  right  to  the  soil,  see  Sullivan,  History 

itself,  with  some  account  of  it  and  of  Smith,  of  Land  Titles  in  Mass.,  ^ostou,  1 801,  and  John 

may  be  found  in  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  vol-  Buckley's  "Inquiry,  etc.,"  i  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll, 

ume.  —  Ed.]  iv.  159. 


342 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


of  the  Council,  and  by  five  other  members  of  the  Council,  with  the  private  seal  of  each 
appended  to  his  signature.  But  in  a  grant  to  Gorges  and  Mason,  of  Aug.  lo,  1622, 
which  is  also  an  indenture,  the  language  is,  that  to  one  part  "the  said  President  and 

Council  have  caused  their  common  seal  to  be  affixed." 
Here  we  have  a  "  common  seal  "  used  by  the  Council 
in  issuing  their  subsequent  grants.  But  it  is  very  sin- 
gular, that  of  the  many  original  grants  of  the  Council 
extant  no  one  of  them  has  the  wax  impression  of  the 
seal  intact  or  unbroken  ;  usually  it  is  wholly  wanting. 
It  is  believed,  however,  that  the  design  of  the  seal  has 
been  discovered  in  the  engraving  on  the  titlepage  of 
Smith's  Generall  Historic  ;  and  the  reasons  for  this  opin- 
ion may  be  seen  vciMass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  March,  1867, 
pp.  469-472.1     A  delineation  of  it  is  given  herewith. 

In  the  absence  of  any  record  of  the  organization  of 
the  Council,  or  of  any  rules  or  by-laws  for  the  transac- 
tion of  its  business,  we  do  not  know  what  officers,  or 
what  number  of  the  Council,  were  required  for  the  issu- 
ing of  patents,  or  for  authorizing  the  use  of  the  Com- 
pany's seal.  The  only  name  signed  to  the  Plymouth 
Patent  of  Jan.  13,  1629  30  is  that  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  then  the  President  of 
the  Council. 


SEAL   OF   THE    COUNCIL    FOR 
NEW    ENGLAND. 


Massachusetts. 2  — The  Massachusetts  Colony  had  its  origin  in  a  grant  of  land  from 
the  Council  of  New  England,  dated  March  19,  1627,  in  old  style  reckoning.^  So  far  as  is 
known,  it  is  the  first  grant  of  any  moment  made  after  the  general  division  in  1623,  but 
probably  it  was  preceded  by  the  license  to  the  Plymouth  people  of  privileges  on  the  Ken- 
nebec. This  patent  to  the  Massachusetts  Colony  is  not  extant,  but  it  is  recited  in  the 
subsequent  charter.  There  is  some  mystery  attending  the  manner  of  its  procurement,  as 
well  as  about  its  extent.  The  business  was  managed,  in  the  absence  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  friendly  to  the  patentees.*  The  royal  charter  of 
Massachusetts  was  dated  March  4,  1628  (O.S.).  For  the  forms  used  in  issuing  it,  see 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  December,  1869,  pp.  167-196.  A  discussion  of  the  charter  itself 
as  a  frame  of  government  for  a  commonwealth  is  found  in  YiVi\.Qk)\n's,QVL%  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts, i.  414,  415  ;  Judge  Parker's  Lecture  before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 


1  But  of.  Magazine  of  American  History,  1883, 
p.  141  ;  and  Davis's  Ancient  Landmarks  of  Ply- 
moutJi,  p,  61.  I  should  add  here  that  it  has 
been  recently  suggested  to  me  as  a  possible 
alternative,  that  this  seal  is  that  of  the  Council 
for  the  Northern  Colony  of  Virginia. 

2  The  name  "  Massachusetts,"  so  far  as  I 
have  observed,  is  first  mentioned  by  Captain 
Smith,  in  his  Description  of  N'ew  England,  1616. 
He  spells  the  word  variously,  but  he  appears  to 
use  the  term  "  Massachuset  "  and  "  Massachew- 
set "  to  denote  the  country,  while  he  adds  a  final 
s  when  he  is  speaking  of  the  inhabitants.  He 
speaks  of  "  Massachusets  Mount "  and  "  Massa- 
chusets  River,"  using  the  word  also  in  its  pos- 
sessive form ;  while  in  another  place  he  calls  the 
former  "  the  high  mountain  of  Massachusit." 
To  this  mountain,  on  his  map,  he  gives  the  Eng- 
lish name  of  "  Chevyot  Hills."  Hutchinson  (i. 
460)  supposes  the  Blue  Hills  of  Milton  to  be 


intended.  He  says  that  a  small  hill  near  Squan- 
tum,  the  former  seat  of  a  great  Indian  sachem, 
was  called  Massachusetts  Hill,  or  Mount  Massa- 
chusetts, down  to  his  time.  Cotton,  in  his  In- 
dian vocabulary,  says  the  word  means  "  a  hill  in 
the  form  of  an  arrow's  head."  See  also  Neal's 
New  England,  ii.  215,  216.  In  the  Massachu- 
setts charter  the  name  is  spelled  in  three  or  four 
different  ways,  to  make  sure  of  a  description  of 
the  territory.  Cf.  Letter  of  J.  H.  Trumbull,  in 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  Oct.  21,  1867,  p.  77  ;  and 
Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  37. 

^  See  S.  F.  Haven's  "  Origin  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company,"  in  Archcrologia  Americana, 
vol.  iii. 

*  This  matter  is  discussed  by  Dr.  Haven  in 
the  Lecture  above  cited,  pp.  29,  30 ;  and  by  the 
present  writer  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston, 
i.  341-343,  note.  See  also  Gorges,  Brief e  Nar- 
ration, pp.  40,  41. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


343 


Feb.  9,  1869,  entitled  The  First  Charter^  etc. ;  and  Memorial  History  of  Boston^  i.  329-382, 
and  the  authorities  there  cited.  As  to  the  right  of  the  Company  to  transfer  the  govern- 
ment and  charter  to  the  soil,  see  Judge  Parker,  as  above  ;  Dr.  Palfrey,  New  England^ 
i.  301-308;  Barry,  History  of  Massachusetts,  i.  174-186,  and  the  authorities  cited  by  them. 
The  original  charter,  on  parchment,  is  in  the  State  House  in  Boston.  A  Reliotype  of  a 
section  of  it  is  given  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  329. ^  The  duplicate  or 
exemplification  of  the  charter,  which  was  originally  sent  over  to  Endicott  in  1629,  is  now 
in  the  Library  of  the  Salem  Athenaeum.  The  charter  was  first  printed,  and  from  the 
^^ duply  parchment,  "by  S.  Green,  for  Benj.  Harris,  at  the  London  Coffee-House,  near  the 
Town-House,  in  Boston,  1689."     It  is  entitled  A  Copy  of  the  Massachusetts  Charter.^ 

The  archives  of  the  State  are  rich  in  the  materials  of  its  history.  The  records  of  the 
government  from  its  first  institution  in  England  down  to  the  overthrow  of  the  charter  are 
almost  a  history  in  themselves.  The  student  is  no  longer  required  to  decipher  the  ancient 
writing,  for  in  1853-54  the  Records  were  copied  and  printed  under  the  editorial  care  of 
Dr.  N.  B.  Shurtleff.-^  A  large  mass  of  manuscripts  remains  at  the  State  House,  and  is 
known  as  the  Massachusetts  Archives.  The  papers  were  classified  by  the  late  Joseph  B. 
Felt."  They  are  the  constant  resource  of  antiquaries  and  historians,  few  of  whom,  how- 
ever, but  regret  the  too  arbitrary  arrangement  given  to  them  by  that  painstaking  scholar.^ 
The  City  of  Boston,  by  its  Record  Commission,  is  making  accessible  in  print  most  valu- 
able material  which  has  long  slumbered  in  manuscript.  The  Archives  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society  are  specially  rich  in  early  manuscripts,  a  catalogue  of  which  is 
now  preparing,  and  its  publishing  committees  are  constantly  at  work  converting  their 
manuscripts  into  print,  while  the  sixty-seven  volumes  of  its  pubHcations,  as  materials  of 
history,  are  without  a  rival. ^ 


1  It  is  printed  in  Hutchinson's  Collection  of 
Papers,  1769;  and  also  in  vol.  i.  of  the  Colony 
Records. 

2  See  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  1 59-161. 

^  [In  six  volumes,  royal  quarto  ;  cf.  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society  Lectures,  p.  230  ;  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1848,  p.  105;  and  1854, 
p.  369.  They  were  published  at  $60,  but  they  can 
be  pccasionally  picked  up  now  at  $25.  —  Ed.]    . 

*  [See  Memoir  and  portrait  in  N.  E.  Hist, 
and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1870,  p.  i  ;  cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  xiv.  113;  and  Historical  Magazine,  xvii. 
107.  —  Ed,] 

^  [Dr.  Palfrey  (vol.  iii.  p.  vii)  has  pointedly 
condemned"  it,  and  the  arrangement  will  be  found 
set  forth  in  the  N,  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1848,  p.  105.  Besides  much  manuscript  material 
(not  yet  put  into  print)  at  the  State  House,  and 
in  the  Cabinet  of  the  Historical  Society,  and  the 
usual  local  depositories,  mention  may  be  made 
of  some  papers  relating  to  New  England  re- 
corded in  the  Sparks  Catalogue,  p.  215;  and  the 
numerous  documents  in  the  Egerton  and  other 
manuscripts,  in  the  British  Museum,  as  brought 
out  in  its  printed  Catalogues  of  Manuscripts,  and 
Colonel  Chester's  list  of  manuscripts  in  the 
Bodleian,  in  Historical  Magazine,  xiv.  131.  Mr. 
S.  L.  M.  Barlow,  of  New  York,  has  an  ancient 
copy  of  the  Records  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
pany {Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  iii.  36). 

Brodhead's  prefaces  to  the  published  records 
of  New  York  indicated  the  sources  of  early 
manuscript  material  in  the  different  Government 


offices  of  England,  equally  applicable  to  Massa- 
chusetts ;  but  these  records  have  now  been  gath- 
ered into  the  public  Record  Office,  some  account 
of  which  will  be  found  in  Mr.  B.  F.  Stevens's 
"  Memorial,"  Senate,  Miscellaneous  Documents  no. 
24,  47th  Congress,  2d  session,  and  in  the  London 
Quarterly,  April,  187 1.  It  requires  formality 
and  permission  to  examine  these  papers,  only  as 
they  are  later  than  1760.  The  calendaring  and 
printing  of  them,  begun  in  1855,  ^^  ^^^  going  o^  > 
and  Mr.  Hale  has  described  (in  the  Christian 
Examiner,  May,  1861)  the  work  as  planned  and 
superintended  by  Mr.  Sainsbury.  Three  of  these 
volumes  already  issued — Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Colonial  America,  vol.  i.,  1 574-1660;  vol.  v.,  1661- 
1668  ;  vol.  vii.,  1669 — are  of  much  use  to  Amer- 
ican students.  Mr.  F.  S.  Thomas,  Secretary  of 
the  public  Record  Office,  issued  in  1849  ^  ^i^' 
tory  of  the  State  Paper  Office  and  Vieiu  of  the 
Docjiments  therein  Deposited.  Mr.  C.  W.  Baird 
described  these  depositories  in  London  in  the 
Magazine  of  American  History,  ii.  321.  —  Ed.] 

^  [A  list  of  the  publications  of  this  Society, 
brought  down,  however,  no  later  than  1868,  will 
be  found  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  xiv.  99 ;  and 
in  187 1  Dr.  S.  A.  Green  issued  a  bibliography 
of  the  Society,  which  was  also  printed  in  its  Pro- 
ceedings, xii.  2.  The  first  seven  volumes  of  its 
first  series  of  Collections  were  early  reprinted. 
Each  series  of  ten  volumes  has  its  own  index. 
The  Society's  history  is  best  gathered  from  its 
own  Proceedings,  the  publication  of  which  was 
begun  in  1855;  but  two  volumes  have  also  been 


344 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  first  general  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay  was  written  by  Thomas  Hutchinson, 
afterward  governor  of  the  province,  in  two  volumes,  the  first  of  which,  covering  the  period 
ending  with  the  downfall  of  Andros,  was  published  in  Boston  in  1764.  The  second  vol- 
ume, bringing  the  history  down  to  1750,  was  published  in  1767.  Each  volume  was  issued 
in  London  in  the  year  following  its  publication  here.  The  author  had  rich  materials  for 
his  work,  and  was  judicious  in  the  use  of  them.  He  had  a  genius  for  history,  and  his 
book  will  always  stand  as  of  the  highest  authority.  A  volume  of  Original  Papers,  which 
illustrate  the  first  volume  of  the  history,  was  published  in  1769.1  Hutchinson  died  in 
England  in  1780.  Among  his  manuscripts  was  found  a  continuation  of  his  history,  vol. 
iii.,  bringing  the  events  down  to  1774,  in  which  year  he  left  the  country.  This  was  printed 
in  London  in  1828.2     Some  copies  of  vol.  i.,  London  ed.,  were  wrongly  dated  MDCCLX. 

In  1798  was  published,  in  two  volumes,  a  continuation  of  Hutchinson's  second  volume, 
by  George  Richards  Minot,^  bringing  the  history  down  to  1764.  The  work  was  left  un- 
finished, and  Alden  Bj^dford,  in  1822-1829,  published,  in  three  volumes,  a  continuation 
of  that  to  the  year  1820. 

The  next  most  considerable  attempt  at  a  general  History  of  Massachusetts  was  by  John 
Stetson  Barry,  who  published  three  volumes  in  1855-1857.  It  is  a  valuable  work,  written 
from  the  best  authorities,  and  comes  down  to  1820. 

Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  the  first  three  volumes  of  which  were  published 
in  1858-1864,  and  cover  the  period  ending  with  the  downfall  of  Andros,  must  be  regarded 
altogether  as  the  best  history  of  this  section  of  our  country  yet  written,  as  well  for  its 
luminous  text  as  for  the  authorities  in  its  notes.^ 


printed,  covering  the  earlier  years  1791-1854. 
The  first  of  these  dates  marks  the  founding  of  ■ 
this  the  oldest  historical  society  in  this  country. 
Its  founder,  if  one  person  can  be  so  called,  was 
Dr.  Jeremy  Belknap,  who  was  one  of  the  earliest 
who  gave  the  writing  of  history  in  America  a 
reputable  character.  His"  Life  has  been  written 
by  his  granddaughter,  Mrs.  Jules  Marcou,  and 
the  book  is  reviewed  by  Francis  Parkman  in  the 
Christian  Examiner,  xliv.  78;  cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  i.  117  ;  iii.  285;  ix.  12;  xiv.  37.  His  his- 
torical papers  are  described  by  C.  C.  Smith  -in 
the  Unitarian  Review,  vii.  604.  The  two  princi- 
pal societies  working  parallel  with  it  in  part, 
though  professedly  of  wider  scope,  are  the  Am- 
erican Antiquarian  Society,  at  Worcester  (not  to 
be  confounded  with  the  Worcester  Society  of 
Antiquity,  —  a  local  antiquarian  association), 
and  the  New  England  Historic,  Genealogical 
Society,  in  Boston.  The  former  has  issued  the 
Archicologia  Americana  and  Proceedings  (cf.  His- 
torical Magazine,  xiv.  107) ;  while  the  latter  has 
been  the  main  support  of  the  New  England  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Register,  which  has  pub- 
lished an  annual  volume  since  1847,  and  these 
have  contained  various  data  for  the  history  of 
the  Society.  Cf.  1855,  p.  10;  1859,  p.  266;  1861, 
preface;  1862,  p.  203;  1863,  preface;  1870,  p. 
225;  1876,  p.  184,  and  reprinted  as  revised; 
1879,  preface,  and  p.  424,  by  E.  B.  Dearborn. 
To  these  associations  may  be  added  the  Essex 
Institute,  of  Salem,  the  Connecticut  Valley  His- 
torical Society  (begun  in  1876),  the  Dorchester 
Antiquarian  Society,  the  Old  Colony  Historical 
Society  (cf.  the  chapter  on  the  Pilgrims),  — all 


of  which  unite  historical  fellowship  with  publi- 
cation, —  and  the  Prince  Society,  an  organization 
for  publishing  only,  whose  series  of  annotated 
volumes  relating  to  early  Massachusetts  history 
is  a  valuable  one.  —  Ed.] 

1  It  is  a  volume  of  great  value,  and  brings 
from  $10  to  $15  at  sales.  It  is  sometimes  found 
lettered  on  the  back  as  vol.  iii.  of  the  History. 
A  third  edition  of  the  History  was  published  in 
Boston  in  1795,  "^^^^  poor  type  and  poor  paper. 
[A  reprint  of  the  Papers  was  made  by  the  Prince 
Society  in  1865.  For  other  papers  of  Hutchin- 
son, see  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  x.,  and  3  Ibid.,  i.;  cf. 
N  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1865,  p.  187.  A 
controversy  for  many  years  existed  between  the 
Historical  Society  and  the  State  as  to  the  cus- 
tody of  a  large  mass  of  Hutchinson's  papers. 
This  can  be  followed  in  the  Society's  Proceed- 
ings, ii.  438;  X.  118,  321  ;  xi.  335  ;  xii.  249;  xiii. 
130,  217;  and  in  Massachusetts  Senate  Documents, 
no.  187,  of  1870.  These  papers,  mostly  printed, 
are  now  at  the  State  House.  —  Ed.] 

2  See  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  i.  286,  397,  414; 
andxi.  148;  also  a  full  account  of  Hutchinson's 
publications  in  Ibid.,  February,  1857  ;  cf.  Sabin, 
Dictionary,  xi.  22.  A  correspondence  between 
Hutchinson  and  Dr.  Stiles,  upon  his  history,  is 
printed  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1872,  pp. 
159,  230. 

3  Cf.  a  Memoir  of  Minot,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
vol.  viii. 

4  A  fourth  volume,  carrying  the  record  to 
1741,  was  published  in  1875;  a"<^  since  Dr.  Pal- 
frey's death  a  fifth  volume  has  been  announced 
for  publication  under  the  editing  of  his  son. 


^^J^'/^^^^^«^  i?^^^^rTy.,(W^  ^z^t^^^^=<. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  345 

I  will  now  go  back  and  mention  a  few  other  general  histories  of  New  England,  includ- 
ing those  works  in  which  the  history  of  Massachusetts  is  a  prominent  feature. 

Cotton  Mather's  Ecclesiastical  History  of  New  England^  better  known  as  his  Mag- 
nalia,  from  the  head-line  of  the  titlepage,  Magnalia  Christi  Americana^  was  published 
in  London  in  1702,  in  folio.  Although  relating  generally  to  New  England,  it  principally 
concerns  Massachusetts.  While  the  book  is  filled  with  the  author's  conceits  and  puns, 
and  gives  abundant  evidence  of  his  creduHty,  it  contains  a  vast  amount  of  valuable  his- 
torical material,  and  is  indispensable  in  any  New  England  library.  It  is  badly  arranged 
for  consultation,  for  it  is  largely  a  compilation  from  the  author's  previous  publications,  and 
it  lacks  an  index.     It  has  been  twice  reprinted,  —  in  1820  and  1853.1 

John  Oldmixon,  Collector  of  Customs  at  Bridgewater,  England,  compiled  and  pub- 
lished at  London,  in  1708,  his  British  Empire  in  America^  in  two  volumes.  About  one 
hundred  pages  of  the  first  volume  relate  to  New  England,  and  while  admitting  that  he 
drew  on  Cotton  Mather's  Magnalia  for  most  of  his  material,  omitting  the  puns,  ana- 
grams, etc.,  the  author  nevertheless  vents  his  spleen  on  this  book  of  the  Boston  divine. 
Mather  was  deeply  hurt  by  this  indignity,  and  he  devoted  the  principal  part  of  the  Intro- 
duction to  his  Parentator,  1724,  to  this  ill-natured  writer.  He  says  he  found  in  eighty-six 
pages  of  Oldmixon's  book  eighty-seven  falsehoods.  A  second  edition  of  The  British 
Empire  in  America  was  pubHshed  in  1741,  with  considerable  additions  and  alterations. 
In  the  mean  time  the  Rev.  Daniel  Neal  had  pubHshed  in  London  his  History  of  New 
England^  which  led  Oldmixon  to  rewrite,  for  this  new  edition,  his  chapters  relating  to 
New  England.     Oldmixon's  work  is  of  little  value.     He  was  careless  and  unscrupulous.^ 

Mr.  Neal's  History  of  New  Englatid,  already  mentioned,  first  appeared  in  1720,  in 
two  volumes,  but  was  republished  with  additions  in  1747.^  It  contains  a  map  "according 
to  the  latest  observations,"  or,  as  he  elsewhere  observes,  "done  from  the  latest  surveys," 
in  one  corner  of  which  is  an  interesting  miniature  map  of  "The  Harbour  of  Boston." 
This  book  must  have  supplied  a  great  want  at  the  time  of  its  appearance,  and  though 
Hutchinson  says  it  is  little  more  than  an  abridgment  of  Dr.  Mather's  history, — which  is 
not  quite  true,  as  see  his  authorities  in  the  Preface,  —  it  gave  in  an  accessible  form  many 
of  the  principal  facts  concerning  the  beginning  of  New  England.  It  of  course  relates 
principally  to  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts.  Neal  was  an  independent  thinker,  and 
differed  essentially  from  Cotton  Mather  on  many  subjects. 

1  Good  copies  of  the  original  folio  edition,  ad  vivtim  pinxit  ab  origine  fecit  et  exctid.     Its 

with  the  map,  bring  high  prices-     One  of  Br^n-  facial   lines,    however,   are   stronger   and   more 

ley's  copies,  said  to  be  on  large  paper  (though  characteristic.     It  may  be  the  reduction  made 

the  present  writer  has  a  copy  by  his  side  much  by   Sarah    Moorhead    from   the    painting,   thus 

larger),  brought  ^iio.     The  Menzies  copy  (no.  mentioned  by  Pelham,  for  the  purpose  of  the 

1,353)   sold   for   ^125.      See   "  The   Light  shed  engraving.     It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that 

upon  Mather's  Magnalia  by.  his  Diary  "  in  Mass.  the  surroundings  of  the  portrait  are  different  in 

Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  December,  1862,  pp.  402-414;  the  engraving.     This  same  outline,  but  reversed, 

Moses  Coit  Tyler,  History  of  American  Litera-  characterizes  a  portrait   of   Mather,  which   be- 

ture,  ii.  80-83.     Of  the  map.  Dr.  Douglass   says  longs  to  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  at 

(i.   362) :    "  Dr.  Cotton  Mather's  map  of    New  Worcester,  and  which  is  said  to  be  by  Pelham. 

England,  New  York,  Jerseys,  and  Pennsylvania  Paine's  Portraits,  etc.,  in   Worcester,  no.  5 ;    W. 

is  composed  from  some  old  rough  drafts  of  the  H.  Whitmore's  Peter  Pel/iam,  1867,  p.  6,  where 

first  discoveries,  with  obsolete  names  not  known  the  Pelham  engraving  is  called  the  earliest  yet 

at  this  time,  and  has  scarce  any  resemblance  of  found  to  be  ascribed  to  that  artist.  —  Ed. J 
the  country.     It  may  be  called  a  very  erroneous,  ^  See  what  Beverly  says  of  him  in  the  Pre- 

antiquated  map."     [See  Editor's  note  following  face   to   his    History  of    Virginia,    1722.      The 

this  chapter.     For  some   notes  on  the  Mather  numerous  maps  in  his  book  were  made  by  Her- 

Library,  see  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  vol.  i.  man  Moll,   a  well-known  cartographer  of   that 

p.  xviii.    The  annexed  portrait  of  Mather  resem-  day.      Oldmixon's    name   appears   only   to   the 

bles  the  mezzotint,  of  which  a  reduced  fac-simile  dedication  prefixed  to  the  first  edition, 
is  given  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  ^  Carter-Brown   Catalogue,  iii.  nos.  281,  855; 

208,  and  which  is  marked  Cottonus  Mathf.rus,  and  510,  for  the  Bishop  of  Winchester's  examina- 

^tatis  sna;  LXV,  MDCCXXVII.     P.  Pelham  tion  of  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans. 
VOL.   III.  — 44. 


346  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

The  Rev.  Thomas  Prince  published  in  Boston  in  1736  A  Chronological  History  of 
New  England  in  the  Form  of  Annals^  in  one  volume,  i2mo,  of  about  four  hundred  pages. 
The  author  begins  with  the  creation  of  the  world,  and  devotes  the  last  two  hundred  and 
fifty  pages  to  New  England,  coming  down  only  to  September,  1630,  or  to  the  settlement  of 
Boston.  After  an  interval  of  about  twenty  years  the  work  was  resumed,  and  three  num- 
bers, of  thirty-two  pages  each,  of  vol.  ii.  were  issued  in  1755,  bringing  the  chronology 
down  to  August,  1633.  when  for  want  of  sufficient  encouragement  the  work  ceased. 
Prince  was  very  particular  in  giving  his  authorities  for  every  statement,  and  he  professed 
to  quote  the  very  language  of  his  author. ^ 

In  1749  was  published  the  first  volume  of  a  Sumntary^  Historical  and  Political^  .  .  . 
of  the  British  Settlements  in  North  America,  by  William  Douglass,  M.D.  The  book  had 
been  issued  in  numbers,  beginning  in  January,  1747.  The  tidepage  of  the  second  volume 
bears  date  1751.  The  author  died  suddenly  Oct.  21,  1752,  before  his  work  was  finished. 
A  large  part  of  the  book  relates  to  New  England.  It  contains  a  good  deal  of  valuable 
information  from  original  sources,  but  it  is  put  together  without  system  or  order,  and  the 
whole  work  appears  more  like  a  mass  of  notes  hastily  written  than  like  a  history.  Dr. 
Douglass  was  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  and  coming  to  Boston  while  a  young  man,  he 
attained  a  reputable  standing  as  a  physician.  In  the  small-pox  episode  in  1721  he 
took  an  active  part  as  an  opposer  of  inoculation.  He  was  fond  of  controversy,  was 
thoroughly  honest  and  fearless,  and  gave  offence  in  his  Sumfuary  by  his  freedom  of 
speech.  The  Summary  was  republished  in  London  in  T755  and  in  1760,  each  edition 
with  a  large  map.^     The  Boston  edition  was  reissued  with  a  new  title,  dated  1753. 

For  the  origin  of  the  brief  setttlement  at  Cape  Ann,  which  drew  after  it  the  planting 
at  Salem  and  the  final  organization  of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  and  for  the  narrative 
of  those  several  events, —  namely,  the  formation  in  London  of  the  subordinate  government 
for  the  colony,  "  London's  Plantation  in  Massachusetts  Bay,"  with  Endicott  as  its  first 
governor,  and  his  instructions  ;  the  emigration  under  Higginson  in  1629;  the  establishment 
of  the  church  in  Salem,  and  the  difficulty  with  the  Browns  ;  and  the  emigration  under 
Winthrop  in  1630,  —  see  John  White's  Planter'' s  Plea^^  Hubbard's  New  England,  chap, 
xviii.;  the  Colony  Records-,  Morton's  Memorial,  under  the  year  1629;  Higginson's 
Journal,  and  his  New  England  Plafitation  ;  ^  Dudley's  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lin- 
coln;^ and  Winthrop's  own  Journal.       For  the  principal  part  of  these  documents  and 

^  [These  supplementary  parts  have  been  re-  inshield  Catalogue,  no.  744;  Carter-Brown  Cata- 
printed  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Co//.,\n.  It  was  repub-  looiie,  vol.  ii.  no.  371.  —  Ed.] 
lished  in  Boston  in  1826,  edited  by  Nathan  Hale.  ^  [The  Journal  of  Higginson,  which  is  a  re- 
Mr.  S.  G.  Drake,  having  some  sheets  of  this  lation  of  his  voyage,  1629,  is  in  Hutchinson's 
edition  on  hand,  reissued  it  in  1852,  with  a  new  Collection  of  Papers,  and  an  imperfect  manu- 
titlepage,  and  with  a  memoir  of  Prince  and  some  script  which  that  historian  used  is  in  the  Cabinet 
plates,  etc.,  inserted.  It  has  been  again  reprinted  of  the  Historical  Society.  His  Ne^v  England's 
in  Edward  Arber's  .£';^^//J■/^  Garner,  iSy 7-80,  yo\.  Plantation  is  reprinted  in  Young's  Chronicles; 
ii.  Prince's  own  copy,  with  his  manuscript  notes,  in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Coll.,  iii.  79;  in  Force's 
is  noted  in  the  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  350.  Mr.  Tracts,  vol.  ii. ;  and  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  i. 
Deane  has  several  sheets  of  the  original  manu-  The  narrative  covers  the  interval  from  July  to 
script  of  this  work.  —  Ed.]  September,  1629,  and  three  editions  were  issued 

^  A  memoir  of  Dr.  Douglass,  by  T.  L.  Jenni-  in  1630 ;  the  Lenox  Library  has  the  three,  and 

son,  M.D.,  was  published  in  Medical  Communica-  Harvard  College  Library  has  two,  —  one  imper- 

tions  of  the  Massachusetts  Medical  Society,  vol.  feet.      Rich,    Catalogue   (1832),   nos.    186,    191  ; 

V.  part  ii.,  Boston,  1831.     Cf.  Memorial  History  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  312;  Carter-Brown  Cata- 

of  Boston,  Index  ;   Sabin,  v.  502;  Carter-Brown  logue,  vol.  ii.   nos.  362,363;    Menzies  Catalogue, 

Catalogue,  iii.  899.  no.  927  ($66.) — Ed.] 

3  [This  is  reprinted  in  full  in  Force's  Tracts,  ^  [This,  besides  being  in  Young's  Chronicles, 

ii.     It  was  printed  in  1630,  and  original  copies  can  be  found   in    Force's    Tracts,  vol.  ii.,  with 

are  in  Mr.  Deane's  and  in  the  Lenox  libraries ;  notes  by  John  Farmer ;   and  in  the  N.  H  Hist. 

cf.  also  Brinley  Catalogue,  nos.  373,  2,704 ;  Crown-  Coll.,  vol.  iv.,  following  a  manuscript  more  ex- 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


347 


others  of  great  value  the  reader  is  referred  to  Dr.  Alexander  Young's  Chronicles  of  the 
First  Planters  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  —  :i  convenient  manual  for  reference, 
of  the  highest  authority,  containing  ample  bibliographical  notes  and  illustrations,  which 
need  not  be  repeated  here.  This  book,  which  was  published  in  1846,  was  unfortunately 
thrown  into  chapters  as  of  one  narrative,  as  had  been  that  relating  to  the  Plymouth  Col- 
ony, published  in  1841,  whereby  the  original  authorities,  which  should  be  the  prominent 
feature  of  the  book,  are  subordinated  to  an  editorial  plan. 

For  the  original  authorities  of  the  history  of  the  scattered  settlements  in  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  prior  to  the  Winthrop  emigration,  I  cannot  do  better  than  refer  to  a  paper  on 
the  "  Old  Plant- 
ers," so  called, 
about  Boston 
Harbor,  by 
Charles  Francis 
Adams,  Jr.,  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  June,  1878, 
p.  194;  and  to  Mr. 
Adams's  chapter 
in  Memorial  His- 
tory of  Boston^  i. 
63. 

In  Captain 
John  Smith's  Ad- 
vertisetnents  for 
the  unexperienced 
Planters  of  New 
England,  or  any 
where,   London,  SHIP  OF  xvif"  century.^ 

163 1,  he  has  two 

chapters  (xi.  and  xii.)  on  the  settlement  of  Salem  and  Charlton  (Charlestown),  and  an 
account  of  the  sad  condition  of  the  colony  for  months  after  the  Winthrop  emigration. 
This  is  Smith's  last  book,  and  his  best  in  a  literary  point  of  view,  and  was  pubhshed  the 
year  of  his  death. 2 

The  New  England'' s  Prospect,  by  William  Wood,  London,  1634,  is  the  earliest  topo- 
graphical account  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  so  far  as  the  settlements  then  extended. 
It  also  has  a  full  description  of  its  fauna  and  flora,  and  of  the  natives.  It  is  a  valuable 
book,  and  is  written  in  vigorous  and  idiomatic  English.  The  writer  lived  here  four  years, 
returning  to  England  Aug.  15,  1633.  His  book  is  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register, 
"  7  JuHi,  1634."  Alonzo  Lewis,  author  of  the  History  of  Lynn,  thinks  that  he  came  over 
again  to  the  colony  in  1635,  as  a  person  of  that  name  arrived  that  year  in  the 
"  Hopewell."  » 


tended  than  the  text  given  on  its  first  appearance 
in  print  in  Massachusetts,  or  the  First  Planters, 
1696,  copies  of  which  are  noted  in  the  Prince 
(P-  37)  ^nd  Carter-Brown  (vol.  ii.  no.  1,494) 
catalogues.  —  Ed.] 

1  [This  fac-simile  is  from  a  map  in  Dudley's 
Arcano  del  Mare,  1647.  —  Ed.] 

2  [This  tract  was  reprinted  in  Boston  in  1865, 
and  also  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  There  are 
copies  of  the  original  in  Mr.  Deane's,  Harvard 
College,  and  the  Carter-Brown  ( Catalogue,  ii.  379) 
libraries.     Cf.  the  editorial  note  at  the  end  of 


chap,  vi.,  and  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  p.  50. 
—  Ed.] 

^  The  volume  was  reissued  in  1635,  1639,  and 
1764.  The  Prince  Society  reprinted  the  volume 
in  1865,  with  a  prefatory  address  by  the  present 
writer.  [Copies  of  the  original  edition  are  noted 
in  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  no  421  (later 
editions,  nos.  433,  469) ;  and  Brinley  Catalogue, 
no.  377.  Cf.  also  Rich,  Catalogue  (1832),  no. 
296,  and  (1844)  priced  at  ;^i  8j-.  Mr.  Deane's 
copy  of  the  first  edition  has  ninety-eight  pages, 
besides    the    Indian    words.      The    Rice    copy 


348 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  New  English  Canaan^  by  Thomas  Morton,  Amsterdam,  1637,  "  written  upon  ten 
years'  knowledge  and  experiment  of  the  country,"  is  a  sort  of  satire  upon  the  Plymouth 
and  Massachusetts  people,  who  looked  upon  the  author  as  a  reprobate  and  an  outlaw.  He 
came  over,  probably,  with  Weston's  company  in  1622,  and  on  the  breaking  up  of  that  set- 
tlement may  have  gone  back  to  England.  In  1625  he  is  found  here  again  with  Captain 
Wollaston's  company  on  a  plantation  at  "Mount  Wollaston,"  where  he  had  his  revels. 
He  was  twice  banished  the  country,  and  before  his  final  return  hither  wrote  this  book. 
His  description  of  the  natural  features  of  the  country,  and  his  account  of  the  native  inhab- 
itants are  of  considerable  interest  and  value,  and  the  side-light  which  he  throws  upon  the 
Pilgrim  and  Puritan  colonies  will  serve  at  least  to  amuse  the  reader.^  Morton's  book, 
though  printed  in  Holland  "in  the  yeare  1637,"  was  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register  in 
London,  "  Nov.  18,  1633,"  in  the  name  of  Charles  Greene  as  publisher;  and  a  copy  of  the 
book  is  now  (1882)  in  the  library  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  For- 
eign Parts,  19  Delahay  Street,  Westminster,  London,  bearing  this  imprint:  "  Printed  for 
Charles  Greene,  and  are  sold  in  Paul's  Church-Yard;  "  no  date,  but  "  1632  "  written  in  with 
a  pen.  See  White  Kennett's  BibliotheccB  Americancs  Primordia,  p.  ']']^  where  this  copy 
is  entered,  and  where  the  manuscript  date  is  printed  in  the  margin.  This  date  is,  of  course, 
an  error. 2  Morton's  book  was  not  written  till  after  the  publication  of  Wood's  New  Eng- 
land's Prospect,  to  which  reference  is  fre- 
quently made  in  the  New  English  Canaan. 
The  A'ew  Etigland'^s  Prospect  was  entered  at 
the  Stationers',  "  7  Julii,  1634,"  and  was  pub- 
lished the  same  year.  Morton's  book  is  ded- 
icated to  the  Commissioners  for  Foreign 
Plantations,  —  a  body  not  created  till  April 
28,  1634.  The  book  must  have  been  entered 
at  the  Stationers'  some  time  in  anticipation  of 
its  printing;  and  when  printed,  some  copies 
were  struck  off  bearing  the  imprint  of  Charles 
•-^x^Lji  Vl^l-0-*^  Greene,  though  only  one  copy  is  now  known 

/H^^  ^  "  with  his  name  on  the  titlepage. 

L^  The  first  serious  trouble  \i«i^  the  Indians, 

which  had  been  brewing  for  some  years,  cul- 
minated in  1637,  when  the  Pequotswere  anni- 
hilated.    This  produced  a  number  of  narrations,  two  of  which  were  published  at  the  time, 
and  in  London,—  one  by  Philip  Vinceftt,^  in  1637,  and  one  by  Captain  John  Underbill,  in 
1638.4     The  former  is  not  known  to  have  been  in   New  England  at  the  time,  but  the 


/:  ^?c*f/  ^A«y7^^ 


AUTOGRAPHS  OF  LEADERS  IN  THE  WAR. 


brought  $200.  Cf.  Afenzies  Catalogtie,  no.  2,187. 
The  second  and  third  editions  had  each  eighty- 
three  pages,  besides  an  appendix  of  Indian 
words.  The  1764  edition  has  an  anonymous  in- 
troduction, perhaps  by  Nathaniel  Rogers  {Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Froc,  November,  1862)  or  James  Otis 
(Ibid.,  September,  1862).  Mr.  Deane  reprints 
this  preface.  —  Ed.] 

1  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Jr.,  recently 
prepared  a  new  edition  of  Morton's  book  for 
publication  by  the  Prince  Society.  It  is  accom- 
panied by  a  memoir  of  Morton. 

2  [There  has  been  a  strange  amount  of  mis- 
dating in  respect  to  this  book.  The  Mondidier 
Catalogue  (Henry  Stevens)  gives  it,  "  Printed  by 
W.  S.  Stansby  for  Rob.  Elount,  1625."  (Sabin, 
Dictionary,  xii.  51,028.)  The  Sunderland  Cata- 
logue, iv.  no.  8,684,  gives  it  1627,  — a  date  fol- 


lowed by  Quaritch  in  a  later  catalogue.  Cf. 
Rich,  Catalogue  (1832),  no.  218  ;  (1844),  priced  at 
£\  8j-.  ;  Menzies,  no.  1,440,  $160;  Carter-Brown 
Catalogue,  ii.  443 ;  Memorial  History  of  Boston, 
i.  80.    It  is  included  in  Force's  Tracts,  ii.  —  Ed.] 

^  His  tract  of  twenty-three  pages  is  entitled 
A  True  Relation  of  the  Late  Battell  fought  in  New 
England  hetzueen  the  English  and  the  Salvages, 
etc.,  London,  1637.  [There  was  a  reissue  in 
1638  of  the  first  edition,  and  a  second  edition 
the  same  year,  which  last  is  in  Harvard  College 
and  the  Prince  libraries.  There  is  an  account  of 
Vincent  by  Hunter  in  4  Coll.,  i.  Cf.  Rich  ( 1832), 
Catalogue,  no.  221 ;  Crozvnin shield  Catalogie,  no. 
766 ;  Carter-Bro7vn  Catalogue,  ii.  448,  461,  462  ; 
Field,  Indian  Bibliography,  no.  1,606. —  Ed.] 

*  His  tract  was  entitled,  Nezues  from  America, 
etc.,  London,  1638.     [There  is  a  copy  in  Har- 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


349 


minute  particulars  of  his  narrative  would  lead  one  to  suppose  that  he  had  been  in  close 
communication  with  some  persons  who  had  been  in  the  conflict.  He  could  hardly  have 
been  present  himself.  Captain  John  Underhill,  the  writer  of  the  second  tract,  was  com- 
mander of  the  Massachusetts  forces  at  the  storming  of  the  fort,  so  that  he  narrates  much 
of  what  he  saw.  He  prefaces  his  account  with  a  description  of  the  country,  and  of  the 
origin  of  the  troubles  with  the  Pequots.  Both  these  narratives  are  reprinted  in  3  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  vi. 

I  may  add  here  that  there  were  other  narratives  of  the  Pequot  War  written  by  actors  in 
it.  A  narrative  by  Major  John  Mason,  the  commander  of  the  Connecticut  forces,  was  left 
by  him  on  his  death,  in  manuscript,  and  was  communicated  by  his  grandson  to  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  who  published  it  in  1736.  It  is  the  best  account  of  the  affair  written. 
Some  two  or  three  years  after  the  death  of  Mason,  Mr.  Allyn,  the  Secretary  of  the  colony 
of  Connecticut,  sent  a  narrative  of  the  Pequot  War  to  Increase  Mather,  who  published  it 
in  his  Relation  of  the  Troubles^  etc.,  1677,  as  of  Allyn's  composition.  Having  no  preface 
or  titlepage,  Mather  did  not  know  that  it  was  written  by  Major  Mason,  as  was  afterward 
fully  explained  by  Prince,  who  had  the  entire  manuscript  from  Mason's  grandson.^ 

Lyon  Gardiner,  commander  of  the  Saybrook  fort  during  the  Pequot  War,  also  wrote 
an  account  of  the  action,  prefacing  it  with  a  narrative  of  recollections  of  earlier  events. 
It  was  written  in  his  old  age.     It  was  first  printed  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.^  iii.  136-160.^ 

For  the  history  of  the  Antinomian  controversy  which  broke  out  about  this  time  and 
convulsed  the  whole  of  New  England,  see  the  examination  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  in  Hutch- 
inson's Massachusetts  Bay,  ii.  482  ;  Welde's  Short  Story,  etc.,  London,  1644;  Chandler's 
Crifninal  Trials,  Boston,  1841,  vol.  i.^ 

A  small  quarto  volume  published  in  London  in  1641,  entitled  An  Abstract  of  the 
Lawes  of  New  England  as  they  are  now  Established,  was  one  of  the  results  of  an  attempt 
to  form  a  body  of  standing  laws  for  the  colony.  I  may  premise,  that,  at  the  first  meeting  of 
the  Court  of  Assistants  at  Charlestown,  certain  rules  of  proceeding  in  civil  actions  were 
established,  and  powers  for  punishing  offenders  instituted.  In  the  former  case  equity 
according  to  circumstances  was  the  rule  ;  and  in  punishing  offences  they  professed  to  be 
governed  by  the  judicial  laws  of  Moses  where  such  laws  were  of  a  moral  nature.^  But 
such  proceedings  were  arbitrary  and  uncertain,  and  the  body  of  the  people  were  clamorous 
for  a  code  of  standing  laws.     John  Cotton  had  been  requested  to  assist  in  framing  such  a 


vard  College  Library  and  in  Charles  Deane's. 
Cf.  also,  Rich  (1832),  no.  220,  and  Carter-Brown 
Catalogue,  li.  460,  with  fac-simile  of  title. —  Ed.j 

1  [It  was  again  re- 
printed in  a  volume 
on  the  Mohegan  Case 
in  1796  (cf.  Brinley 
Catalogue,  no.  2,085  5 
Menzies,  1,338,  $40)  ; 
and  afterward,  follow- 
ing Prince's  edition,  in 
2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
viii.  120;  and  in  New 
York  by  Sabin,  in 
1869.  Field's  Indian 
Bibliography, xvo.  1,021. 
Cf.  references  on  Ma- 
son in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  253.  —  Ed.] 

2  [It  is  also  reprinted  in  some  copies  of 
Dodge's  edition  of  Penhallow's  Indian  Wars 
Cincinnati,  1859.  Cf.  '$i2^yiVi,  Dictionary,  vW.  165  ; 
and  accounts  of  Gardiner  in  Thompson's  Long 
Island,  i.   305,  and  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  x.  173. 


Further  references  on  the  Pequot  War  will  be 
found  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  255; 
and  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Froc.j  May,  i860, 


/J  ^ 


^—  5-0  fe_- 


't 


will  be  found  a  letter  from  Jonathan  Brewster 
describing  its  outbreak.  — Ed.] 

^  [More  extensive  references  will  be  found  in 
Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i  176,  and  Harvard 
College  Library  Bulletin,  no.  ii,  p-  287.—  Ed.] 

4  See  Hutchinson,  i.  435. 


lav 


350  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

code,  and  in  October,  1636,  he  handed  in  to  the  General  Court  a  copy  of  a  body  of  laws 
that  he  had  compiled  "in  an  exact  method,"  called  "  Moses  his  Judicials,"  which  the 
Court  took  into  consideration  till  the  next  meeting.  The  subject  occupied  attention  from 
year  to  year,  till  in  December,  1641,  the  General  Court  established  a  body  of  one  hundred 
laws,  called  the  Body  of  Liberties,  which  had  been  composed 
the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward,i  of  Ipswich.  No  copy  of  these 
laws  was  known  to  have  been  preserved  on  the  records  of 
the  colony;  and  of  the  earliest  printed  digest  of  the  laws,  in 
1648,  which  no  doubt  substantially  conformed  to  the  Body  of  Liberties,  no  copy  is  extant. 

The  Abstract  above  recited,  published  in  1641,  was  therefore  for  many  years  regarded 
as  the  Body  of  Liberties,  or  an  abstract  of  them,  passed  in  that  year.  About  forty  years 
ago  Francis  C.  Gray,  Esq.,  noticed  in  the  Hbrary  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum  a  manuscript 
code  of  laws  entitled  "A  Copy  of  the  Liberties  of  the  Massachusetts  Colonic  in  New 
England,"  which  he  caused  to  be  printed  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  216-237,  with  a 
learned  introduction,  in  which  he  showed  conclusively  that  this  body  of  laws  was  the  code 
of  1641,  and  that  the  Abstract  printed  that  year  in  London  was  John  Cotton's  code,  Moses 
his  Judicials,  which  the  General  Court  never  adopted.  A  copy  having  found  its  way  to 
England,  it  was  sent  to  the  press  under  a  misapprehension,  and  an  erroneous  titlepage 
prefixed  to  it.  Indeed,  that  John  Cotton  was  the  author  of  the  code  published  in  London 
in  1641  had  been  evident  from  an  early  period,  by  means  of  a  second  and  enlarged  edition 
pubhshed  in  London  by  William  Aspinwall  in  1655,  from  a  manuscript  copy  left  by  the 
author.  Aspinwall,  then  in  England,  in  a  long  address  to  the  reader,  says  that  Cotton 
collected  out  of  the  Scriptures,  and  digested  this  Abstract,  and  commended  it  to  the  Court 
of  Massachusetts,  "  which  had  they  then  had  the  heart  to  have  received,  it  might  have 
been  better  both  with  them  there  and  us  here  than  now  it  is."  The  Abstract  of  1641,  with 
Aspinwall's  preface  to  the  edition  of  1655,  was  reprinted  in  i  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  173-192. 
Hutchinson,  Papers,  1769,  pp.  161-179,  ^^^  already  printed  the  former. ^ 

The  rehgious  character  of  the  colony  was  exemplified  by  the  publication,  in  1640,  of 
the  first  book  issued  from  the  Cambridge  press,  set  up  by  Stephen  Daye  the  year  before  ; 
namely,  The  Whole  Booke  of  Psalmes  Faithfully  Translated  into  English  Metre,  by 
Richard  Mather,  Thomas  Welde,  and  John  Eliot.  Prince,  in  the  preface  to  his  revised 
edition  of  this  book,  1758,  says  that  it  "  had  the  honor  of  being  the  First  Book  printed  in 
North  America,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  find,  in  this  whole  New  World."  Prince  was  not 
aware  that  a  printing  press  had  existed  in  the  City  of  Mexico  one  hundred  years  before.^ 
He  was  right,  however,  in  the  first  part  of  his  sentence.  Eight  copies  of  the  book  are 
known  to  be  extant,  of  which  two  are  in  Cambridge,  where  it  was  printed.  Within  a  year 
or  two  a  copy  has  been  sold  for  fifteen  hundred  dollars.^  The  first  thing  printed  by  Daye 
was  the  freeman's  oath,  the  next  was  an  almanac  made  for  New  England  by  Mr.  William 
Peirce,  mariner,  —  so  says  Winthrop.     What  enterprising  explorer  of  garrets  and  cellars 

1  [Ward  is  better  known,  however,  by   his  A  note  on  the  bibliography  of  the  subject  will  be 

Simple   Cobler  of  Aggawatn  in  America,  which  found  in   Memorial  History   of  Boston,    i.    145. 

passed  through  four  editions  in  London  in  1647,  Cf.  Brinley  Catalogue,  p.  108 ;  Carter-Broaim  Cat- 

—  a  rarity  now  worth  six  or  seven  pounds;  Carter-  alogue,  ii.  483;  Sabin,  no.  52,595.      Mr.  Deane 

Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  624;  O'Callaghan  Catalogue,  has  a  copy  .  —  Ed.] 

2,351 ;  Menzies  Catalogue,  no.  2,038,  etc.     It  was  ^  A  list  of  books  there  printed  from  1540  to 

not  reprinted  in  Boston  till  17 13,  and  again,  edited  1 599  may  be  seerf  in  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue, 

by  David  Pulsifer,  in  1843.    Mr.  John  Ward  Dean  i.  131-135. 

published  a  good  memoir  of  Ward  in  1868.     The  *  [Something  of   its  bibliographical  history 

book  in  question  is  no  further  historical  than  that  is  told  with  references  in  Memorial  History  of 

it  illustrates  the  length  to  which  good   people  Boston,  i,  458-460.    Of  two  copies  of  the  original 

could  go  in  vindication  of  intolerance,  in  days  edition  there  mentioned,  one,  the  Fiske  copy,  is 

when  Antinomianism  and  other  aggressive  views  now  in  the  Carter-Brown  library  {Catalogue,  ii. 

were  troubling  many.  —  Ed.]  470) ;  another,  the  Vanderbilt  copy,  has  since  been 


[The  Abstract  is  also  in  Force's  Tracts,  iii.     burned  in  New  York.  —  Ed. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  35 1 

will  add  copies  of  these  to  our  collections  of  Americana  ?  Probably  one  of  the  last  books 
printed  by  Daye  was  the  first  digest  of  the  laws  of  the  colony,  which  was  passing  through 
the  press  in  1648.  Johnson  says  it  was  printed  that  year.  Probably  1649  was  the  date 
on  the  titlepage.  Not  a  single  copy  is  known  to  be  in  existence.  Daye  was  succeeded 
in  1649  by  Samuel  Green,  who  issued  books  from  the  Cambridge  press  for  nearly  fifty 
years. ^ 

One  of  the  most  interesting  and  authentic  of  the  early  narratives  relating  to  the  colony 
is  Thomas  Lechford's  Plain  Dealings  London,  1642.  Lechford  came  over  here  in  1638, 
arriving  June  27,  and  he  embarked  for  home  Aug.  3,  1641.  He  was  a  lawyer  by  profes- 
sion, and  he  came  here  with  friendly  feelings  toward  the  Puritan  settlement.  But  lawyers 
were  not  wanted  in  the  colony.  He  was  looked  upon  with  suspicion,  and  could  barely  earn 
a  living  for  his  family.  He  did  some  writing  for  the  magistrates,  and  transcribed  some 
papers  for  Nathaniel  Ward,  the  supposed  author  of  the  Body  of  Liberties,  to  whom  he  may 
have  rendered  professional  aid  in  that  work.  He  prepared  his  book  for  the  press  soon 
after  his  return  home.  It  is  full  of  valuable  information  relating  to  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  colony,  written  by  an  able  and  impartial  hand.^ 

To  the  leading  men  in  the  colony,  religion,  or  their  own  notion  concerning  religion, 
was  the  one  absorbing  theme;  and  they  sought  to  embody  it  in  a  union  of  Church  and 
State.  In  this  regard  John  Cotton  ^  seems  to  have  been  the  mouthpiece  of  the  community. 
He  came  near  losing  his  influence  at  the  time  of  the  Antinomian  controversy ;  but  by 
judicious  management  he  recovered  himself.  He  was  not  averse  to  discussion,  had 
a  passion  for  writing,  and  his  pen  was  ever  active.  The  present  writer  has  nearly  thirty 
of  Cotton's  books,  —  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue  shows  over  forty,  —  written  in  New- 
England,  and  sent  to  London  to  be  printed.  Some  of  these  were  in  answer  to  inquiries 
from  London  concerning  their  church  estate,  etc.,  here,  and  were  intended  to  satisfy  the 
curiosity  of  friends,  as  well  as  to  influence  public  opinion  there.  Cotton  had  a  long 
controversy  with  Roger  Williams  relating  to  the  subject  of  Williams's  banishment  from 
this  colony.  Another  discussion  with  him,  which  took  a  Httle  different  form,  was  the 
*'  Bloudy  Tenet "  controversy,  which  had  another  origin,  and  in  which  the  question  of 
persecution  for  conscience'  sake  was  discussed.  Williams,  of  course,  here  had  the  argu- 
ment on  the  general  principle.  Cotton  was  like  a  strong  man  struggling  in  the  mire.* 
Cotton's  book  on  the  Keyes  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  shows  his  idea  of  the  true  church 
polity.  His  answer  to  Baylie's  Dissuasive  in  The  Way  of  the  Congregational  Chi-trches 
Cleared  is  really  a  valuable  historical  book,  in  which,  incidentally,  he  introduces  informa- 
tion concerning  persons  and  events  which  relate  to  Plymouth  as  well  as  to  Massachusetts. 
This  book  furnished  to  the  present  writer  the  clew  to  the  fact  that  John  Winthrop  was  the 
author  of  the  principal  part  of  the  contents  of  Welde's  Short  Story ^  published  in  London 

1  For  a  list  of  Daye's  and  Green's  books  see  is  certainly  no  longer  unique,  though  the  book  is 

Thomas's  History  of  Printing,  2d  ed. ;  and  other  rare  enough   to   have   been   priced  recently  in 

references  to  the  early  history  of  the  press  in  London  at  $75.     Cf.  Sabin,  Dictionary,  x.  158; 

New  England  will  be  found  in  Memorial  Flistory  Carter-Brown   Catalogue,    ii.    506,    545  ;    Brinley 

of  Boston,  i.  ch.  14.  Catalogue,  no.  322;  Menzies,  no.  1,202.     There  is 

■^  It  was  reprinted  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  a  note-book  of  Lechford  preserved  in  the  Am- 
A  new  edition,  with  learned  notes  and  an  intro-  erican  Antiquarian  Society's  Cabinet.  —  Ed.] 
ductionby  the  editor,  Dr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  ^  [A  portrait  of  Cotton  of  somewhat  doubt- 
was  published  in  Boston  in  1867.  [A  portion  of  ful  authenticity,  together  with  references  on  his 
the  manuscript  is  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Histor-  life,  will  be  found  in  Memorial  History  of  Bos- 
ical  Society,  and  a  fac-simile  of  a  page  of  it  is  ton,  i.  157. — Ed.] 

given  herewith,  together  with  the  accompanying  *  [The   best   bibliographical    record   of   the 

statement  on   the   manuscript   in   the   hand   of  books  in  Cotton's  controversy  with  Williams,  as 

the  learned  Boston  antiquary,  James  Savage,  of  indeed  of  most  of  the   points  of   this   present 

whom  there  is  a  memoir  by  G.  S.  Hillard  in  essay,  is  the  appendix  of  Dexter's  0«^r^^a//^«a/- 

Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xvi.  117.     Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  ism;  a  briefer  survey,  grouping  the  books  in  their 

and  Geneal.  Reg.,  i.  81.    The  autograph  of  Lech-  relations,  is  in  Memorial  History  of  Bostofi,  i.  172. 

ford  is  from  another  source.     The  Ebeling  copy  See  a  later  page  under  "  Rhode  Island."  —  Ed.] 


352  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


in  1644,  relating  to  the  Antinomian  troubles  and  Mrs.  Hutchinson.  The  Rev.  Thomas 
Hooker,  of  Hartford,  entered  with  Cotton  into  the  church  controversy.  His  Survey  of  the 
Summe  of  Church  Discipline,  etc.,  written  in  answer  to  Rutherford,  Hudson,  and  Baylie, 
Presbyterian  controversialists,  was  published  within  the  same  cover  with  Cotton's  book 
last  cited,  and  one  general  titlepage  covered  both,  with  the  imprint  of  London,  1648. 
Well  known  among  Cotton's  other  productions  is  his  Milk  for  Babes,  drawn  out  of  the 
Breasts  of  both  Testajnents,  chiefly  for  the  Spiritual  Nourishment  of  Boston  Babes  in 


NEW   ENGLAND.  353 

3 


\ 


^^^e^f^^..^  ^^^^  ^^>^^^  ^/^i.  S^^Ci^C 

/^  ^^^y^c^.^.^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^  "^^  ^ 

c^Xa^oi^  e^u.,^^£^^^  i^^^tj^a^^/  ct^j'^'^ 


t{7n^tt''j%  ^tfui 


VOL.    III.  —  45 


354  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

either  England,  but  may  be  of  like  Use  for  any  Children,  London,  1646.1  The  discussion 
of  Cotton  and  others  having  confirmed  the  colony  in  its  church  polity,  —  "From  New- 
England,"  says  Baylie,  writing  in  London  in  1645,  "came  Independency  of  Churches 
hither,  which  hath  spread  over  all  parts  here,"  —  it  was  thought  best  to  embody  the 
system  in  a  platform.  So  a  synod  was  called  for  May,  1646,  which  by  sundry  meetings 
and  adjournments  completed  the  work  in  August,  1648.  The  result  was  the  famous 
"  Cambridge  Platform,"  which  continued  the  rule  of  our  ecclesiastical  polity,  with  slight 
variations,  till  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  1780.  It  was  printed  at  Cambridge, 
in  1649,  by  Samuel  Green,  —  probably  his  first  book,  —  and  was  entitled  A  Platform 
of  Church  Discipline,  etc.  A  copy  of  the  printed  volume  was  sent  over  to  London  by 
John  Cotton  (who  probably  had  the  largest  agency  in  preparing  the  work)  ^  to  Edward 
Winslow,  then  in  England,  who  procured  it  to  be  printed  in  1653,  with  an  explanatory 
preface  by  himself.^ 

The  important  poHtical  union  of  the  New  England  colonies,  or  a  portion  of  them, 
in  1643,  has  been  already  .referred  to.  The  Articles  of  Confederation  were  first  printed 
in  1656  in  London,  prefixed  to  Governor  Eaton's  code  of  laws  entitled  New  Haven's 
Settling  in  New  England,'^  —  to  be  mentioned  further  on. 

The  trouble  of  Massachusetts  with  Samuel  Gorton  was  brought  about  by  the  unwar- 
rantable conduct  of  the  colony  towards  that  eccentric  person.  Gorton  appealed  to  Eng- 
land, and  Edward  Winslow,  the  diplomatist  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts,  was  sent 
over  to  defend  the  Bay  colony.  Gorton's  Simplicitie" s  Defence,  pubhshed  in  London  in 
1646,  was  answered  by  Winslow's  Hypocrasie  Unmasked,  issued  the  same  year.  This 
was  reissued  in  1649,  with  a  new  titlepage,  called  The  Danger  of  tolerating  Levellers 
i7i  a  Civill  State,  the  Dedication  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  in  the  former  issue,  being 
omitted.^ 

Winslow  had  his  hands  full,  about  this  time,  in  defending  Massachusetts.  The 
colony  was  never  without  a  disturbing  element  in  its  own  population,  and  about  the  time 
of  the  trouble  with  Gorton  a  number  of  influential  persons  who  held  Presbyterian  views 
of  church  government  were  clamorous  for  the  right  of  suffrage,  which  was  denied  them. 
The  controversy  of  the  Government  with  Dr.  Robert  Child,  Samuel  Maverick,  and  others, 
in  1646,  need  not  be  repeated  here.  An  appeal  was  made  to  England.  Child  and  some 
of  his  associates  went  thither,  and  published  a  book  in  1647,  in  London,  called  New 
England'' s  fonas  cast  tip  at  London,  edited  by  Child's  brother,  Major  John  Child,  whose 

1  This  is  the  earliest  edition  of  this  famous  ^  Copies  of  Winslow's  book  are  very  rare, 
book  ;  and  I  know  of  but  two  copies  of  it,  —  and  are  worth  probably  one  hundred  dollars  or 
one  before  me,  and  one  in  the  Thomason  Library  more,  being  rarely  seen  in  the  market.  [There 
in  the  British  Museum.  Mr.  Arthur  Ellis,  in  his  are  copies  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library  {Cata- 
History  of  the  First  Church  in  Boston,  has  given  logue,  ii.  600,  with  fac-simile  of  title),  and  in  Mr. 
a  fac-simile  of  the  titlepage.  An  edition  was  Deane's  collection.  The  second  edition  appears 
printed  at  Cambridge  in  1656,  of  which  a  copy  is  in  the  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  691.  —  Ed  ]  Gor- 
in  the  library  of  the  late  George  Livermore.  ton's   book,   also  rare,  has   been    reprinted   by 

2  Palfrey,  New  England,  ii.  184.  J"dge  Staples,  with  learned  notes,  in  the  Rhode 
^  In  1725  the  Results  of  Three  Synods  .  .  .  of    Island  Historical  Society^ s  Collections,  vol.  ii.  [and 

the  Churches  of  Massachusetts,  1648,    1662,  and  is   also  in   Force's    Tracts,  vol.  iv.      There   are 

1669,    was   reprinted    in    Boston.      Cf.    Carter-  copies   in    the    Prince,   Charles  Deane,    Carter- 

Bro7vn  Catalogue,  iii.  no.  362.  Brown  {Catalogue,  ii.  589,  with  a  long  note),  and 

*  A  copy  of  the  rare  first  edition  is  in  the  Harvard  College  libraries.     Cf.  also  Sabin's  Dic- 

library  of  the  American    Antiquarian    Society,  tion'ary,  vii.  352,  and  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  578. 

from  which  twenty  copies  were  reprinted  by  Mr.  — Ed.]     While  writing  this  note  there  has  come 

Hoadly,  Secretary  of  State  of   Connecticut,  in  to  my  hand  no.  17  of  Mr.  S.  S.  Rider's  Rhode 

1858.     The  important  subject  of  this  confedera-  Island  Historical    Tracts,   containing     "  A    De- 

tion  is  sufficiently  illustrated  in  a  lecture  by  John  fence   of    Samuel    Gorton   and   the    Settlers  of 

Quincy  Adams,  in   1843,  published  in  3  Mass.  Shawomet,"  by  George  A.  Brayton.     See  other 

Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  187.     [See  references  to  reprints  authorities    noted   in   the   Memorial  History  of 

of  the  articles,  and  notes  on  the  Confederacy  in  Boston,  \.  171,  and  in  Bartlett's  Bibliography  oj 

Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  299.  —  Ed.]  Rhode  Island. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  355 

name  appears  upon  the  titlepage.  A  postscript  comments  unfavorably  on  Winslow's 
Hypocrasie  Unynasked.  This  book  was  replied  to  by  Winslow  in  a  tract  called  New 
England's  Salamander  Discovered^  etc.,  London,  1647.  These  books  are  important  as 
illustrating  Massachusetts  history  at  this  period.' 

During  this  visit  of  Winslow  to  England,  from  which  he  never  returned  to  New 
England,  he  performed  a  grateful  service  in  behalf  of  the  natives.  By  his  influence  a 
corporation  was  created  by  Parliament,  in  1649,  for  propagating  the  gospel  among  the 
Indian  tribes  in  New  England,  and  some  of  the  accounts  of  the  progress  of  the  missions, 
sent  over  from  the  colony,  were  published  in  London  by  the  corporation.  The  conversion 
of  the  natives  was  one  object  set  forth  in  the  Massachusetts  charter  ;  and  Roger  Williams 
had,  while  a  resident  of  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  taken  a  deep  interest  in  them,  and 
in  1643,  while  on  a  voyage  to  England,  he  drew  up  A  Key  unto  the  Language  of  America  ^^ 
published  that  year  in  London.  In  that  same  year  there  was  also  published  in  London 
a  small  tract  called  New  England^s  First-Fruits^  first  in  respect  to  the  college,  and 
second  in  respect  to  the  Indians.^  Some  hopeful  instances  of  conversion  among  the 
natives  were  briefly  given  in  this  tract.  In  1647  a  more  full  relation  of  Eliot's  labors  was 
sent  over  to  Winslow,  who  the  year  before  had  arrived  in  England  as  agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  printed  under  the  title.  The  Day  breakings  if  not  the  Smi  rising,  of  the 
Gospel  with  the  Indians  in  New  England.  In  the  following  year,  1648,  a  narrative  was 
published  in  London,  written  by  Thomas  Shepard,  called  The  Clear  Sunshine  of  the 
Gospel  breaking  forth  2cpon  the  Indi- 
ans, etc.,  and  this  in  1649  ^^^  fol-  A  r^u  f  Tt^  /  ^  /  '  /^  ^ 
lowed   by    The   Glorious  Progress  of     O^  firX'*'^'/  XTl^'^y,^^^^.  O /U^f! /^. 

the    Gospel  afnongst  the  Indians   in         ''j^/'l  *    '^L  g     ^'   rV       /  / \* 

New  England,  setting  forth  the  labors     -j^oulo^  (*»<^'^1J^^  <"*^Jkc^S,  U  ^^>^ 
of    Eliot  and    Mayhew.      The    Rev.      "^      .    ^   '^    n    r. . ..    ..  ^.    ^  H   r\.  „ 

Henry  Whitfield,  who  had  been  pastor 
of  a  church  in  Guilford,  Conn.,  returned 
to  England  in  1650  ;  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year  he  published  in  London  The 
Light  appearing  more  and  more 
ards  the  Perfect  Day,  and  in 
Strength  out  of  Weakness,  both  con- 
taining  accounts,    written    chiefly   by  ,  4 

_,.       ^^,  '  r   .  .       .\  SHEPARD  S    AUTOBIOGRAPHY.^ 

Ehot,  of  the  progress  of  his  labors. 

This  last  tract  was  the  first  of  those  published  by  the  Corporation,  which  continued 
thenceforth,  for  several  years,  to  publish  the  record  of  the  missions  as  they  were  sent 
over  from  the  colony.  In  1653  a  tract  appeared  under  the  title  of  Tears  of  Repent- 
a?tce,  etc.;  in  1655,  ^  ^^l^  and  further  Ma7iifestation  of  the  Progress  of  the  Gospel,  etc. ; 
in  1659,  ^  firther  Accompt,  etc.  :  and  in  1660,  A  further  Accoutit  still. ^     Eliot's  h'terary 


An  ^y t*/i  j  ^J^  ^  /  ^^4,  o  /^^/^ 

I  The 

Z,f-  x^^i^'^^^-^  ]s- 


1  Child's  book  was  reprinted  in  part  in  2  and  much  relating  to  the  embodiment  of  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iv.  107.  It  was  reprinted  in  Indian  speech  in  literary  form,  see  Dr.  J.  H. 
1869  by  William  Parsons  Lunt,  with  notes  by  Trumbull's  chapter  on  "  The  Indian  Tongue  and 
W.  T.  R.  Marvin.  A  copy  of  the  original  edi-  the  Literature  fashioned  by  Eliot  and  others," 
tion  is  in  the  library  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  465,  with  refer- 
and  in  that  of  John  Carter  Brown  [Catalogue,  ii.  ences  there  noted.  —  Ed.] 

608),  which  also  has  a  copy  of  Winslow's  New  ^  That  part  relating  to  the  college  was  pub- 
England's  Salamander  [Catalogue,  ii.  623),  and  lished  in  an  early  volume  of  the  Collections  oi  i\\e 
there  is  another  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 
This  is  also  reprinted  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  *  [A  fac-simile  of  the  opening  of  the  little 
ii.  no.  The  Remonstrance  and  Petition  of  book,  which  contains  Thomas  Shepard's  auto- 
Child  and  others,  and  the  Declaration  in  answer  biography,  now  the  property  of  the  Shepard  Me- 
thereto,  may  be  seen  in  Hutchinson's  Papers,  morial  Church  in  Cambridge.  —  Ed.] 
p.  188  et  seq.  5  The  originals  of  these  tracts,  with  one  ex- 

2  [For  an  account  of  this  book  and  its  history,  ception,  are  in  the  possession  of  the  writer,  and 


356 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


labors  in  behalf  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians  culminated  in  the  translation  of  the  Bible 
into  their  dialect,  and  its  publication  through  the  Cambridge  press.  The  Testament  was 
printed  in  1661,  and  the  whole  Bible  in  1663;  and  second  editions  of  each  appeared,  —  the 
former  in  1680,  and  the  latter  in  1685. ^ 

Ehot  was  imbued  with  the  enthusiasm  of  the  time.  As  John  Cotton  had  deduced 
a  body  of  laws  from  the  Scriptures,  which  he  offered  to  the  General  Court  for  the  colony, 
so  in  hke  manner  Ehot  drew  from  the  Scriptures  a  frame  of  government  for  a  common- 
wealth. It  was  entitled  The  Christiafi  Commonwealth  j  or,  the  Civil  Polity  of  the  Rising 
Kitigdom  of  Jesus  Christ,  which  he  sent  to  England  during  the  interregnum,  and  com- 
mended to  the  people  there.  He  had  drawn  up  a  similar  form  for  his  Indian  community, 
and  had  put  it  in  practice.  His  manuscript,  after  slumbering  for  some  years,  was  printed 
in  London  in  1659,  ^"^^  some  copies  came  over  to  the  colony.     The  Restoration  soon  fol- 


they  are  for  the  most  part  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library ;  and  seven  of  them  are  published  in 
3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  [Further  bibliogra- 
phical detail  can  be  found  in  Dr.  Dexter's  Con- 
grt'gationalism  ;  Sabin,  Dictionary ;  Dr.  Trum- 
bull's Brinley  Catalogue,  p.  52  ;  Field's  Indian 
Bibliography;  Memorial  History  oj  Boston,  i.  265, 
etc. ;  and  more  or  less  of  the  titles  appear  in  the 
Menzies  (nos.  1,475,  i>8i5,  1,816,  2,124,  2,125), 
O'Callaghan  (nos.  852,  etc.),  and  Rich  {1832,  nos. 
237,  261,  263,  273,  280,  287,  292,  304,  316,  355) 
catalogues.  Some  of  these  Eliot  tracts  were  used 
in  compiling  the  postscript  on  the  "  Gospel's 
Good  Successe  in  New  England,"  appended  to 
a  book  Of  the  Conversion  of  .  .  .  Indians,  Lon- 
don, 1650  (Sabin,  xiii.  56,742).  Eliot's  own 
Brief  Narrative  (1670)  of  his  labors  has  been 
reprinted  in  Boston,  and  in  the  appendix  of  the 
reprint  is  a  list  of  the  writers  on  the  subject. 
Letters  of  Eliot,  dated  1651-52,  on  his  labors, 
are  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  July, 
1882.  For  an  alleged  portrait  of  Eliot  and  ref- 
erences, see  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  260, 


261.'    A  better  engraving  has  since  appeared  in 
the  Century  Magazine,  1883.  —  Ed.] 

1  [Some  cppies  of  the  second  edition  have  a 
dedication  to  Robert  Boyle  and  the  Company 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  among  the 
Indians,  signed  by  William  Stoughton,  Joseph 
Dudley,  Peter  Bulkley,  and  Thomas  Hinckley. 
Eliot  was  assisted  in  this  second  edition  by  John 
Cotton,  of  Plymouth,  son  of  the  Boston  minister ; 
and  the  type  was  in  part  set  for  both  editions 
by  James  Printer,  an  Indian  taught  to  do  the 
work.  There  is  a  notice  of  Boyle  by  C.  O. 
Thompson  in  the  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.,  April, 
1882,  p.  54;  and  one  of  the  Society  for  Propa- 
gating the  Gospel,  by  G.  D.  Scull,  in  the  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  April,  1882,  p.  157.  Cf. 
Sabin's  Dictionary,  viii.  552.  A  portion  of  the 
original  manuscript  records  of  the  society  (1655- 
1685)  were  described  in  Stevens's  Bibliotheca 
Historica  (1870),  no.  1,399,  and  brought  in  the 
sale  $265.  The  bibliographical  history  of  the  In- 
dian Bible  is  given  in  Dr.  Trumbull's  chapter  in 
the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  as  before  noted. 


y^(r^<Lm-,:m.^J.  y  /3       vi/Avx.?n-  J!^u^^ 


^^oyi.. 


AUTOGRAPHS  CONNECTED   WITH   THE    INDIAN    BIBLE. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


357 


I 


lowed.  Eliot  had  in  his  treatise  reflected  on  kingly  government,  and  in  May,  1661,  the 
General  Court  ordered  the  book  to  be  totally  suppressed ;  and  all  persons  having  copies 
of  it  were  commanded  either  to  cancel  or  deface  the  same,  or  deliver  them  to  the  next 
magistrate.  Eliot  acknowledged  his  fault  under  his  own  hand,  saying  he  sent  the  manu- 
script to  England  some  nine  or  ten  years  before.  Hutchinson,  commenting  on  this  whole 
proceeding,  says,  "  When  the  times  change,  men  generally  suffer  their  opinions  to  change 
with  them,  so  far  at  least  as  is  necessary  to  avoid  danger."  How  many  copies  of  the  book 
were  destroyed  by  this  order  of  the  court,  we  cannot  tell.  A  few  years  ago  the  only  copy 
known  was  owned  by  Colonel  Thomas  Aspinvvall,  then  residing  in  London  ;  and  from  this 
copy  a  transcript  was  made,  and  it  was  printed  in  1846  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  129.1 

Ehot  was  not  the  only  distinguished  citizen  whose  book  came  under  the  ban  of  the 
Massachusetts  authorities.  William  Pynchon,  of  Springfield,  wrote  a  book  which  was 
published  in  London  in  1650,  entitled  The  Meritorious  price  of  our  Redemption,  etc., 
copies  of  which  arrived  in  Boston  during  the  session  of  the  General  Court  in  October  of 
that  year.  The  Court  immediately  condemned  it,  and  ordered  it  to  be  burned  the  next 
day  in  the  market-place,  which  was  done  ;  and  Mr.  Norton  was  asked  to  answer  it. 
Norton  obeyed,  and  the  book  he  wrote  was  ordered  to  be  sent  to  London  to  be  published. 
It  was  A  Discussion  of  that  Great  Point  in  Divinity,  the  Sufferijtgs  of  Christ,  etc.,  1653. 
Pynchon  in  the  mean  time  was  brought  before  the  Court,  and  was  plied  by  several  ortho- 
dox divines.  He  admitted  that  some  points  in  his  book  were  overstated,  and  his  sentence 
was  postponed.  N©t  hking  his  treatment  here  he  went  back  to  England  in  1652,  and 
published  a  reply  to  Norton  in  a  work  with  a  title  similar  to  that  which  gave  the  original 
offence,  London,  1655.  Pynchon  held  that  Christ  did  not  suffer  the  torments  of  hell  for 
mankind,  and  that  he  bore  not  our  sins  by  imputation.  A  more  full  answer  to  Norton's 
book  was  published  by  him  in  1662,  called  the  Covenant  of  Nature!^ 

John  Winthrop  died  March  26,  1649.  ^^  man  in  the  colony  was  so  well  quahfied  as 
he,  either  from  opportunity  or  character,  to  write  its  history.  Yet  he  left  no  history.  But 
he  left  what  was  more  precious,  —  a  journal  of  events,  recorded  in  chronological  order, 
from  the  time  of  his  departure  from  England  in  the  "  Arbella,"  to  within  two  months  of 
his  death.  This  Journal  may  be  called  the  materials  of  history  of  the  most  valuable 
character.  The  author  himself  calls  it  a  "History  of  New  England."  From  this,  for 
the  period  which  it  covers,  and  from  the  records  of  the  General  Court  for  the  same  period, 
a  history  of  the  colony  for  the  first  twenty  years  could  be  written.  For  over  one  hundred 
years  from  Winthrop's  death  no  mention  is  made  of  his  Journal.  Although  it  was  largely 
drawn  upon  by  Hubbard  in  his  History  (1680),  and  was  used  by  Cotton  Mather  in  his 
Magnalia,  it  was  cited  by  neither,  and  was  first  mentioned  by  Thomas  Prince  on  the  cover 
of  the  first  number  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Annals,  in  1755.  Among  his  list  of  au- 
thorities there  given,  he  mentions  "  having  lately  received  "  this  Journal  of  Governor  Win- 
throp. Prince  made  but  little  use  of  this  manuscript,  as  the  three  numbers  only  which  he 
issued  of  his  second  volume  ended  with  Aug.  5,  1633.  Prince  probably  procured  the 
Journal  from  the  Winthrop  family  in  Connecticut.  It  was  in  three  volumes.  The  first 
and  second  volumes  were  restored  to  the  family,  and  were  published  in  Hartford  in  1790, 
in  one  volume,  edited  by  Noah  Webster.^  The  third  volume  was  found  in  the  Prince 
Library,  in  the  tower  of  the  Old  South  Church,  in  18 16,  and  was  given  to  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society.  It  was  published,  together  with  volumes  one  and  two,  in  1825 
and  1826,  in  two  volumes,  edited  by  James  Savage.*     Volume  two  of  the  manuscript  was 

1  A  copy  is  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library,  and  1644.  .  .  .  Now  first  published  from  a  correct  copy 

another  in  the  possession  of  the  writer.  of  the  original  manuscript.     Hartford,  1790. 

'^  See   the   list   of   Norton's   and   Pynchon's  *   The  History  of  Nei.v  E7igland  from  \(>-}P  to 

publications  in  Sabin's  Dictionary.  1649.      From    his   original  manuscripts.       With 

3  A  Journal  of  the   Transactions  and  Occur-  Notes  to  illustrate  the  Civil  and  Ecclesiastical  con- 

rences  in  the  Settlement  of  Massachusetts  and  the  cerns,  the  Geography,  Settlement,  and  Institutions 

other  Nezv-England  Colonies,  from  the  year  1630  to  of  the  Country,  and  the  Lives  and  Manners  of  the 


358 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


destroyed  by  a  fire  which,  Nov.  lo,  1825,  consumed  the  building  in  Court  Street,  Boston, 
in  which  Mr.  Savage  had  his  office.^ 

The  earhest  pubhshed  narrative  —  we  can  hardly  call  it  a  history  —  relating  generally 
^  i^  to  Massachusetts,  is  Edward  Johnson's  "  Won- 

C-^A-Wn  tA    "X^/Tv*  C  -r-k         der- Working    Providence    of    Sion's    Saviour   in 
CT  WAX  lA^/XL   ^Onr^rUTK^    New  England,"  — the  running  title' to  the  book, 
^  which  on  the  titlepage  is  called  a  History  of  New 

Engla?id,  etc.,  London,  1654.  The  book  does  not  profess  to  give  an  orderly  account  of 
the  settlement  of  New  England,  or  even  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  it  wholly  relates,  but 
describes  what  took  place  in  the  colony  under  his  own  observation  largely,  and  what 
would  illustrate  "  the  goodness  of  God  in  the  settlement  of  these  colonies."  The  book  is 
supposed  to  have  been  written  two  or  three  years  only  before  it  was  sent  to  England  to  be 
published.  It  is  conjectured  that  the  titlepage  was  added  by  the  publisher. 2  The  book 
has  a  value,  for  it  contains  many  facts,  but  its  composition  and  arrangement  are  bad.^ 

The  Quaker  episode  produced  an  abundant  literature.  Several  Rhode  Island  Baptists 
had  previously  received  rough  usage  here  ;  and  Dr.  John  Clarke,  one  of  the  founders  of 
Rhode  Island,  who  had  a  personal  experience  to  relate,  pubhshed  in  London,  in  1652, — 
whither  he  had  gone  with  Roger  Williams  the  year  before,  —  a  book  against  the  colony, 
called  III- A^ewes  from  A'ew-Englajid,  or  a  Narrative  of  New- England'' s  Persecution^  etc. 4 

In  1654,  two  years  before  the  Quakers  made  their  appearance,  the  colony  passed  a  law 
against  any  one  having  in  his  possession  the  books  of  Reeve  and  Muggleton,  "  the  two 
Last  Witnesses  and  True  Prophets  of  Jesus  Christ,"  as  they  called  themselves.  Some  of 
the  books  of  these  fanatics  had  been  printed  in  London  in  1653,  and  had  made  their  way 
to  the  colony,  and  the  executioner  was  ordered  to  burn  all  such  books  in  the  market- 
place on  the  next  Lecture  day.  In  1656  the  Quakers  came  and  brought  their  books,  which 
were  at  once  seized  and  reserved  for  the  fire ;  while  sentence  of  banishment  was  passed 
against  those  who  brought  them.  The  Quakers  continued  to  flock  to  the  colony  in  vio- 
lation of  the  law  now  passed  against  them.  They  were  imprisoned,  whipped,  and  two 
were  hanged  in  Boston  in  October,  1659,  one  in  June,  1660,  and  one  in  March,  i66r. 
Some  of  the  more  important  books  which  the  Quaker  controversy  brought  forth  must 
now  be  named.  An  account  of  the  reception  which  the  Quakers  met  with  here  soon 
found  its  way  to  London,  and  to  the  hands  of  Francis  Howgill,  who  published  it  with 
the  title,  The  Popish  Inquisition  Newly  Erected  in  New  Eftgland,  etc.,  London,  1659. 
Another  tract  appeared  there  the  same  year  as  The  Secret  Works  of  a  Cruel  People 
Made  Manifest.  In  the  following  year  appeared  A  Call  fi'otn  Death  to  Life,  letters 
written  "from  the  common  goal  of  Boston"  by  Stephenson  and  Robinson  (who  were 
shortly  after  executed)  ;  and  one  "  written  in  Plymouth  Prison  "  by  Peter  Pearson,  a  few 
weeks  later,  giving  an  account  of  the  execution  of  the  two  former. 

In  October,  1658,  John  Norton  had  been  appointed  by  the  Court  "Ho  An  J^0flx>r\. 
to  write  a  treatise  on  the  doctrines  of  the  Quakers,  which  he  did, 

and  the  tract  was  printed  in  Cambridge  in  1659,  and  in  London  in  1660,  with  the  title, 
The  Heart  of  iVew  England  Refit  at  the  Blasphemies  of  the  Present  Generatio7i.     After 

principal  Plajiters.     By  James  Savage.     Boston,  Mass.  Hist.   Soc.  Proc,  June,  188 1,  pp.  432-35. 

1825-26.     2  vols.     New  ed.,  with  additions  and  [Geo.    H.    Moore    printed    some    strictures  on 

corrections,     Boston,  1853.     2  vols.  Poole's  edition  in  Historical  Magazine,  xiii.  87. 

^  [For  other  details  and  references  see  Me-  Cf.  Dexter's   Congregationalism  ;    Carter-Brown 

mortal  History  of  Boston,  i.  p.  xvii.  —  Ed.]  Catalogue,  ii.  771,  851  ;  and  other  references  in 

2  A  curious  bibliographical  question  is  con-  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  \.  463.  —  Ed.] 
nected  with  a  later  issue  of  the  volume  as  bound  ^  It  was  republished  in  fragmentary  parts  in 

up  with  several  of  the  Gorges  tracts,  for  the  dis-  several  volumes  of   the  Massachusetts   Histor- 

cussion  of  which  see  the  Introduction  to  Mr.  W.  ical  Society's  Collections,  second  series. 
F.  Poole's  valuable  edition  of  Johnson's  book,  *  It  is  reprinted  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Colly  vol. 

Andover,  1867,  pp.  li-vi  ;  with  which  cf.  Alo?ith  ii.,  from  a  copy  of  the  rare  original  in  the  Car- 

American  Revinv,  January,  1868,  pp.  323-328 ;  and  ter-Brown  Library. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


359 


three  Quakers  had  been  hanged,  the  colony,  under  date  of  Dec.  19,  1660,  sent  an  "  Hum- 
ble Petition  and  Address  of  the  General  Court  .  .  .  unto  the  High  and  Mighty  Prince 
Charles    the    Second,"    defending    their    conduct. 

This  was  presented  February  11,  and  printed,  and    {^JA  /^  ^-^ 

was  replied  to  by  Edward  Burroughs  in  an  elabo-    /'^CJ;   ^"^ iXA/i^ cHXo/o 
rate  volume,  which  contains  a  full  account  of  the    ^"^  /^^/^ 

first  three  martyrs.     This  was  followed  this  year,  ^^-^ 

1661,  by  a  yet  more  important  volume,  by  George  Bishope,  called  New  England  Judged^ 
in  which  the  story  of  the  Quaker  persecution  from  the  beginning  is  told.  Bishope  lived  in 
England,  and  published  in  a  first  volume  the  accounts  and  letters  of  the  sufferers  sent 
over  to  him.  A  second  volume  was  published  in  1667,  continuing  the  narrative  of  the 
sufferings  and  of  the  hanging  of  Wilham  Leddra,  in  March,  1661.  A  general  History  of 
the  Quakers  was  written  by  William_Sewel,  a  Dutch  Quaker  of  Amsterdam,  published 
there  in  his  native  tongue,  in  171 7,  folio.  Sewel's  grandfather  was  an  English  Brownist, 
who  emigrated  to  Holland.  The  book  was  translated  by  the  author  himself  into  English, 
and  published  in  London  in  1722.1  Joseph  Besse's  book, — A  Collection  of  the  Suffer- 
ings of  the  People  called  Quakers^  for  the  Testimony  of  a  Good  Conscie?tce,  1753,  —  contains 
a  mass  of  most  valuable  statistics  about  the  Quakers.  Hutchinson's  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  has  an  excellent  summarized  ac(jount,  as  do  the  histories  of  Dr.  Palfrey  and 
Mr.  Barry.2 

The  records  of  the  colony,  as  I  have  frequently  had  occasion  to  observe,  afford  the 
richest  materials  for  the  colony's  history,  and  never  more  so  than  in  regard  to  the  trials 
which  the  colony  experienced  from  the  period  following  the  Restoration  to  the  time  of  Dud- 
ley and  Andros.  The  story  of  the  visit  of  the  royal  commissioners  here  in  1665  is  no 
where  so  fully  told  as  there.  Indeed,  the  principal  source  of  the  history  of  Maine  and  of 
New  Hampshire  while  they  were  for  many  years  a  component  part  of  the  colony  of  Mass- 
achusetts is  told  in  the  records  of  the  old  Bay  State. 

During  the  trouble  with  the  Quakers  Massachusetts  was  afflicted  by  a  wordy  con- 
troversy, imported  from  Connecticut,  but  which  did  not  reach  its  culminating  point  till 

1662.  I  refer  to  the  "Half-way  Covenant,"  for  the  discussion  of  which  a  council  of 
ministers  from  both  colonies  was  called  in  1657,  in  Boston,  which  pronounced  in  favor  of 
the  system  in  question.  A  synod  of  Massachusetts  churches  in  1662  confirmed  the 
judgment  here  given,  and  the  Half-way  Covenant  system  prevailed  extensively  in  New 
England  for  more  than  a  century.  After  the  synod  was  dissolved,  and  the  result  was  pub- 
lished by  order  of  the  General  Court,  the  discussion  continued,  and  several  tracts  were 
issued  from  the  Cambridge  press,  pro  and  con,  in  1662,  1663,  and  1664.3  Of  Morton's  IVew 
England's  Memorial  mention  has  already  been  made  in  the  preceding  chapter,  as  it  con- 

1 


IS   extensive   ana  intricate  in  its   oearings.     it 


Charles  Lamb  speaks  of  the  book  in  his     There  were  a  few  of  the  prominent  men  at  the 
Elia  under  "  A  Quaker  Meeting."  time  who  dared  to  protest  boldly   against   the 

2  [The  literature  of  the  Quaker  controversy     unwise  actions  of  the  magistrates ;  and  of  such 
is   extensive   and  intricate  in  its  bearings.     It     none   were   more   prominent   than  James  Cud- 

'^  worth,  of  Plymouth  Colony,  and  Robert  Pike,  of 
Salisbury.  The  conduct  of  the  latter  has  been 
commemorated  in  James  S.  Pike's  New  Puritan, 
New  York,  1879.  —  Ed.] 

can  best  be  followed  in  Mr.  J.  Smith's  Catalogue  3  Yox  their  titles   see  Thomas's   History  of 

of  Friends'  Books,  and  in  His  •A^tti-Quakeriana.  Printing,  2d  ed.  vol.  ii.  pp.  313-315  ;  the  biblio- 
Dr^  Dexter's  Congregationalism,  and  the  Brijdey  graphical  list  in  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter's  Con^rega- 
and  Carter-Brown  Catalogues  will  assist  the  stu-  tionalism,  whose  work  may  also  be  consulted  for 
dent  The  1703  edition  of  Bishope's  New  Eng  a  history  of  the  subject  itself;  Mather's  Magna- 
iand  Judged,  abridged  in  some  ways  and  enlarged  Ha,  v.  64  etseq. :  Uphara's  PaHo  Disiplina;,  p.  223 ; 
in  others,  contains  also  John  Whiting's  Truth  Trumbull's  C^;m^r//r«/,  chaps,  xiii.  and  xix.  of  vol. 
and  Innocencey  Defended,  which  is  an  answer  in  i. ;  Hutchinson,  i.  223-24 ;  Wisner's  History  of 
part  to  portions  of  Cotton  Mather's  l^agnalia  ;  cf.  the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  pp.  5-7  ;  Bacon's 
also  the  note  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  187.     Discourses,  pp.  139-141 . 


360  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

cerns  chiefly  the  Plymouth  Colony.  It  contains,  however,  many  things  of  interest  about 
Massachusetts  ;  recording  the  death  of  many  of  her  worthies,  and  embalming  their  memo- 
ries in  verse.  It  ends  with  the  year  1668,  with  a  notice  of  the  death  of  Jonathan  Mitchel, 
the  minister  of  Cambridge,  and  of  that  of  John  Eliot,  Jr.,  the  son  of  the  apostle,  at  the  age 
of  thirty-two  years.  There  are  five  unpaged  leaves  after  "finis,"  containing  "A  Brief 
Chronological  Table." 

There  was  printed  in  London  in  1674  An  Account  of  Two  Voyages  to  New  Englaiid,  by 
John  Josselyn,  Gent.,  a  duodecimo  volume  of  279  pages.  This  author  and  traveller  was  a 
brother  of  Henry  Josselyn,  of  Black  Point,  or  Scarborough,  in  Maine,  and  they  are  said  to 
have  been  sons  of  Sir  Thomas  Josselyn,  of  Kent,  knight.  John  came  to  New  England  in 
1638,  and  landed  at  Noddle's  Island,  and  was  a  guest  of  Samuel  Maverick ;  thence  he 
went  to  Scarborough,  stayed  with  his  brother  till  the  end  of  1639,  and  then  returned  home. 
In  1663  he  came  over  again,  and  stayed  till  1671  ;  and  then  went  home  and  wrote  this 
book.  His  own  observations  are  valuable,  but  his  history  is  often  erroneous.  He  fre- 
quently cites  Johnson.  At  the  end  of  his  book  is  a  chronological  table  running  back 
before  the  Christian  era.  His  New  EnglancPs  Rarities,  published  in  1672,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  the  fauna  and  flora  of  the  country,  has  been  reprinted  with  notes  in  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society's  Tratts actions,  vol.  iv.,  edited  by  Edward  Tuckerman.^ 

The  interest  of  John  Ogilby's  large  folio  on  America  is  almost  solely  a  borrowed  one, 
so  far  as  concerns  New  England  history,  arising  from  the  use  he  made  of  Wood,  John- 
son, and  Gorges. 2 

The  modern  student  will  find  a  very  interesting  series  of  successive  bulletins,  as  it 
were,  of  the  sensations  engendered  by  the  progress  of  the  Indian  outbreak  of  1675-76, 
known  as  "  Philip's  War,"  and  of  the  events  as  they  occurred,  in  a  number  of  tracts,  mostly 
of  few  pages,  which  one  or  more  persons  in  Boston  sent  to  London  to  be  printed.  They 
are  now  among  the  choicest  rarities  of  a  New  England  library.^     It  was  to  make  an  answer 

1  [Mr.  Tuckerman  revised  his  notes  and  in-  Sabiii  only  records  one  copy ;  and  of  a  second 

troduction  in  a  reprint,  published  by  Veazie  in  edition,    1676,  there  are  copies   in  the    British 

Boston  in  1865.     The  Voyages,  which  had  been  Museum  and  Carter-Brown  libraries, 

reprinted  in  3  Mass.   Hist.    Coll.,  iii.,  was  also  8.    The  War  in  New  Englaiid  visibly  Ended, 

reissued  in  1865  in  a  companion  volume  to  the  1677   (6  pages),  containing  news  of  the   death 

Rarities,  the  text  being  corrected  from  a  copy  of  of  Philip,  brought  by  Caleb  More,  master  of  a 

the  "second  addition,"  1675,  ""^  Harvard  College  vessel  newly  arrived  from  Rhode  Island. 

Library.     The  earlier  book  usually  brings  ;i^3  or  [These  tracts  are  all  in  the  Carter-Brown  Cata- 

jCa,  the  later  one  from  ;^5  to  ;^io.     Both  are  in  lo_§zie,  vol.  ii.,  and  several  are  in  Mr.  Deane's  col- 

the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  1,080,  1,104.     Cf.  lection,  and  in  Harvard  College  Library.     Rich 

Sabin,  ix.  340;  Menzies,  1,104,  1,105. — Ed.]  supposed  that  nos.   i,  3,  and  4  were  written  by 

-  [It   is   further  characterized   in   Vol.    IV.,  the  same  person.     Five  of  them  were  reprinted 

chap.  X.  —  Ed.I  by  S.  G.  Drake  in  his  Old  Indian   Chronicle  in 

^  There  are  at  least  eight  titles  in  this  inter-  1836,  and  again  in   1867,  with  new  notes  ;  and 

esting  list :  —  no.  7  was  reprinted  in   1850  by  Drake,  and  in 

1.  The  Present  State  of  New  England  with  1865  by  Woodward.     Sabin,  xiii.  321,  322. 
respect  to  t/ie  Indian  War,  1675  (^9  P^g^s),  pur-  These  tracts  are  priced  at  twelve  and  eighteen 
porting  to  be  by  a  merchant  of  Boston.  shillings,  and  at  similarly  high  sums,  even  in 

2.  A  Briefe  and  True  Narration  of  the  late  Rich's  catalogues  of  fifty  years  ago.  Whenever 
Wars,  1675  (8  pages);  cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xiii.  nos.  they  have  occurred  in  sales  of  late  years  they 
52,616,  52,638.  have  proved  the  occasion  of  much  competition 

3.  A  Continuation  of  the  State  of  New  England,  and  unusual  prices.  Cf.  Stevens's  Hist.  Coll.,  i. 
1676  (20  pages).  1523,  1524. 

4.  A  A^ew  and  Eurther  Narrative  vf  the  State  Another  contemporary  account  by  a  Rhode 
of  New  England,  1676  (14  pages),  signed  N.  T.  Island  Quaker,  as  it  is  thought,  John  Easton, 

5.  A  True  Account  of  the  most  considerable  was  printed  at -Albany  in  1858,  as  a  Narrative  of 
Occurences  that  have  hapned  in  the  War,  1676  (14  the  Causes  which  led  to  Philip's  War.  Cf.  Pal- 
P^ges).  frey^  iii,  J 80;  Yield,  Indian  Bibliography,  p.  479. 

6.  New  England  *s  Tears  for  her  present  Miser-  Mr.  Drake,  whose  name  is  closely  associated 
ies,  1676  (14  pages).  with  our  Indian  history,  was  one  of  the  foremost 

7.  A^ews  from  New  England,  1676  (6  pages),  of  American  antiquaries  for  many  years.     There 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


361 


to  one  of  these  tracts  that  Increase  Mather  hastily  put  together  and  printed  in  Boston,'  in 
1676  his  Brief  History  of  the  War,  which  was  reprinted  in  London  in  the  same  year. 2 
The  year  after  (1677)  the  war  closed,^  Foster,  the  new  Boston  printer,  also  printed  WiUiam 
Hubbard's  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians,  which  likewise  came  from  the 
London  press  the  same  year  with  a  changed  title.  The  Present  State  of  New  England, 
being  a  Narrative,  etc.,  —  a  book  not,  however,  confined  to  Philip's  War,  but  going  back, 
as  the  Boston  title  better  showed,  over  the  whole  series  of  the  conflicts  with  the  natives.'* 


is  a  memoir  of  him  by  W.  B.  Trask  in  Potter's 
American  Monthly,  v.  729 ;  and  another  in  the 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Gejteal.  Peg.,  July,  1863,  by  J.  H. 
Sheppard,  also  separately  issued.  In  1874  he 
printed  Narrative  Remarks,  anonymously,  em- 
bodying some  personal  grievances  and  notes  of 
his  career,  not  pleasantly  expressed.  For  his 
publications,  see  Sabin's  Dictionary,  v.  526,  and 
Field's  Indian  BibliograpJiy,  p.  452.  —  Ed. J 


O- 


d 


1  John  Foster  had  now  set  up  a  press  in  Bos- 
ton, for  the  history  of  which  and  its  successors 
see  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  453. 

2  [Rich  in  1832,  no.  368,  priced  it,  either  edi- 
tion, at  eighteen  shillings.  It  was  a  quarto  of 
51  pages.  Cf.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  \\.  1,150; 
Field's  Indian  Bibliography,  1,022  ;  Brinley 
Catalogue,  948,  5,531.  It  has  of  late  years 
brought  about  $80.  S.  G.  Drake  included  this 
and  the  section  of  the  Magnalia  on  the  war  in  his 
History  of  King  Philifs  War,  1862.  Another 
book  by  Mather,  A  Relation  of  the  Troubles 
which  have  hapned  in  New  England,  etc.,  was 
also  printed  in  1676,  and  traces  the  Indian  wars 
from  1641,  including  the  causes  of  Philip's  War. 
Drake  also  reprinted  this  in  1864,  a-s  the  Early 
History  of  New  England.  —  Ed.] 

3  [King  Philip's  War,  which  was  but  the  be- 
ginning of  a  long  series  of  wars  which  devas- 
tated the  frontiers,  may  be  said  properly  to  end 
with  the  treaty  of  Casco,  April  12,  1678,  which 
is  preserved  in  the  Massachusetts  ArcJiives ; 
though  a  continuation  of  hostilities  intervened 
till  the  treaty  of  Portsmouth,  Sept.  8,  1685.  Cf. 
Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  p.  348.  —  Ed.] 

*  [Rich  priced  this  book  in  1832  (no.  375)  at 
£\  \os.,  —  an  extraordinary  high  sum  for  those 
days.  I  have  seen  the  London  edition  priced 
recently  at  £2(i,  and  $75 ;  and  the  Boston  edition 
ni  the  Menzies  sale  (no.  990)  brought  $200.  It 
was  reprinted  in  New  England  at  least  six  times 
(all  spurious  editions)  between  1775  and  1814 
{Brinley  Catalogue,  5,523,  etc.  ;  Carter-Brown 
Catalogue,  ii.  1,167, 1,168, 1,170) ;  au.d  S.  G.  Drake 
VOL.    III. — 46. 


brought  out  an  annotated  edition  in  two  volumes 
in  1865.     Cf.  Hist.  Mag.,  i.  252,  348 ;  ii.  62. 

Perhaps  the  most  popular  book  touching  the 
events  of  the  war  was  one  which  was  not  pub- 
lished till  17 16,  from  notes  of  Colonel  Benjamin 
Church,  and  compiled  by  that  hero's  son,  Thomas 
Church,  and  called  Entertaining  Passages  relat- 
ing to  Philip's  War.  It  is  an  extremely  scarce 
book,  and   has  brought  $400.      [Brinley    Cata- 


/^-^/2j^ 


h^^^:  ff^U^c/z^ 


logue,  no.  383;  Sabin,  Pictiona7y,  no.  12,996; 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  iii.  293.)  A  second  edi- 
tion, Newport,  1772,  is  said  to  have  been  edited 
by  Dr.  Stiles,  but  it  is  not  supposed  he  was  privy 
to  the  fraud  practised  in  that  edition  of  present- 
ing  an  engraving  of  the  portrait  of  Charles 
Churchill,  the  English  poet,  with  the  addition 
of  a  powder-horn  slung  over  the  shoulder,  as  a 
likeness  of  Church.  (Cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc, 
xix.  243  ;  also  iii.  293  ;  and  Hist.  Mag.,  De- 
cember, 1868,  pp.  27,  271.)  Drake  first  re- 
issued it  in  1827,  and  made  stereotype  plates 
of  the  book,  and  they  have  been  much  used 
since.  lie  continued  to  use  the  spurious  por- 
trait as  late  as  1857.  Sabin,  iv.  12,996;  Brin- 
ley, no.  5,514.  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  did  all  that 
is  necessary  for  the  text  in  his  edition  (two 
volumes)  in  1865-67.  Another  class  of  books 
growing  out  of  the  war  during  its  long  continu- 
ance, particularly  at  the  eastward,  is  what  col- 
lectors know  as  "  captivities,"  the  most  famous 
of  which  is,  perhaps,  that  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson, 
of  Lancaster,  printed  in  1682.  The  Brinley  Cata- 
logue, nos.  469,  5,540,  etc.,  groups  them,  and  they 
are  scattered  through  Field's  Indian  Bibliog- 
rapJiy. The  Brinley  Catalogue  also  groups  the 
works  on  the  Indian  wars  of  New  England  (nos. 
382,  etc.)  ;  and  a  condensed  exposition  of  the 
authorities  on  Philip's  War  will  be  found  in  the 
Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  327.  The  local 
aspects  of  the  war  involve  a  very  large  amount  of 
citation  and  reference.  What  are  known  as  the 
"  Narragansett  Townships  "  grew  out  of  the  war. 
Before  the  troops  marched  from  Dedham  Plain, 


362  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

In  the  year  1679  it  became  known  to  the  members  of  the  General  Court  that  the  Rev. 
William  Hubbard,  of  Ipswich,  had  compiled  a  History  of  New  England,  and  in  June  o\ 

that  year  they   ordered   that  the    Governor  and  four 
AlO*  Oi  If   PP      0    °^^^^  persons  be  a  committee  "to  peruse  the  same," 

^/l/^  SIp^"^  4»^^b^^  ^,   ^"^  "^^^^  return  of  their  opinion  thereof  by  the  next 

session,  in  order  "that  the  Court  may  then,  as  they 
shall  then  judge  meet,  take  order  for  the  impression  thereof."  Two  years  afterward,  in 
October,  the  Court  thankfully  acknowledged  the  services  of  Mr.  Hubbard  in  compiling 
his  History,  and  voted  him  fifty  pounds  in  money,  '•  he  transcribing  it  fairly  into  a  book 
that  it  may  be  the  more  easily  perused."  There  was  no  further  movement  made  for 
the  printing  of  the  volume.  The  transcript  made  agreeably  to  this  order  is  now  in  the 
Library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  The  preface  and  some  leaves  of  the 
text  are  wanting.  This  was  by  far  the  most  important  history  of  New  England  which 
had  then  been  written.  The  compiler  had  the  benefit  of  Bradford's  History  and  Win- 
throp's  Journal,  though,  after  the  fashion  of  the  time,  he  makes  no  mention  of  them,  only 
acknowledging  in  a  general  way  his  indebtedness  to  "  the  original  manuscripts  of  such  as 
had  the  managing  of  those  affairs  under  their  hands."  The  manuscript  was  first  printed 
in  18 15  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society;  and  a  second  edition,  "  collated  with  the 
original  MS.,"  was  printed  in  1848.1 

The  history  of  the  struggles  of  the  colony  to  maintain  its  charter  during  the  period 
immediately  preceding  the  loss  of  it  is  largely  told  in  the  pages  of  its  records,  and  in  a 
large  mass  of  documents  published  in  Hutchinson's  volume  of  Papers,  and  cited  in  Chal- 
mers' Atmals  and  in  Palfrey's  Ne7U  England.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  a  paper 
by  the  present  writer  in  vol.  i.  of  Meinorial  Histoiy  of  Boston.,  on  this  struggle  to  main- 
tain the  charter. 

The  history  of  the  Dudley  and  Andros  administrations  may  be  gathered  from  nu- 
merous publications  which  came  from  the  press  just  after  the  Revolution;  and,  without 
mentioning  their  titles,  I  cannot  do  better  than  refer  to  them  as  published  in  three  vol- 
umes by  the  Prince  Society  of  Boston,  called  the  Andros  Tracts,  edited  with  abundant 
notes  by  William  H.  Whitmore.^  Palfrey's  History  should  be  read  in  connection  with 
these  memorials.  The  original  papers  of  the  "Inter-charter  Period  "  are  largely  wanting, 
though  some  volumes  of  the  Massachusetts  Archives  are  so  entitled.^ 

As  materials  for  the  history  of  the  State  it  should  be  remembered  that  there  are  many 
town  histories  which  contain  matter  of  more  than  mere  local  interest.  The  history  of  the 
town  of  Boston  is  in  a  great  degree  the  history  of  the  colony  and  State,  and  the  several 
histories  of  that  town,  notably  those  by  Caleb  H.  Snow  (to  1825)  and  Samuel  G.  Drake 
(to  1770),  and  the  Description  of  N.  B.  Shurtleff,"*  may  be  specially  mentioned  ;  while  the 
recently  pubhshed  Memorial  Histojy  of  Boston,  edited  by  Mr.  Justin  Winsor,  is  indispen- 
sable to  any  student  who  wishes  to  know  a  large  part  of  the  story  of  Massachusetts.^ 

Dec.  9,  1675,  they  were  promised  "a  gratuity  of  ary,  viii.   499;    Field,  Indian  Bibliography,  no. 

land  beside  their  wages,"  and  not  till  1737  were  730. 

the   promises   fulfilled,  when  840  claimants  or  -  [Mr.  Whitmore  also  epitomized  the  history 

their  representatives  met  on  Boston   Common,  with  references  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Bos- 

and  dividing  themselves  into  seven  groups,  they  ton,  ii.  chap.  i.    Cf.  also  Carter-Brown  Catalogue, 

took  possession  of  seven  townships   in  Maine,  ii.  1,351,  1,370,   1,372,    1,388, '1,398,   1,400,   1,403, 

Massachusetts,   and   New   Hampshire,   granted  1,408,   1,420,  1,421. — Ed.] 

by  the  (Jeneral  Court.     Ne7v  England  Histor-  ^  A   copy  of   Dudley's   commission    (Oct.   8, 

ical   and   Genealogical   Register,    1862,    pp.    143,  1685)  has  been  recently  printed  in  5  ^7/a.yi-.  t^/jA 

216.  — Ed.]  Soc.  Coll.,  ix.  145. 

1  For  reference  to  the  recovery  of  the  preface  *  [Dr.  N.  B.  Shurtleff,  an  eager  Boston  an- 

and  other  missing   lines,   see  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  tiquary,  died  in  that  city,  Oct.  17,  1874,  and  his 

Proc,  xvi.  12,  38,  100;  also,  cf.  i.  243;  ii.  421  ;  library  was  sold  at  auction,  Nov.  30,  1875,  ^^c- 

iii.  321.     Hubbard,  besides  the  above  aid,  had  a  — Ed.] 

large  number  of  official  documents  which  he  in-  ^  The  preface  of  the  Memorial  History  enu- 

corporated  into  his  History.     Cf .  Sabin,  Diction-  merates  the  sources  of  Boston's  history. 


NEW    ENGLAND. 


363 


The  History  of  Salem,  by  Dr.  J.  B.  Felt,  gives  many  documents  of  the  first  importance 
relating  to  the  settlement  of  that  ancient  town,  where  the  colony  had  its  birth  ;  and  the 
same  writer's  Customs  of  New  England^  Boston,  1853,  has  a  distinctive  value. 

The  Bibliography  of  the  Local  History  of  Massachusetts,  by  Jeremiah  Colburn,  Boston, 
1871,  a  volume  of  119  pages,  deserves  a  place  in  every  New  England  library,^  and  it  may 
be  supplemented  by  the  brief  titles  included  in  Mr.  F.  B.  Perkins's  Check  List  of  Atner- 
ican  History.'^  There  is  a  good  list  of  local  histories  in  the  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  1,558, 
etc.  The  Sketches  of  the  fudicial  History  of  Massachusetts,  by  the  late  Emory  Wash- 
burn, is  a  most  important  book  for  that  phase  of  the  subject. 

Maine. ^ — The  documentary  history  of  Maine  properly  begins  with  the  grant  to  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges.  The  previous  operations  under  the  Laconia  Company  were  partly, 
as  we  have  seen,  on  the  territory  of  Maine,  while  in  part  also  their  history  is  preserved  in 
the  archives  of  New  Hampshire:"* 

The  patent  issued  to  Gorges  at  the  general  division,  in  1635,  of  the  territory  which 
he  named  "  New  Somersetshire,"  is  not  extant.  An  organization,  as  we  have  already 
said,  took  place  under  this  grant,  and  a  few  records  are  extant  in  manuscript.^ 

The  royal  charter  of  Maine,  dated  April  3,  1639,  was  transcribed  into  a  book  of  records 
of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  and  Sessions  for  the  county  of  York,  and,  with  the  com- 
missions to  the  officers,  has  been  printed  by  Sullivan  in  his  Histofy  of  Maine,  Boston, 
1795,  Appendix  No.  i. 

The  first  government  organized  under  the  charter  ^  was  in  1640,  and  the  manuscript 
records  are  also  at  Alfred  with  the  commissions  to  the  officers.  Extracts  from  the  records 
were  made  by  Folsom,  as  above,  pp.  53-57.  After  the  submission  of  Maine  to  Massa- 
chusetts in  1653,  courts  were  held  at  York  under  the  authority  of  the  latter.  Afterward, 
when  the  royal  commissioners  came  over  and  went  into  Maine,  a  portion  of  the  inhabit- 
ants were  encouraged  to  rebel  against  the  authority  of  Massachusetts,  and  courts  were 


1  [A  law  was  placed  on  the  statute  book  of 
Massachusetts  in  1854,  by  which  towns  may  le- 
gally appropriate  money  for  publishing  their 
histories.  The  authorities  on  the  town  system 
of  New  England  are  cited  in  W.  E.  Foster's 
Reference  Lists,  July,  1882.  —  Ed.] 

■^  [The  different  keys  to  the  genealogy  of 
New  England  are  indicated  \Vl  Memorial  History 
of  Boston,  ii.  Introduction.  —  Ed.] 

3  "  Maine  "  took  its  name  probably  from  the 
early  designation,  by  the  sailors  and  fishermen, 
of  the  main  land  —  that  is,  "  the  main,"  —  in 
distinction  from  the  numerous  islands  on  the 
coast.  See  Weymouth's  "  Voyage,"  in  3  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  132,  151;  Palfrey,  i.  525;  Amer. 
Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.,\.  371.  The  earliest  use  of  the 
name,  officially  employed,  that  I  have  met  with, 
is  in  the  grant  to  Gorges  and  Mason  of  Aug. 
10,  1622,  which  recites  that  the  patentees,  "  by 
consent  of  the  President  and  Council,  intend  to 
name  it  the  Province  of  Maim."  See  the  Popham 
Memorial  Volume,  p.  122.  This  grant  was  never 
made  use  of,  but  the  name  was  inserted  in  the 
royal  charter  to  Gorges  of  April  3,  1639,  which 
secured  its  future  use.  Sullivan's  Maine,  Ap- 
pendix, 399.  The  territory  had  been  previously 
included  in  the  European  designations  of  Bac- 
calaos  and  Norumbega.     The  Indian  name  was 


Mavooshen.    See  Purchas,  iv.,  1873  5  Maine  Hist. 
Coll.,  i.  16,  17. 

*  These  manuscripts  were  made  use  of  by 
Dr.  Belknap  in  writing  his  History  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  are  now  all  printed  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Papers  of  that  State,  vol.  i.,  1867,  edited 
by  the  late  Nathaniel  Bouton.  The  grant  of 
Aug.  ID,  1622,  is  printed  in  Poor's  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  from  the  Colonial  Entry  Book,  p.  loi, 
no.  59.     An  account  of  the  voyage  of  the  barque 


"Warwick,"  in  1630,  which  brought  Captain 
Neal  to  be  governor  for  the  Company,  is  given 
in  N.  E.  Hist,  atid  Geneal.  Reg.,  1867,  p.  223. 

°  Citations  are  made  from  them  by  Folsom 
in  his  History  of  Saco  and  Biddeford,  pp.  49-52. 
The  original  manuscript  is  among  the  old  county 
of  York  records  at  Alfred.  The  commission  to 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  as  governor  of  New 
England,  1637,  is  printed  in  Poor's  Gorges,  p. 
127.  For  his  deed  to  Edgecombe,  1637,  see 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  ii.  74. 

6  See  Massachusetts  Archives,  Miscellanies, 
i.  130. 


3^4 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


"==^^^^^ 
^'•M^ 


temporarily  set  up  under  a  commission  from  Sir  Robert  Carr.      Some  records  of  their 

doings  exist. 1 

The  Records  of  Massachusetts  for  the  years  1652-53  show  the  official  relations  which 

existed  between  the  two  colonies.     The  State-paper  offices  of  England  contain  a  large 

quantity  of  manuscripts  illustrating  the  claims  of  Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  grandson  of  the 

original  proprietor;  and  the  principal  part 
of  these  may  be  seen  either  in  abstracts, 
or  at  full  length  in  Folsom's  Catalogue  of 
Original  Documents  ^  relating  to  Maine 
(New  York,  1858),  prepared  by  the  late 
H.  G.  Somerby.^  Many  of  these  papers 
may  also  be  found  in  Chalmers'  Annals^ 
1780,  who  had  great  facilities  for  consult- 
ing the  public  offices  in  England.^ 

Of  general  histories  of  Maine,  the 
earliest  was  that  of  James  Sullivan,  en- 
titled The  History  of  the  District  of  Maine, 
Boston,  1795,  the  territory  having  been 
made  a  Federal  district  in  1779.  Judge 
Sullivan  was  too  busy  a  man  to  write  so 
comphcated  a  history  as  that  of  Maine  ; 
and  he  fell  into  some  errors,  and  came 
short  of  what  would  be  expected  of  a 
writer  at  the  present  day.  He  was  one 
of  the  founders  and  at  that  time  president 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
and  doubtless  felt  the  obligation  to  do 
some  such  work.  The  next  important  History  of  Maine  is  that  of  Judge  William  D. 
Williamson,  published  at  Hallowell,  1832,  in  two  volumes.  This  contains  a  vast  amount 
of  material  indispensable  to  the  student ;  but  there  are  serious  errors  in  the  work,  made 
known  by  the  discovery  of  new  matter  since  its  publication.  In  1830  there  was  published 
at  Saco,  Maine,  a  small  i2mo  volume,  by  George  Folsom,^  called  History  of  Saco  and  Bid- 


AUTOGRAPHS.^ 


1  These  old  Maine  records  have  all  been 
removed  to  the  county  town  of  Alfred,  and  they 
have  never  been  printed.  Extracts  from  time 
to  time  have  been  published,  as  by  Folsom 
above,  and  by  Willis  in  vol.  i.  of  his  History  of 
Fortlajid,  who  gives  a  description,  from  Judge 
David  Sewall,  of  the  manner  in  which  the  origi- 
nal records  were  made  and  kept.  The  charter 
of  incorporation  of  Acomenticus  as  a  town, 
April  10,  1 641,  and  the  charter  of  Gorgeana  as 
a  city,  March  i,  1642,  were  among  the  papers 
which  Hazard  found  at  old  York,  and  printed  in 
his  Collection,  vol.  i.  Cf.  "  Sir  Robert  Carr  in 
Maine,"  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  Sep- 
tember, 1882,  p.  623  ;  and  a  paper  on  Gorgeana 
in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  188 1,  p.  42. 

2  [Cf.  Historical  Magazine,  ii.  286,  and  Note  B 
to  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  — Ed.] 

^  [Mr.  Somerby,  a  native  of  Massachusetts, 
who  died  in  London  in  1872,  did  much  during 
a  long  sojourn  in  England  to  further  the  interests 
of  American  antiquaries  and  genealogists.     Cf. 


N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1874,  p.  340. 
Colonel  Joseph  L.  Chester  also  for  many  years 
filled  a  prominent  place  in  similar  work  in  Eng- 
land, till  his  death  in  1882.  A  portrait  and 
notice  of  him  by  John  T.  Latting  is  in  the  A'ew 
York  Genealogical  and  Biographical  Record,  1882 ; 
also  issued  separately:  Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.,  January,  1883,  p.  106.  —  Ed.] 

*  [The  deed  to  Usher  as  agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  1677,  and  his  conveyance  to  Massa- 
chusetts are  at  the  State  House  in  Boston.  Cf. 
Maine  Hist.  Coll.,  ii.  257 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc, 
xi.  201.  —  Ed.] 

'^  [Mason  was  the  proprietor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle  was  engaged  at  his  death 
on  a  memoir  of  Mason,  upon  whom  he  delivered 
addresses,  reported  in  the  Boston  Advertiser,  June 
22,  1 87 1,  and  Boston  Globe,  April  4,  1872.  Garde 
was  the  mayor  of  Gorgeana.  Thomas  Gorges 
was  the  deputy-governor  of  Maine.  —  Ed.] 

6  Mr.  Folsom,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  in 
1 822,   was   at   this  time   living   in    Saco.      He 


NEW   ENGLAND.  365 

deford^  with  Notices  of  other  Early  Settle/nents,  etc.  Although  a  history  of  two  compar- 
atively small  towns,  now  cities,  yet  they  were  early  settlements  ;  and  the  author,  who  had 
a  faculty  for  history,  made  his  work  the  occasion  of  writing  a  brief  but  authentic  sketch  of 
the  history  of  Maine  under  all  her  multiform  governments  and  varying  fortunes.  It  was 
the  best  town  history  then  written  in  New  England,  as  it  was  also  the  best  history  of  the 
Province  of  Maine. 

I  might  mention  a  volume  of  Sketches  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Maine  from  the 
Earliest  Pei'iod,  by  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Greenleaf  of  Wells,  published  at  Portsmouth,  1821. 

In  1831-33  William  Willis  published  his  Histo7y  of  Portland,  in  two  parts.  The  work 
embraced  also  sketches  of  several  other  towns,  and  it  was  prefaced  by  an  account  of  the 
early  patents  and  settlements  in  Maine  ;  while  the  second  edition,  issued  in  1865,  is  yet 
more  full  on  the  general  history  of  the  province. 

There  are  other  valuable  town  histories,  and  I  cannot  do  better  than  refer  the  reader 
to  Mr.  William  Willis's  "  Descriptive  Catalogue  of  Books  relating  to  Maine,"  in  Norton's 
Literary  Letter,  No.  4,  for  1859,  ^.nd  as  enlarged  in  Historical  Magazine,  March,  1870.^ 

The  Collections  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society,^  in  eight  volumes,  contain  a  large 
amount  of  material  which  illustrates  this  early  period.  The  first  volume  was  issued 
in  1 83 1,  and  in  fact  forms  the  first  part  of  Willis's  History  of  Portlattd.  The  Collections 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  especially  vol.  vii.  of  the  fourth  series, 
should  be  cited  as  of  special  interest  here. 

The  Relation  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  the  narratives  in  Purchas,  Winthrop's 
Journal,  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  and  that  author's  History  of  New  England  and  the 
Two  Voyages  of  Josselyn,  have  already  been  referred  to,  and  they  should  be  again  noted  in 
this  place,  as  should*  Dr.  Palfrey's  History  of  New  England  especially.  Gorges'  Briefe 
Narration,  1658,  is  most  valuable  as  coming  from  the  original  proprietor  himself.  Its  value 
is  seriously  impaired  by  its  want  of  chronological  order  and  of  dates,  and  by  its  errors  in 
date.  In  what  condition  the  manuscript  was  left  by  its  author,  and  to  what  extent  the 
blemishes  of  the  work  are  attributable  to  the  editor  or  the  printer,  can  never  be  known. 
Sir  Ferdinando  died  in  May,  1647.  The  work  was  written  not  long  before  his  death,  and 
was  published  some  twelve  years  afterward,  with  two  compilations  by  his  grandson  and  the 
sheets  of  Johnson's  Wonder- Working  Providence."^     Notwithstanding  its  blemishes,  the 

subsequently   removed   to   New  York,   became  New  York,  and  are  of  great  value.     Cf.  also  Mr. 

an  active  member  of  the  New  York  Historical  Hough's  contributions  in  the  Maine  Hist.  Coll., 

Society,  was  minister  at  the  Hague,  and  died  in  v.  and  vii.  127.     Pemaquid  as  a  centre  of  histori- 

Rome,  Italy,  in  1869.  cal  interest  is  also  illustrated  in  J.  W.  Thorn- 

1  Special  mention  should  perhaps  be  made  ton's  Ancient  Pemaquid ;  in  Johnston's  papers 

of  the  enumeration  of  Maine  titles  in  the  Brinley  in  his  History  of  Bristol,  etc. ;    in  the  Pophajji 

Catalogue  no.   2,571,  etc.,  and  of   several  town  Meynorial  Volume,  p.  263;  in  Maine  Hist.  Coll., 

histories  published  since  Mr.  Willis  wrote  his  vol.  viii. ;  Vinton's  Giles  Memorial,  1864 ;  His- 

Catalogue,  which  in  their  treatment  go  back  to  torical  Magazine,  i.  132  ;  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 

the  early  period,  namely,  i7z>/^rj/ (t/'^z/^z^j-/^,  by  Reg.,  1871,  p.  131.     [See  also  Vol.  IV.  of  this 

James  W.  North ;   History  of  Brunswick,  etc.,  History.  —  Ed.] 

by  G.  A.   Wheeler  and  H.  W.  Wheeler,  1878  ;  -  [The  early  history  of  this  society  is  told  by 

History  of  Castine,  by  G.  A.  Wheeler,  Bangor,  Mr.  Willis  in  an  address  printed  in  their  Collec- 

1875;  History  of  Bristol,  Bremen,  and  Pemaquid,  tions,  vol.  iv.     Cf.  also  Note  B  at  the  end  of 

by  John  Johnston,  Albany,  1873  '■>  History  of  An-  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 
cient  Sheepscot  and  Neia    Castle,  by   David   Q.  ^  This  coW&ciion,  trvX.\t\&d  America  painted  to 

Cushman,  Bath,  1882.     Most  of  the  local  histor-  the  Life,  passes  by  the  name  of  the  Gorges  Tracts. 

ical  literature  can  be  picked  out  of  F.  B.  Per-  There  are  copies  in  Harvard  College  Library, 

kins's  Check-List  of  American  Local  History.  and  noted  in  the  Carter-Brow?t  Catalogue,  ii.  127; 

A  volume  entitled  Papers  relating  to  Pema-  Brinley  Catalogue,    nos.  308,  2,640  ($225.)     Cf. 

quid,  collected  from  the  archives  at  Albany  by  Sabin's  Dictionary,  vii.  348 ;  Rich's  Catalogue,  no. 

Franklin  B.  Hough,  was  printed  at  Albany  in  314;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xviii.  432,  and  xix. 

1856.      They  relate   to   the   condition   of    that  128;  Stevens's   Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no. 

part  of  the  country  when  under  the  colony  of  247.   The  relations  of  Gorges  and  Champernoun 


^66  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AxMERICA. 

tract  has  great  value  ;  but  it  should  be  read  in  connection  with  other  works  which  furnish 
unquestionable  historical  data. 

The  Memorial  Volume  of  the  Popham  Celebration,  Aug.  20,  1862  (Portland,  1862), 
contains  a  good  deal  of  historical  material  ;  but  a  large  part  of  it  was,  unfortunately,  pre- 
pared under  a  strong  theological  and  partisan  bias.  In  its  connection  with  the  settlement 
at  Sabino,  it  has  been  mentioned  in  an  earlier  chapter. 

A  valuable  historical  address  was  delivered  at  the  Centennial  Exhibition  at  Phila- 
delphia, Nov.  4,  1876,  by  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain,  President  of  Bowdoin  College,  entitled 
Maine,  Her  Place  in  History,  and  was  published  in  Augusta  in  1877. 

New  Hampshire.  —  New  Hampshire  was  probably  first  settled  by  David  Thomson, 
in  the  spring  of  1623.  The  original  sources  of  information  concerning  him  are  the: 
Records  of  the  Council  for  New  England  ;  a  contemporaneous  indenture,  1622,  recently 
found  among  the  Winthrop  Papers,  and  since  published;  Winslow's  Good  News,  London, 
1624,  p.  50  ;  Bradford's  Ply7nouth  Plantation,  p.  154;  Hubbard's  New  England,  pp.  89, 
105,  214,  215  ;  Levett's  Voyage  ^  to  New  England  in  1623/24  ;  Pratt's  Narrative,  in  4  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  iv.  486,  and  Gorges'  Brief e  Narration,  p.  37.  All  these  authorities  are  sum- 
marized by  the  present  writer  in  a  note,  on  page  362  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  May, 
1876,  to  a  paper  on  ''  David  Thomson  and  the  Settlement  of  New  Hampshire." 

For  the  settlement  of  the  Hiltons  on  Dover  Neck,  and  for  the  later  history  of  the 
town,  see  Records  of  the  Council;  Hubbard  ;  a  Paper  on  David  Thomson  in  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc,  as  above;  i  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  62, ;  Provincial  Papers  of  New  Hampshire, 
i.  118,  and  the  authorities  (A.  H.  Quint  and  others)  there  cited;  cf.  Mr.  Hassam's  paper 
in  N  E.  Hist,  and  Gcjieal.  Reg.,  January,  1882,  p.  40  ;  Winthrop's  Journal,  i.  276. 

For  the  doings  of  the  Laconia  Company,  and  the  settlement  of  Portsmouth,  see 
Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  who  errs  respecting  the  Laconia  patent  and  the  date  of  the 
operations  of  the  Company ;  Hubbard  as  above ;  Provincial  Papers,  where  the  extant 
Laconia  documents  are  printed  at  length  ;  Jenness's  Isles  of  Shoals,  2d  ed..  New  York, 
1875,  ai^d  his  privately  printed  (1878)  Notes  on  the  First  Planting  of  New  Hampshire ; 
the  paper  on  David  Thomson,  as  above  ;  Adams's  Annals  of  Portsmouth  j  N.  E.  Hist, 
and  Gencal.  Reg.,  ii.  37. 

For  the  history  of  the  settlements  of  Exeter  and  Hampton  see  Belknap,  as  above ;  and 
cf.  Farmer's  edition,  who  holds  to  the  forgery  of  the  Wheelwright  deed  of  1629;  Pro- 
vincial  Papers  as  above,  pp.  128-153.  For  a  discussion  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Wheel- 
wright deed,  it  will  be  sufficient,  perhaps,  to  refer  to  Mr.  Savage's  argument  against  it  in 
Winthrop's  Journal,  i.  Appendix,  which  the  present  writer  thinks  unanswerable,  and 
Governor  C  H.  Bell's  able  defence  of  it  in  the  volume  of  the  Prince  Society  on  John 
Wheelwright. 2 

are  discussed  by  C.  W.  Tuttle  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  843,   and    Carter-Brown    Catalogue,   ii.  no.  338, 

Geneal.  Reg.,\'i-]^,^.  a^o^.     See  further  on  Cham-  show  original  copies.  —  Ed.] 
pernoun  in  Ibid.,  1873,  p.  147 ;  1874,  pp.  75,  318,  -  [The    principal    contestants   may   be   thus 

403.     There  is  an  account  of  Gorges'  tomb  at  divided:  — 

St.  Bordeaux  in  the  Magazine  of  American  His-  Pro,  —  New  Hampshire  Historical  Collections, 

tory,  August,  1882 ;  and  notes  on  his  pedigree,  in  i. ;  Bell's  Wheehvright ;  cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Gencal. 

N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1861,  p.  17  ;  1864,  p.  Reg.,  1869,  p.  65. 

287;  1872,  p.  381;  1877,  pp.  42,  44,  112.  —  Ed.]  Con,  —  Farmer's   Belknap;    Savage's    Win- 

^  [Captain  Christopher  Levett.     His  account  throp  ;    Palfrey's   New  England ;    and,  besides 

was  published  in  London  in  1628.     The  reprint  Mr.  Deane,  the  recorded  opinions  of  Dr.  Bou- 

in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  164,  was  made  from  a  ton,    Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle,  Mr.  J.  A.  Vinton;    cf. 

copy  got  in  England  by  Sparks.      The  Maine  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1868,  p.  479;  1874, 

Historical   Society  reprinted  it  in  their  Collec-  pp- 343,  477 ;  2ind  Historical  Magazine,  i.  57;  and 

tions,  ii.  73   (1847)  ;    and  the  copy  in  the  New  also  a  letter  of  Colonel  Chester  in  the  Register, 

York  Historical  Society's  Library  was  then  con-  1868,  p.  350. 
sidered  to  be  unique.     The  Hutk  Catalogue,  iii.  The  deed  is  printed  in  the  Provincial  Papers, 


NEW   ENGLAND.  367 

Concerning  the  several  patents  issued  by  the  Council  to  cover  the  territory  of  New 
Hampshire,  or  parts  of  it,  which  afterward  appeared  in  history,  one  was  made  to  John 
Mason,  of  Nov.  7,  1629,  of  territory  between  the  Merrimac  and  Piscataqua,  which,  "  with 
consent  of  the  Council,  he  intends  to  name  New  Hampshire  "  (Mason  was  governor  of 
Portsmouth  co.  Hants).  This  grant ^  was  printed  in  Hazard,  vol.  i.,  from  "New  Hamp- 
shire files,"  and  is  in  Provincial  Papers,  i.  21.  The  Laconia  grant  of  Nov,  17,  1629,  to 
Gorges  and  Mason,  was  the  basis  of  a  trading  company,  as  we  have  already  seen,  and 
those  associates  took  out  a  new  patent,  Nov.  3,  1631,  of  land  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Piscataqua.  The  Laconia  patent  is  in  Massachusetts  Archives,  and  is  printed  in  Pro- 
vincial Papers,  i.  38.  The  second  grant  is  printed  in  Jenness's  Notes,  above  cited, 
Appendix  ii.  Hilton's  patent  of  Dover  Neck,  or  wherever  it  may  have  extended,  of  March 
12,  1629/30,  is  cited  in  the  Council  Records,  and  is  printed  iti  extenso  in  Jenness's  Notes, 
Appendix  i.,  which  also  should  be  read  for  a  discussion  relative  to  its  boundaries. ^  At  the 
grand  division  in  1635  Mason  had  assigned  to  him  the  territory  between  Naumkeag  and 
Piscataqua,  dated  April  22,  "all  which  lands,  with  the  consent  of  the-Counsell,  shall  from 
henceforth  be  called  New  Hampshire."  Hazard  (i.  384)  printed  the  grant  from  the  "  records 
of  the  Province  of  Maine,"  and  it  is  also  printed  in  Provincial  Papers,  i.  33.  Mason  never 
improved  this  grant.  All  his  operations  in  New  Hampshire,  or  Piscataqua,  as  the  place 
was  called,  was  as  a  member  of  the  unfortunate  Laconia  Company.  He  died  soon  after 
this  last  grant  was  issued,  and  bequeathed  the  property  ultimately  to  his  grandchildren 
John  and  Robert  Tufton,  whose  claims  were  used  to  annoy  the  settlers  on  the  soil  who  had 
acquired  a  right  to  their  homesteads  by  long  undisputed  possession.^ 

After  the  union  of  the  New  Hampshire  towns  with  Massachusetts,  their  history  forms 
part  of  the  history  of  that  colony,  and  the  General  Cotirt  Records  may  be  consulted  for 
information.  John  S.  Jenness's  Transcripts  0/  Original  Documents  in  the  E7tglish 
Archives  relating  to  New  Hampshire,  privately  printed,  New  York,  1876,  is  a  volume  of 
great  value.  An  early  map  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  of  about  the  period  of  1655,  is 
prefixed  to  the  book.  The  Appendix  to  Belknap's  New  Hampshire  also  contains  docu- 
ments of  great  value.  The  Collections  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  consist- 
ing of  eight  volumes,  1824-1866,  are  rich  in  material  relating  to  the  State  ;  and  the  three 
volumes  of  Collections  published  by  Farmer  and  Moore,^  1822- 1824,  in  semi-monthly  and 

i.  56.     Cotton  Mather's  original  letter  regarding  may  be  seen  in  Hazard,  i.  397-399,  dated  Nov.  26, 

itj  dated  March  3,  1708,  is  noted  in  the  Brinley  1635;  also  in  Provincial  Papers.     These  papers 

Catalogue,  no.   1,329.      Belknap  has  printed  it,  last  named  are  a  publication  of  the  State.     The 

and  it  is  also  in  theTV^.  j£".  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  Rev.  Dr.  Nathaniel  Bouton,  between  1867  and 

1862,  p.  349.  —  Ed.]  1876,  completed  ten  volumes  of  Papers.     They 

1  Mason  made  no  use  of  this  grant ;  and  no  contain  nothing  before  1631  ;  few  from  1631 
use  had  been  made  of  his  grant  of  Mariana,  of  to  1686.  Most  of  the  original  papers  between 
March  9,  1621/22,  and  that  to  him  and  Gorges  1641  and  1679  ^^^  i^^  the  Massachusetts  Archives. 
of  Aug.  ID,  1622  ;  Hubbard's  New  England,  The  papers  of  interest  in  the  present  connection 
p.  614.  are  in  vols.  i.  and  ii.     The  series  has  since  been 

2  [Governor  Bell  discovered  in  1870  what  is  resumed  under  another  editor,  with  the  publica- 
known  as  the  Hilton  or  Squamscott  patent,  of  tion  (1882)  of  the  first  part  (A  to  F)  of  docu- 
March  12, 1629,  and  it  is  printed  in  the  N'.E.  Hist,  ments  relating  to  towns,  1 680-1800.  Very  few 
and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1870,  p.  264 ;  it  was  found  not  to  of  the  papers,  however,  are  before  1700.  Colonel 
agree  as  to  its  bounds  with  Piscataqua  patent.  A.  H.  Hoyt's  "  Nptes,  Historical  and  Biblio- 
Jenness,  in  his  Notes,  contends  that  Wiggin  set  graphical,  on  the  Laws  of  New  Hampshire," 
up  the  title  of  Massachusetts  to  the  territory  zxe  'n\  Amer.Antiq.  Soc.Proc,  A\ir\\,  \^-j6.  Like 
under  the  1628/29  charter.  It  was  the  conclusion  most  of  the  patents  issued  at  the  grand  division, 
of  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle  (a  studious  explorer  of  Mason's  grant  included  ten  thousand  acres  more 
New  Hampshire  history,  who  died  July  18, 1881  ;  of  land  on  the  southeast  part  of  Sagadahoc, 
cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xix.  2,  11)  that  Bloody  "from  henceforth  to  be  called  by  the  name  of 
Point,  being   included   in   both   grants,  became  Massonia." 

the   cause    of  the   trouble   between  Neale   and  *  [John  Farmer  (1789-1838)   and   Jacob   B. 

Wiggin,  as  told  by  Hubbard. — Ed.]  Moore   (1797-1853).      Each  did  much  for  New 

3  Mason's   will,  or   a  long  extract  from   it,     Hampshire  history.     For  an  account  of  Farmer, 


368  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

then  in  monthly  numbers,  should  not  be  overlooked  ;  nor  should  the  Collections  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

Of  the  general  histories,  that  of  Dr.  Belknap  is  the  first  and  the  only  considerable  His- 
tory of  New  Hampshire,  Philadelphia  and  Boston,  1 784-92,  3  vols.  The  work  early  acquired 
the  name  of  "the  elegant  History  of  New  Hampshire,"  which  it  deserved.  As  a  writer,  Dr. 
Belknap's  style  was  simple  and  '^  elegant."  Perhaps  after  Franklin  he  was  the  best  writer 
of  English  prose  which  New  England  had  produced  ;  and  there  has  been  since  little  im- 
provement upon  him.  He  had  the  true  historical  spirit,  and  was  a  good  investigator.^  He 
fell  into  an  error  respecting  some  of  the  early  grants  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the  early  part 
of  his  History  needs  revision.  He  probably  never  doubted  the  genuineness  of  the  Wheel- 
wright deed ;  but  John  Farmer,  the  editor  of  a  new  edition  (183 1)  of  his  work,  believed  that 
document  to  be  a  forgery,  and  made  his  book  to  conform  to  this  idea,  though  other  errors 
were  not  corrected.    Palfrey's  New  England  xs  of. the  first  authority  here  after  Belknap. ^ 

Connecticut.  —  "  Quinni-tuk-ut,  'on  long  river,'  —  now  Connecticut^ — was  the  name 
of  the  valley,  or  lands  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  In  one  early  deed  (1636)  I  find  the 
name  written  Quinetucquet j  in  another  of  the  same  year,  Quenticutty^ 

The  name  "  Connecticut,"  as  designating  the  country  or  colony  on  the  river  of  that 
name,  was  used  by  Massachusetts  in  their  commission  of  March  3,  1635/36,*  and  it  was 
early  adopted  by  the  colonists.^ 

Quinnipiac,  —  the  Indian  name  of  New  Haven,  written  variously,  and  by  President 
Stiles,  on  the  authority  of  an  Indian  of  East  Haven,  Quiniiepyooghq ,  — is  probably  "  long- 
water  place."  ^     The  name  New  Haven  was  substituted  by  the  Court  Sept.  5,  1640.' 

The  first  EngHsh  settlement  was  made  by  the  Plymouth  people  at  Windsor  in  October, 
1633,  when  they  sent  out  a  barque  with  materials  for  a  trading-house,  and  set  it  up  there 
against  the  remonstrances  of  the  Dutch,  who  had  themselves  established  a  trading-house 
at  Hartford  some  time  before.^     The  history  of  this  business  is  well  told  by  Bradford 

see  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  i.  12,  15.     He  Places  :  .  .  in  Connecticut,  etc.,  Hartford,   t88i. 

published  a  first  volume  (Dover,  183  r)  of  a  pro-  The  fortunes  of  the  natives  of  this  colony  have 

jected  new  edition  of  Belknap's  History  of  Neiv  been  traced  in  J.  W.  De  Forest's  History  of  the 

Hampslm-e,  from  a  copy  "  having  the  author's  Indians  of  Connecticut  (with  a  map  of  1630),  of 

last  corrections."     Moore  was  the  father  of  the  which   there   have  been   successive  editions  in 

well-known   historical    student,   Dr.  George   H.  1850,    1853,    and    187 1.      Of    Uncas,    the   most 

Moore,  of  the  Lenox  Library.  —  Ed.]  famous  of  the  Mohegan  chiefs,  there  is  a  pedi- 

1  \Ci.  C.liL.  Ad2ivc\s,  Manual  of  Historical  Lit-  gree,  as  made  out  in  1679,  recorded  in  the  Col- 
erature,  p.  549.  Mention  has  been  made  else-  ony  Records,  Deeds,  iii.  312,  and  printed  in  N. 
where  of  the  Belknap  Papers;  cf.  Mass.  Hist.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg,  \d>t^6,\>.  22^,  The  will 
Soc.  Proc,  March,  1858.  —  Ed.]  of  his  son  Joshua  is  in  Ibid.,  1859,  p.  235.     An 

2  [The  reports  of  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  agreement  which  Uncas  made  in  1681  with  the 
State,  1866  and  1868,  contained  Mr.  Chandler  whites  is  in  the  Public  Records,  i.  309,  and  in 
E.  Potter's  Military  History  of  Ne7u  Hampshire,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  x.  16,  The  warfare  in 
from  1623  to  1861,  issued  separately  at  Concord  1642  between  Uncas  and  Miantonomo,  the  chief 
in  1869.  The  histories  by  Whiton  (1834)  and  of  the  Narragansetts,  and  which  ended  with  the 
Barstow  (1853)  are  of  minor  importance.]  There  latter's  death  in  captivity,  the  English  approv- 
are  many  valuable  histories  of  separate  towns  in  ing,  is  described  by  Winthrop  and  Hubbard ; 
New  Hampshire,  and  I  cannot  do  better  than  also  in  Trumbull's  Connecticut,  chap.  7  ;  Arnold's 
refer  to  the  "  Bibliography  of  New  Hampshire,"  Rhode  Island,  chap.  4 ;  Palfrey's  New  England, 
in  Norton's  Literary  Letter,  new  series,  no  i.  pp.  vol.  ii.  chap.  3  ;  and  it  was  the  subject  of  an  his- 
8-30,  by  S.  C.  Eastman.     [A  current  periodical,  torical    address   in  1842  by  William  L.   Stone, 

The  Granite  Monthly,   is  devoting  much  space  called  Uncas  and  Miantonomo.  —  Ed.] 

to  New  Hampshire  history;  cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xiii.  *  Massachusetts  Colonial  Records,  i.  170. 

no.  37,486,  etc.  —  Ed.]  ,  5  See  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  i.  4. 

3  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  in  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  ^  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  as  above,  p.  15. 
Coll.,  ii.  8.      [Dr.   Trumbull    has  compassed  a  "  New  Haven  Records. 

large  part  of  the  field  of  the  Indian  nomencla-  ^  [Block,  in  1614,  had  been  the  first  to  explore 

ture   of    Connecticut   in   his   Indian   Names  of    the  river  for  the  Dutch;  and  both  O'Callaghan 


NEW   ENGLAND.  369 

(pp.  3 1 1-3 14),  with  whose  narrative  compare  Winthrop  (pp.  105,  181)  and  Hubbard 
(pp-  i7o,2>osets€g.). 

The  story  of  the  settlement  of  the  three  towns  on  the  Connecticut  River  by  emigrants 
from  Massachusetts  is  told  by  Winthrop,  passim,  and  by  Trumbull ;  and  the  Records  of 
Massachusetts  show  the  orders  passed  in  relation  to  their  removal,  and  define  their  poHt- 
ical  status  during  the  first  year  of  the  settlement,  and  indeed  to  a  later  period.  The  Con- 
necticut Colonial  Records  give  abundant  information  as  to  their  political  relations  until  the 
arrival  of  the  Winthrop  charter  of  1662,  when,  after  some  demurring  on  the  part  of  New 
Haven,  the  two  small  jurisdictions  were  merged  into  one.^  A  spirited  letter  from  Mr. 
Hooker  to  Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,  written  in  1638,  disclosing  his  sup- 
pressed feelings  towards  some  in  the  Bay  Colony  for  alleged  factious  opposition  to  the 
emigration  to  Connecticut,  may  be  seen  in  Co^tn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  3-18.  What  is  called 
the  original  Constitution  of  Connecticut,  adopted  by  the  three  towns  Jan.  14,  1638/39,  may 
be  seen  in  the  printed  Colonial  Records,  i.  20-25.'^ 

The  story  of  John  Winthrop's  second  arrival  from  England,  in  October,  1635,  with  a 
commission  from  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  and  Lord  Brook  and  others,  and  with  ;^2,ooo  in 
money,  to  begin  an  independent  settlement  and  erect  a  fortification  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut  River,  and  to  be  governor  there  for  one  year,  is  told  in  Winthrop's  Journal 
(i.  170,  173)  ;  and  is  repeated  in  full  by  Trumbull,  vol.  i.  Possession  was  taken  in  the 
following  month.  The  patent  to  Lord  Say  and  others,  which  was  the  basis  of  this  move- 
ment, is  known  as  the  "old  patent  of  Connecticut,"  and  may  be  seen,  with  Winthrop's 
commission,  in  Trumbull's  History,  vol.  i.,  both  editions.  It  purports  to  be  a  personal 
grant  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  then  the  President  of  the  Council  for  New  England, 
bearing  date  March  19,  1631  (1632  N.S.).  Although  the  authority  by  which  the  grant  is 
made  is  not  given  in  the  document  itself,  as  is  usually  the  case,  it  has  been  confidently 
asserted  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  received  the  previous  year  a  patent  for  the  same 
territory  from  the  Council  for  New  England,  which  was  subsequently  confirmed  by  the 
King.3  The  grant  was  interpreted  to  convey  all  the  territory  lying  west  of  the  Narra- 
gansett  River,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  on  the  Sound,  thence  onward  to  the  South 
Sea.4 

{A^ezv  Netherland,  i.   169)   and  Brodhead   [New  with  the  place  selected  for  a  plantation.     The 

York,  i.  235)   set  forth  the  prior  right  of    the  sad  mortality  of  the  preceding  winter  was  appall- 

Dutch ;  cf.  N.  E.  Hist.  a?id  Geneal.  Reg.,  vi.  368.  ing,  and  they  began  to  cast  their  thoughts  on  a 

—  Ed.]  more  southerly  spot   than   Massachusetts    Bay. 

1  [Roger  Wolcott  celebrated  Winthrop's  In  a  letter  of  John  Humfrey,  written  from 
agency  in  London,  in  1662,  in  a  long  poem,  London,  Dec.  9,  1636,  in  reply  to  one  just  re- 
which  was  printed  in  Wolcott's  Poetical  Aledita-  ceived  from  his  brother-in-law,  Isaac  Johnson, 
tions,  London,  1725,  and  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  from  the  colony,  he  says,  in  speaking  of  Mr. 
a.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,n\.2(>9',  BrinleyCata-  Downing:  "He  is  the  only  man  for  Council 
logiie,  no.  2,134.  —  Ed.]  that  is  heartily  ours  in  the  town ;  and  yet,  unless 

2  It  had  been  printed  by  Trumbull  in  1797,  in  you  settle  upon  a  good  river  and  in  a  less  snowy 
the  Appendix  to  the  first  edition  of  his  History,  and  cold  place,  I  can  see  no  great  edge  on  him  to 
i.  528-533 ;  and  is  repeated  in  the  second  edition,  come  unto  us."  Further  on  he  says,  "  My  Lord 
1818  ;  cf.  Dr.  J.  H.  Trumbull's  Historical  Notes  of  Warwick  will  take  a  patent  of  that  place  you 
on  the  Constitutions  of  Connecticut,  1639-1878,  writ  of  for  himself,  and  so  we  may  be  bold  to  do 
published  in  1873.  Hinman  published  a  collec-  there  as  if  it  were  our  own."  (4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
tion  of  Letters  of  the  Kitigs  of  England  to  the  vi.  3,  4.)  No  further  hint  is  given  as  to  the  loca- 
Successive  Governors  (1635-1749).  tion  of  Warwick's  intended  grant,  and  we  have 

8  Douglass's  Summary,  ii.  160;  Neal's  New  no  contemporaneous  record  of  any  patent  having 

England,  2d  ed.,  i.  163;  Trumbull's  2d  ed.  1818,  been  taken  by  him  at  this  time  or  later.     The 

i.  21 ;  Hubbard,  p.  310.  Earl  was  a  great  friend  of  the  Puritans.     It  was 

4  Trumbull,  i.  28,  from  manuscripts  of  Presi-  through  him  that  the  Massachusetts  patent  was 
dent  Clap.  This  old  Connecticut  patent  has  obtained ;  and  the  patent  to  the  people  of  Ply- 
always  been  a  mystery.  Some  of  the  colonists  mouth  was  signed  by  him  alone,  but  in  the  name 
of  the  Winthrop  emigration  to  Massachusetts  in  of  the  Council,  and  sealed  with  their  seal. 
1630  were  unfavorably  impressed  on  their  arrival  The  title  to  Connecticut  was  contested.  On 
VOL.  III.  —47. 


370 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


The  first  and  second  agreements  with  Fenwick,  the  agent  of  the  proprietors,  dated 
Dec.  5,  1644,  and  Feb.  17,  1646,  were  first  printed  by  Trumbull. ^     The  account  of  Fen- 


the  grand  division  of  1635,  James,  Marquis, 
afterward  Duke,  of  Hamilton,  received  for 
his  share  the  territory  between  the  Connecti- 
cut and  Narragansett  rivers,  and  a  copy  of  his 
feoffment  was  cited  by  Chalmers,  as  on  record 
bearing  date  April  22,  1635,  that  being  the  date 
which  all  the  grants  of  that  final  division  bore. 
From  a  copy  on  the  Connecticut  files  Mr.  R,  R. 
Hinman,  Secretary  of  State,  published  the  deed 
in  a  volume  of  ancient  documents,  at  Hartford, 
in  1836.  On  the  Restoration  the  heirs  of  the 
Duke,  in  a  petition  to  the  King,  asked  to  *'  be 
restored  to  their  just  right,"  and  their  claim  was, 
in  1664,  laid  by  the  King's  commissioners  before 
the  Connecticut  authorities.  These  in  their  an- 
swer set  up,  in  the  first  place,  the  prior  grant  of 
Lord  Say  and  Sele  and  others,  which  Connec- 
ticut, as  they  alleged,  had  "  purchased  at  a  dear 
rate,"  and  which  had  been  recently  ratified  and 
confirmed  by  the  King  in  their  new  charter ;  then, 
secondly,  a  conquest  from  the  natives ;  and, 
thirdly,  they  claimed  thirty  years'  peaceable  pos- 
session (Trumbull,  i.  524,  530).  At  a  period 
still  later,  the  Earl  of  Arran,  a  grandson,  applied 
to  King  William  for  a  hearing ;  and  when  in  a 
formal  manner  several  patents  were  exhibited 
on  the  part  of  Connecticut,  the  Earl's  final  reply 
was,  "  that  when  they  produced  a  grant  from  the 
Plymouth  Council  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  it 
should  have  an  answer."  (Chalmers,  pp.  299- 
301  ;  Trumbull,  i.  524.) 

Some  entries  in  the  recently  recovered  records 
of  the  Council  for  New  England  tend  to  deepen 
the  suspicion  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  never  re- 
ceived the  alleged  grant  from  that  body.  It  is 
true  that  the  records  as  preserved  are  not  entire, 
and  do  not  cover  the  year  1630,  and  for  the  year 
1 63 1  they  begin  at  November  4.  But  some  later 
entries  are  very  significant.  Under  date  of  June 
21,  1632,  which  is  three  months  after  the  date 
of  the  grant  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele  and  asso- 
ciates, is  this  entry  :  "  The  Secretary  is  to  bring, 
against  the  next  meeting,  a  rough  draft  in  paper 
of  a  patent  for  the  E.  of  Warwick,  from  the 
river  of  the  Narrigants  10  leagues  westward. 
Sir  Ferd.  Gorges  will  forthwith  give  particular 
directions  for  the  said  patent."  At  the  next 
meeting,  June  26,  "  The  rough  draft  of  a  patent 
for  the  E.  of  Warwick  was  now  read.  His 
Lordship,  upon  hearing  the  same,  gave  order 
that  the  grant  should  be  unto  Rob.  Lord  Rich 
and  his  associates,  A,  B,  etc.  And  it  was  agreed 
by  the  Council  that  the  limits  of  the  said  patent 
should  be  30  English  miles  westward,  and  50 


miles  into  the  land  northward,  provided  that  it 
did  not  prejudice  any  other  patent  formerly 
granted."  A  committee  was  appointed  to  take 
further  order  respecting  this  patent,  and  there  is 
no  evidence  that  it  was  ever  perfected  or  issued. 
This  proposed  grant,  it  will  be  seen,  covered  in 
part  the  same  territory  pi-eviously  included  in 
the  grant  above  cited  to  Lord  Say,  Lord  Brook, 
Lord  Rich,  and  others  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
himself. 

Three  days  afterward  some  very  singular 
orders  were  adopted  by  the  Council,  indicating 
that  there  had  been  a  serious  disagreement  with 
the  Earl,  or  that  a  feeling  akin  to  suspicion,  of 
which  the  Earl  was  the  object,  had  found  a  lodg- 
ment in  that  body.  The  Earl  being  president, 
the  meetings  for  some  years  had  been  held  at 
"  Warwick  Hovise  in  Holborne."  At  a  meet- 
ing on  the  29th  of  June,  at  which  the  Earl  was 
not  present,  "  It  was  agreed  that  the  E.  of 
Warwick  should  be  entreated  to  direct  a  course 
for  finding  out  what  patents  have  been  granted 
for  New  England."  (Did  not  the  Council  keep 
a  record  of  their  grants  ?)  Also,  "  The  Lord 
Great  Chamberlain  and  the  rest  of  the  Council 
now  present  sent  their  clerk  unto  the  E.  of 
Warwick  for  the  Council's  great  seal,  it  being 
in  his  Lordship's  keeping."  Answer  was 
brought  that  as  soon  as  his  man  Williams 
came  in  he  would  send  it.  It  was  then  voted 
that  the  meetings  of  the  Council,  which  for 
some  time,  as  I  have  already  said,  had  been 
held  at  Warwick  House,  should  hereafter  be 
held  at  Captain  Mason's  House,  in  Fenchurch 
Street.  But  the  seal  was  not  then  sent,  and  dur- 
ing the  next  five  months  two  other  formal  appli- 
cations were  made  for  it.  In  the  mean  time  and 
thence  after  the  records  indicate  the  Earl's  ab- 
sence from  the  meetings,  and  finally  Lord  Gorges 
was  chosen  President  of  the  Council  in  his  place. 

The  patent  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  it  may  be 
added,  was  never  formally  transferred  to  Con- 
necticut. In  the  agreement  of  1644/45  Fenwick 
conveyed  the  fort  and  lands  on  the  river,  and 
promised  to  convey  the  jurisdiction  of  all  the 
lands  between  Narragansett  River  and  Saybrook 
Fort,  "  if  it  come  into  his  power,"  —  which  he 
seems  never  to  have  done,  though  the  author- 
ities of  Connecticut  claimed  that  they  had  paid 
him  for  it.  For  a  long  time  the  Connecticut 
authorities  appear  to  have  had  no  copy  of  this 
patent,  for  they  were  often  challenged  to  exhibit 
it,  and  were  not  able  to  do  so ;  though  they  say 
that  a  copy  was   shown  to  the  commissioners 


1  First  edition,  vol.  i.  Appendix  v.  and  vi.     See  also  Ibid.,  i.  149,  507-510,  edition  of  1818,  with 
which  compare  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  pp.  568,  573,  585. 


NEW   ENGLAND.  37 1 

■wick's  arrival  in  the  colony,  in  1639,  with  his  family,  and  his  settlement,  and  the  naming 
of  Saybrook,  may  be  seen  in  Winthrop.i 

The  "Capital  Laws,"  established  by  Connecticut,  Dec.  i,  1642,  the  first  "Code  of 
Laws,"  and  the  court  orders,  judgments,  and  sentences  of  the  General  and  Particular 
Courts,  from  1636  to  1662,  are  printed  in  Co7tnecticut  Co lotiial  Records.^ 

The  contemporaneous  accounts  of  the  Pequot  War  have  already  been  mentioned 
under  "  Massachusetts."  What  relates  specially  to  Connecticut  is  largely  told  in  the 
Colonial  Records.  Mason's  narrative  is  by  far  the  best  of  the  original  accounts  which  have 
been  published.  The  dispute  with  Massachusetts  respecting  the  division  of  the  conquered 
territory  ;  the  allotments  of  the  same  to  the  soldiers  ;  the  account  of  the  younger  Win- 
throp's  settlement  ia  the  Pequot  country,  and  his  claim  to  the  Nehantick  country  by  an 
early  gift  of  Sashions,  not  allowed  by  the  United  Colonies,  —  may  be  seen  in  the  records 
of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  and  in  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies.^ 

The  account  of  the  settlement  of  New  Haven  by  emigrants  from  Masssachusetts  — 
indirectly  from  the  city  of  London,  —  in  1638;  of  their  purchases  of  lands  from  the 
natives,  and  of  the  formation  of  their  government,  —  church  and  civil,  —  may  be  seen  in 
Winthrop,*  and  in  New  Haven  Colonial  Records.^ 

The  Fundamental  Articles,  or  Original  Constitution,  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven, 
June  4,  1639,  which  continued  in  force  till  1665,  was  printed  in  Trumbull's  Histojy,  vol.  i., 
in  1797,  in  Appendix,  no.  iv.,  as  also  in  the  later  edition,  and  in  the  Colonial  Records, 
i.  11-17,  in  which  volume  the  legislative  and  judicial  history  of  the  colony  is  recorded 
for  many  years.  The  orders  of  the  General  Court,  the  civil  and  criminal  trials  before 
the  Court  of  Magistrates,  with  the  evidence  spread  out  on  the  pages  of  the  record,  and 
the  sentences  following,  being,  in  criminal  cases,  based  on  the  Laws  of  Moses,  furnish  an 
unpleasant  exhibition  ;  perhaps  not  more  so,  however,  than  other  primitive  colonies  would 
have  shown  if  their  record  of  crimes  had  been  as  well  preserved.  From  April,  1644,  to 
May,  1653,  the  Records  of  New  Haven  jurisdiction  are  lost. 

What  is  known  as  Governor  Eaton's  ^  Code  of  Laws  was  sent  to  London  to  be  printed 
under  the  supervision  of  Governor  Hopkins,  who  had  returned  to  England  a  few  years 
before  ;  and  an  edition  of  five  hundred  copies  appeared  in  1656,  under  the  title  of  N'ew 
Haven's  Settling  in  New  England,  etc.  The  code  was  first  reprinted  by  Mr.  Royal  R. 
Hinman,  at  Hartford,  in  1838,  in  a  volume  entitled  The  Blue  Laws  of  New  Haven  Colony, 

when    the   confederation    of    the   colonies   was  Compact,  entered  into  and  adopted  by  the  Towns 

formed,  —  then  of   course  in  the  possession  of  of  Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Weathersfield,  in  1638- 

Fenwick;  and  in  1648  it  is  referred  to  as  hav-  39,   to   which   is  added  some  Extracts  from   the 

ing  been  recently  seen.     (Hazard,  ii.  120,  123.)  Laws  and  Judicial  Proceedings  of  New  LLaven 

A  transcript  of  this  patent  was  found  in  London  Colony  commonly  called  Blue  Laws.     There  was 

by  John  Winthrop,  among  the  papers  of  Cover-  an  edition  at  Hartford  in  1828,  1830,  1838,  from 

nor  Hopkins,  who  died  there  in  1658.     See  Con-  the  same  plates  ;  and  in  186 1  there  appeared  at 

necticut  Colonial  Records,  pp.  268,  568,  573,  574.  Philadelphia  A    Collection  of  the  Earliest  Stat- 

^  Vol.  i.  p.  306;  cf.  Trumbull,  i.  no;  Hutch-  utes,  Edited  with  an  Lntroduction,  by  Samuel  W. 

inson,  i.  100,  loi.  Smucker. 

2   Vol.   i.   pp.   77-80,   509-563,    1-384.      The  ^  (^f  ^Iso  Trumbull,  i.  chap.  viii. ;  Caulkins, 

twelve  Capital  Laws  of  the  Connecticut  Colony,  New  London,  pp.  27-50. 
established  in  1642,  were  taken  almost  literally  *  Vol.  i.  pp.  259,  260,  404,  405. 

from  the  Body  of  Liberties  of  Massachusetts,  es-  ^  Vol:  i.  i,  et  seq.;  cf.  Trumbull,  i.  chap.  vi. ; 

tablished  in  1641.     The  preamble  to  the  code  of  Hubbard,  chap.  xlii.     See  also  Davenport's  Dis- 

1650,  the  paragraph  following  it,  and  many,  if  not  course  about  Civil  Governnient  in  a  New  Planta- 

all,  of  the  laws  were  taken  from  the  Massachu-  tion,  Cambridge,  1663,  probably  written  at  this 

setts  Book  of  Laws  published  in  1649.     A  copy  early  period;  Leonard  Bacon,  Thirteen  Historical 

of    the   constitution    of    1639   was    prefixed    to  Discourses,   New   Haven,   1839;   and    Professor 

the  Code.     This   was  first   printed   in   a  small  J.  L.  Kingsley,  j^/Zj-^^^nVa/Z^/jc^z/rj-^,  New  Haven, 

volume  in  1822  at   Hartford,  by  Silas  Andrus,  1838. 

called  The  Code  of  1650,  being  a  Compilation  of  ^  [Of  Governor  Eaton,  the  first  governor  of 

the  Earliest  Laws  and  Oi'ders  of  the  General  Court  New  Haven,  there  is  a  memoir  by  J.  B.  Moore 

of  Connecticut;  also,  the   Constitution,  or  Ci%nl  in  2  A^.  Y.  Hist.  Coll.,  \\.  ^6"]. — Ed.] 


372 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


usually  called  Blue  Laws  of  Connecticut,  Quaker  Laws  of  Ply7nouth  and  Massachusetts, 
etc. ;  and  again,  in  1858,  at  the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  New  Haven  Records,  from  a 
rare  copy  in  the  Library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.^     The  "Articles  of  Con- 


1  A  copy  of  the  original  edition  is  also  in  the 
Library  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  not  quite  per- 
fect. Two  copies  were  in  the  sale  of  Mr.  Brin- 
ley's  library  in  1879,  ^.nd  they  brought,  one  $380, 
the  other,  not  perfect,  ^310.  Dr.  J.  Hammond 
Trumbull,  in  his  learned  Introduction  to  his  edi- 
tion of  The  True-Bliie  Laws  of  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven,  and  the  False  Blue  Laws  Lnvented  by 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Peters,  etc.,  Hartford,  1876,  says  : 
"Just  when  or  by  whom  the  acts  and  proceedings 
of  New  Haven  Colony  were  first  stigmatized 
as  Blue  Laws  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  The 
presumption,  however,  is  strong  that  the  name 
had  its  origin  in  New  York,  and  that  it  gained 
currency  in  Connecticut  among  Episcopalian  and 
other  dissenters  from  the  established  church, 
between  1720  and  1750"  (p.  24).  He  thinks 
that  "blue  "  was  a  convenient  epithet  for  what- 
ever "in  colonial  laws  and  proceedings  looked 
over-strict,  or  queer,  or  'puritanic'"  (pp.  24,  27). 

Mr.  Peters,  of  course,  did  not  invent  the 
name.  He  says  of  these  laws  :  "  They  consist  of 
a  vast  multitude,  and  were  very  properly  termed 
Blue  Laws,  i.e.,  bloody  la7vs.'"  In  his  General 
History  of  Connecticut,  I>ondon,  1781,  Peters 
gives  some  forty-five  of  these  laws  as  a  sample  of 
the  whole,  "  denominated  blue  laws  by  the  neigh- 
boring colonies,"  which  "were  never  suffered 
to  be  printed."  The  greater  part  of  these  prob- 
ably never  had  an  existence  as  standing  laws  or 
otherwise.  The  archives  of  the  colony  fail  to 
reveal  such,  though  we  do  not  forget  that  the 
jurisdiction  records  for  nine  years  are  lost. 
Peters'  laws  have  often  been  reprinted,  and  ap- 
pear in  Mr.  Trumbull's  volume  above  cited, 
along  with  authentic  documents  relating  to  the 
foundation  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  colo- 
nies, already  referred  to  in  this  paper.  (See 
Peters'  Connecticut,  pp.  6^),  66;  the  New-Eng- 
lander,  April,  1871,  art.  "Blue  Laws;"  and 
Methodist  Quarterly  Rez'iew,  January,  1878.) 

It  might  be  inferred  from  the  conclusion  of 
the  titlepage  (cited  above)  of  the  small  volume 
published  by  Silas  Andrus,  at  Hartford,  in  1822, 
on  bluish  paper,  bound  in  blue  covers,  with 
a  frontispiece  representing  a  constable  seizing 
a  tobacco  taker,  which  was  stereotyped  and 
subsequently  issued  at  different  dates,  that  the 
book  contained  the  Peters'  laws ;  but  what  re- 
lated to  New  Haven  here  were  simply  extracts 
of  a  few  laws  and  court  orders  from  the  rec- 
ords. The  Blue  Laws  of  Peters  were  reprinted 
by  J.  W.  Barber,  in  his  History  and  Antiquities 
of  New  Haven,  1831,  with  a  note  in  which  the 
old  story  is  repeated,  that  the  term  blue  origi- 
nated from  the  color  of  the  paper  in  which  the 
first  printed  laws  were  stitched.     They  were  also 


printed  by  Mr.  Hinman,  formerly  Secretary  of 
the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  1838,  in  a  volume 
already  cited,  along  with  other  valuable  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  colony,  and  with  what  he 
called  the  Blue  Laws  of  Virginia,  of  Barbadoes. 
of  Maryland,  New  York,  South  Carolina,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Plymouth. 

Peters'  Connecticut  (1781)  is  now  a  scarce 
book.  The  copy  in  the  Menzies  sale,  no.  1,590, 
brought  $125.  Cf.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  2,088, 
etc.  The  interest  in  this  apocryphal  history  of 
Connecticut  and  in  Peters'  Blue  Laws  was  re- 
vived in  modern  times  by  the  publication  in 
1829  of  a  new  edition  of  Peters'  History,  in 
i2mo.,  at  New  Haven,  with  a  preface  and  eighty- 
seven  pages  of  supplementary  notes.  The  anon- 
ymous editor  of  the  new  edition  was  Sherman 
Croswell,  son  of  the  Rev.  Harry  Croswell,  —  a 
recent  graduate  of  Yale  College,  who  furnished 
the  supplementary  notes.  Nearly  all  the  type  of 
this  edition  was  set  by  the  late  Joel  Munsell, 
then  a  young  man  just  twenty-one  years  of  age. 
Mr.  Croswell  subsequently  went  to  Albany  as 
co-editor  with  his  cousin,  Edwin  Croswell,  of 
the  Albany  Argus.  (Joel  Munsell,  Manuscript 
Note;  October,  187 1.)  Professor  Franklin  B 
Dexter,  of  Yale  College,  writes  me  under  date 
of  Feb.  20,  1883,  respecting  the  enterprise  of 
publishing  the  new  edition  of  Peters'  History: 
"  I  have  heard  that  the  publisher,  Dorus  Clarke, 
used  to  say  that  he  lost  ^2,000  by  the  publica- 
tion. Sherman  Croswell  was  a  young  lawyer 
then  living  here,  a  son  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Harry 
Croswell,  and  brother  and  classmate  (Yale  Col- 
lege, 1822)  of  the  more  gifted  Rev.  William 
Croswell,  of  the  Church  of  the  Advent  in 
Boston.  Sherman  was  born  Nov.  10,  1802 ;  re- 
moved to  Albany  in  1831,  and  became  an  editor 
of  the  Argus  with  his  cousin,  Edwin  Croswell ; 
returned  to  New  Haven  in  1855,  and  died  here 
March  4,  1859.  I  have  repeatedly  heard  that  he 
edited  this  publication,  though  my  authority  has 
never  been  a  very  definite  one.  Munsell's  note  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  accept  as  far  as  this  fact 
is  concerned."  Munsell  inadvertently  calls  Sher- 
man Croswell  a  brother  of  Edwin.  A  spurious 
edition  of  this  book  was  published  in  New  York 
in  1877,  edited  by  a  descendant  of  the  author, 
S.  J.  McCormick.  Cf.  Anier.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc, 
Oct.  22,  1877,  and  N  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1877,  p.  238. 

But  New  Haven  was  not  the  only  New  Eng- 
land colony  whose  laws  were  satirized  or  bur- 
lesqued by  those  who  did  not  sympathize  with 
the  strict  ways  of  the  Puritan.  John  Josselyn, 
who  visited  the  Massachusetts  Colony  twice,  in 
his  account   of  the  country  published  in  1674 


NEW   ENGLAND.  373 

federation"  of  the  United  Colonies  of  1643,  whose  records  are  a  mine  of  history  in  them- 
selves, were  prefixed  to  this  code,  and  were  here  printed  for  the  first  time.  The  Records 
were  first  printed  by  Hazard  in  1794,  from  the  Plymouth  copy,  and  they  have  more  re- 
cently been  reprinted  by  the  State  of  Massachusetts  in  a  volume  of  the  Plymouth  Records. 
Each  colony  had  a  copy  of  those  records,  but  the  only  ones  preserved  are  those  of  Ply- 
mouth and  of  Connecticut.  The  latter,  containing  some  entries  wanting  in  the  former,  are 
printed  at  the  end  of  vol.  iii.  of  the  Connecticut  Colonial  Records. 

The  Quakers  gave  little  disturbance  to  either  of  these  colonies.  While  the  people 
in  Connecticut  were  divided  with  the  "  Half-Way  Covenant "  controversy,  the  Quakers, 
in  July,  1656,  made  their  appearance  in  Boston.  The  United  Colonies  recommended  the 
several  jurisdictions  to  pass  laws  prohibiting  their  coming,  and  banishing  those  who 
should  come.  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  took  the  alarm,  and  acted  upon  the  advice 
given.  New  Haven  subsequently  increased  the  penalties  at  first  prescribed,  yet  falhng 
short  in  severity  of  the  legislation  of  Massachusetts. ^ 

The  territorial  disputes  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  with  the  Dutch  at  Man- 
hados,  which  began  early  and  were  of  long  continuance,  find  abundant  illustration  in 
Trumbull's  History  of  Connecticut.,  and  in  Brodhead's  History  of  New  York,  and  in  the 
documentary  history,  of  which  the  materials  were  procured  by  Brodhead,  but  arranged  by 
O'Callaghan.2 

The  records  of  the  two  colonies  show  the  ample  provision  made  for  public  schools, 
and  indicate  a  project  entertained  by  New  Haven  as  early  as  1648  to  found  a  college,  —  a 
scheme  not  consummated,  however,  till  a  later  period. 

The  Winthrop  charter  of  1662,  which  united  the  two  colonies,  is  in  Hazard,  ii.  597, 
taken  from  a  printed  volume  of  Charters,  London,  1766.  It  had  been  printed  at  New 
London  in  1750,  in  a  volume  of  Acts  and  Laws,  and  is  in  a  volume  by  Samuel  Lucas, 
London,  1850.  The  charter  bears  date  April  23,  1662.  In  an  almanac  of  John  Winthrop, 
the  younger,  for  the  year  1662,  once  temporarily  in  my  possession,  and  now  belonging  to 
the  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  I  noticed  this  manuscript  note  of  the  former  owner,  which 
I  copied:  "This  day.  May  10,  in  the  afternoon,  the  Patent  for  Connecticut  was  sealed." 
The  orders,  instructions,  and  correspondence  relating  to  the  procuring  of  this  charter 
are  printed  in  the  Colonial  Records,  text  and  Appendix,  and  in  Trumbull,  vol.  i.,  text 
and  Appendix.^ 

professes  to  give  some  of  the  laws  of  that  colony,  to  N'ew  England,   etc.  (Carter-Brown,  ii.  1580.) 

Some  of  those  cited  by  him  are  true,  and  some  A  large  part  of  it,  where  he  speaks  of  "  Boston 

are  false.     Some  were  court  orders  or  sentences  and  the  Inhabitants,"  is  abusive  and  scandalous. 

for  crimes.     One  is  similar  to  a  law  in  Peters'  He  enlarges  upon  Josselyn  in  the  instance  cited, 

code  :  "  For  kissing  a  woman  in  the  street,  though  whose  book  he  had  seen.     Mr.  Drake  and  Dr. 

in  the  way  of  civil  salute,  whipping  or  a  fine  "  Shurtleff,  in  their  histories  of  Boston,  both  quote 

(p.  178).    Of  course  there  were  at  an  early  period  from  it.    No  one  would  think  of  believing  "  Ned 

in  the  colony  instances  of  ridiculous  punishments  Ward,"  the  editor  of  the  London  Spy,  who  was 

awarded  at  the  sole  discretion  of  the  magistrate,  sentenced  more  than  once  to  stand  in  the  pillory 

of  which  the  record  in  all  cases  may  not  be  pre-  for  his  scurrility ;  yet  for  ail  this  he  probably 

served,  and  it  is  hazardous  to   deny,  for   that  was  as  truthful,  if  not  as  pious,  as  Parson  Peters 

reason,  that  they  ever  took  place.     The  exist-  of  a  later  generation. 

ence   of   standing   laws   are   more   easily  ascer-  ^  See  Trumbull,  i.  297  ;  New  Haven  Colonial 

tained.     Josselyn    (p.   179)  refers  the  reader  to  Records,  ii.  217,  238,  363  ;    Connecticut  Colonial 

**  their  Laws  in  print."     During  his  second  visit  Records,  ii.  283,  303,  308,  324. 
to    Massachusetts    ( 1663-167 1)    he   could    have  ^  [ggg  chap.  x.  of  the  present  volume,  and 

seen  the  digest  of  1649,  and  that  of  1660.     Of  chap.  ix.  of  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 

the  first  no  copy  is  now  extant,  but  the  Con-  3  See  also  Winthrop's  letter  in  Connecticut 

necticut  code  of  1650,  first  printed  in  1822,  was  Historical  Society's  Collections,  i.  52,  and  Secre- 

perhaps  substantially  a  transcript  of  it.     3  Mass.  tary  Clarke's  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xi.  344. 

Hist.   Coll.  viii.   214.     Josselyn  probably  never  The  earnest  protest  of  New  Haven  against  the 

examined  either  of  the  Massachusetts  digests.  union,  till  the  time  it  really  took  place,  may  be 

The  notorious  Edward  Ward  published,  in  seen  in  the  records  of  that  colony  from  1662  to 

1699  a  folio  of  sixteen  pages,  entitled  A    Trip  1665. 


0h 


n>*^Ht 


374 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


cinfidrkJ(^/le9 


The  Restoration  brought  its  anxieties  as  well  as  its  blessings.      The  story  of  the 

shelter  afforded  to  the  regicides  Whalley  and  Goffe,  by  New  Haven,  is  an  interesting 

^^*y.  episode.      Dr.  Stiles's  volume,  A  Histoiy  of 

y^  I      P  ^.^  the  Three  Judges  [including  Colonel  Dixwell] 

[  1^  rnX   ^  SOZZ^  ^^  ^"^^^  Charles  /.,  etc.  (Hartford,  1794),  is  a 

V       \J  Vw/  minute  collection  of  facts,  though  not  always 

carefully  weighed  and  analyzed. ^ 

The  granting  of  the  royal  charter  of  1662, 
which  was  followed  next  year  by  that  to 
Rhode  Island,  brought  on  the  long  contro- 
versy with  that  colony  as  to  the  eastern  boun- 
dary of  Connecticut ;  and  the  revival  of  the 
claim  of  the  heirs  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton 
—  a  claim  more  easily  disposed  of  —  added  to 
the  annoyances.  The  papers  relating  to  these 
controversies  may  be  seen  in  the  Colonial  Rec- 
ords of  Connecticut,  ii.  526-554,  and  of  Rhode 
Island,  ii.  70-75,  128.2 

After  the  union,  the  earliest  printed  Book 

of  General  Laws  for  the  People  within  the 

Jurisdiction  of  Comtecticut  was  in  1673,  —  the 

/"""^  i        ^     /^  ^  /       code   established    the    year    before.     It    was 

^TJ  /y  -77  -7  -PJ       I    ^CL  T'A        printed  at  Cambridge.^ 

^jy  LU/LJT^A.       y^^^      *\^^        The  authorities  for  the  history  of  Philip's 

War  —  so  disastrous  to  Massachusetts,  Plym- 

yf    jP.  X     "s  outh,    and    Rhode    Island,    but    from    which 

^"'V^^'^^    cJftljj'yi^  "  Connecticut,"  says  Trumbull,  "had  suffered 

^^  r^px^  nothing  in  comparison  with   her  sister  colo- 

*^*^^'^  nies"  —  have   already  been   given   under  the 

COLONIAL  SECRETARIES.'*  head    of    "  Massachusetts."      Without    citing 

special  documents,  it  may  be  said  that  Trum- 
bull's History  of  Comtecticut  and  Palfrey's  New  England  furnish  abundant  authority 
from  this  time  down  to  the  conclusion  of  the  government  of  New  England  under  Andros, 
and  the  narrative  of  each  may  be  referred  to  as  fitting,  ample,  and  trustworthy.  Trumbull's 
History,  as  an  original  authority,  may  well  compare  for  Connecticut  with  Hutchinson's 
History  ior  Massachusetts.  The  first  volume  (1630-1713)  was  pubhshed  in  1797;  and, 
although  the  titlepage  to  it  reads  "Vol.  I.,"  the  author  says  in  the  Preface  to  vol.  ii., 
first  printed  in  1818  (171 3-1 764),  that  he  never  had  any  design  of  publishing  another 
volume.     The  first  volume  was  reprinted  in  18 18  as  a  companion  to  vol.  ii.^ 


1  See  also  Hutchinson,  i.  213-220;  the  lec- 
ture on  The  Regicides  sheltered  in  New  England, 
Feb.  5,  1869,  hy  Dr.  Chandler  Robbins,  who 
used  the  new  materials  published  in  a  volume 
of  "  Mather  Papers  "  in  4  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society's  Collections.,  vol.  viii. ;  J.  W. 
Barber's  History  and  Antiquities  of  Nezv  Haven, 
etc.,  1831. 

2  Cf.  Trumbull,  History,  i.  524,  526,  362, 
363;  Arnold's  Rhode  Island,  vol.  i.,  passim; 
Palfrey,  New  England,  vol.  ii.  [An  elaborate 
monograph  of  the  Boundary  Disputes  of  Con- 
necticut, by  C.  W.  Bowen,  Boston,  1882,  covers 
the  original  claims  to  the  soil,  and  the  disputes 
with  Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and  New 
York.      It   is  illustrated  with  the   Dutch  map 


of  1 61 6,  an  Indian  map  of  1630,  and  various 
others.  —  Ed.] 

2  Copies  are  rare.  A  copy  sold  in  the  Brin- 
ley  sale  (no.  2,001)  for  I300.  Mr.  Brinley  is- 
sued a  private  reprint  of  it,  following  this  copy, 
in  which  he  gave  a  fac-simile  of  the  title  and 
an  historical  introduction. 

*  [These  secretaries  held  office  consecu- 
tively:  Steele,  1636-39;  Hopkins,  1639-40; 
Wells,  1640-48;  Cullick,  1648-58;  Clark,  1658- 
63;  Allyn,  1663-65.  —  Ed.] 

5  [  C  f .  C .  K .  A  dams 's  Manual  of  Historical  Lit- 
erature, p.  552.  The  author  was  the  Rev.  Ben- 
jamin Trumbull,  D.D.  (b.  1735;  d.  1820).  The 
papers  of  Governor  Jonathan  Trumbull  (b.  17 10; 
d.  1785),  bound  in  twenty-three  volumes,  are  iu 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


375 


The  Records  of  Connecticut  for  the  period  embraced  in  this  chapter  are  abundant,  and 
are  admirably  edited,  with  explanatory  notes,  by  Dr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  of  Hartford, 
who  has  done  so  much  to  illustrate  the  history  of  his  State,  and  indeed  of  New  England.^ 
I  might  add  that  Dr.  Palfrey,  in  writing  the  History  of  New  Eftgland,  often  had  the 
benefit  of  Dr.  Trumbull's  learning  in  illustrating  many  obscure  points  in  Connecticut 
history. 2 

The  New  Haven  Colony  Records  end,  of  course,  with  the  absorption  of  that  colony 
by  Connecticut.  These  are  well  edited,  in  two  volumes  (1638  to  1649,  and  1653  to  1665), 
with  abundant  illustrations  in  the  Appendix,  by  Charles  J.  Hoadly,  M.A.,  and  were  pub- 
lished at  Hartford  in  1857-58. 

The  Collections  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society  have  already  been  referred  to.^ 

The  New  Haven  Colony  Historical  Society  is  a  separate  body,  devoted  to  preserving 
the  memorials  of  that  colony.     It  has  issued  three  volumes  oi  Papers.* 

Among  the  general  histories  of  Connecticut  was  one  by  Theodore  Dwight,  Jr.,  in 
Harper's  Family  Library,  1840  ;  also  another  by  G.  H.  Hollister,  2  vols.,  1855,  ^nd 
enlarged  in  1857.  A  condensed  History  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven,  before  and 
after  the  Union,  by  E.  R.  Lambert,  was  published  at  ISfew  Haven  in  1838  ;  and  a 
more  extensive  History  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven  to  its  Absorption  into  Con- 
necticut, by  E.  E.  Atwater,  was  published  in  New  Haven  in  1881.^  There  are  some 
town  histories  which,  for  the  early  period,  have  almost  the  character  of  histories  of 
the  State,  —  like  Caulkins's  Norwich  (originally  1845;  enlarged  1866,  and  again  in 
1874)  and  New  London  (1852)  ;  Orcutt  and  Beadsley's  Derby  (1642-1880)  ;  William 
Cothren's  Ancient  Woodbury,  3  vols.,  published  in  1854-79;  H.  R.  Stiles's  Ancient 
Windsor,  2  vols.,  1859-63.  Barber's  Connecticut  Historical  Collections  is  a  convenient 
manual  for  ready  reference.^ 


the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety ;  and  the  writer  of  the  present  chapter  is 
the  chairman  of  a  committee  preparing  them  for 
publication.  Their  chief  importance,  however, 
is  for  the  Revolutionary  period.  The  papers 
w^ere  procured  in  1795,  W  D'"-  Belknap,  from  the 
family  of  the  Governor.  One  volume  (19th)  was 
burned  in  1825.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  i.  85,  393. 
—  Ed.] 

1  [Dr.  Trumbull's  labors  ceased,  with  the 
second  volume  after  the  union ;  when,  beginning 
with  1689,  the  editorial  charge  was  taken  by 
Mr.  Hoadly.  —  Ed.] 

2  Reference  may  here  be  made  to  a  valuable 
note  on  the  alleged  incident,  as  related  by  Dr. 
Benjamin  Trumbull  in  1797,  which  has  for  so 
many  years  invested  "  The  Charter  Oak  "  with 
so  much  interest.  See  Palfrey,  iii.  542-544. 
Vol.  iii.  of  the  Colonial  Records  contains  a  val- 
uable official  correspondence  relating  to  this 
period,  and  also  the  "  Laws  enacted  by  Gov- 
ernor Andros  and  his  Council,"  for  the  colony, 
in  1687. 

3  The  first  volume  (i860)  has  reprints  of 
Gershom  Bulkeley's  The  People'' s  Right  to  Elec- 
tion .  .  .  argtied,  etc.,  1869,  following  a  rare  tract 
of  Mr.  Brinley  on  Their  Majesties'  Colony  of  Con- 
necticut in  New  England  Vindicated,  1694.  A 
second  volume  of  Collections  was  issued  in  1870. 

*  [The  first,  in  1865,  contained  a  history  of 
the  colony,  by  Henry  White;   an  essay  on  its 


civil  government,  by  Leonard  Bacon  ;  and  others 
on  the  currency  of  the  colony,  etc.  In  the  sec- 
ond is  a  valuable  sketch  of  the  life  and  writings 
of  Davenport,  by  F.  B.  Dexter,  and  some  notes 
on  Goffe  and  Whalley  from  the  same  source. 
The  third  includes  J.  R.  Trowbridge,  Jr.,  on 
"  The  Ancient  Maritime  Interests  of  New  Ha- 
ven ;  "  Dr.  Flenry  Bronson  on  "  The  early  Gov- 
ernment of  Connecticut  and  the  Constitution  of 
1639;  "  and  F.  B.  Dexter  on  "  The  Early  Rela- 
tions between  New  Netherland  and  New  Eng- 
land."—  Ed.] 

5  It  has  a  map  of  New  Haven  in  1641. 

6  [There  is  no  considerable  Connecticut  bib- 
liography of  local  history  ;  and  F.  B.  Perkins's 
Check- List  of  American  Local  History  must  be 
chiefly  depended  on  ;  but  the  Brinley  Catalogue^ 
nos.  2,001-2,340,  is  very  rich  in  this  department. 
So  also  is  Sabin's  Dictionary,  iv.  395,  etc.,  for 
official  and  anonymous  publications.  There  are 
various  miscellaneous  references  in  Poole's  Ln- 
dex,  p.  292.  E.  H.  Gillett  has  a  long  paper  on 
"Civil  Liberty  in  Connecticut  "  in  the  Historical 
Magazine,  July,  1868.  Mr.  R.  R.  Hiwman's  Early 
Puritan  Settlers  of  Connecticut  was  first  issued  in 
1846-48  {-fyCi  pages),  and  reissued  (884  pages)  in 
1852-56.  Cf.  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1870, 
p.  84.  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  the 
First  Settlers  of  New  England,  however,  is  the 
chief  source  of  genealogical  information  for 
the  earliest  comers.  — Ed.1 


376  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Rhode  Island. ^  —  The  first  published  history  of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations  was  an  Historical  Discourse^  delivered  at  Newport  in  1738,  on  the 
centennial  of  the  settlement  of  Aquedneck,  by  John  Callender,  minister  of  that  place,  and 
printed  at  Boston  the  next  year.^ 

Twenty-seven  years  afterward,  —  that  is,  in  1765,  —  there  appeared  in  seven  numbers 
of  a  newspaper  (the  Providence  Gazette),  from  January  12  to  March  30,  "An  Historical 
Account  of  the  Planting  and  Growth  of  Providence."  This  sketch,  written  by  the  ven- 
erable Stephen  Hopkins,  then  governor  of  the  State,  interrupted  by  the  disastrous  occur- 
rences of  the  times,  comes  down  only  to  1645,  ^'^d  remains  a  fragment.^ 

A  Gazeteer  of  the  States  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  with  maps  of  each  State, 
was  pubHshed  at  Hartford  in  1819,  in  Svo,  compiled  by  John  C.  Pease  and  John  M.  Niles. 
It  furnished  for  the  time  a  large  amount  of  statistical  and  historical  material.  The  work 
gives  a  geographical  sketch  of  each  county,  with  details  of  each  town,  and  "embraces 
notices  of  population,  business,  etc.,  together  with  biographical  sketches  of  eminent  men." 

"  Memoirs  of  Rhode  Island  "  were  written  by  the  late  Henry  Bull,  of  Newport,  in 
1832,  and  published  in  the  Rhode  Island  Republican  (newspaper)  of  that  year.*  A  Dis- 
course embracing  the  Civil  atid  Religious  History  of  Rhode  Island,  delivered  at  Newport, 
April  4,  1838,  by  Arthur  A.  Ross,  pastor  of  a  Baptist  church  at  Newport,  was  published 
at  Providence  in  the  same  year,  and  is  full  on  the  history  of  Newport. 

In  1853  there  was  published  in  New  York  an  octavo  volume  of  370  pages,  entitled 
History  of  Rhode  Island,  by  the  Rev.  Edward  Peterson.  "  This  book  abounds  in  errors, 
and  is  of  no  historical  value.  It  is  not  a  continuous  history,  but  is  made  up  of  scraps, 
without  chronological  arrangement."  ^ 

In  1859  ^'^d  i860  was  published  the  History  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Prov- 
idence Plantations,  by  Samuel  Greene  Arnold,  in  two  volumes,^  —  a  work  honorable  ahke 
to  its  author  and  to  the  State.  While  Mr.  Arnold  was  writing  this  history,  Dr.  Palfrey 
was  engaged  upon  his  masterly  History  of  New  England.  These  writers  differed  some- 
what in  their  interpretation  of  historical  events  and  in  their  estimate  of  historical 
personages,  and  the  student  of  New  England  history  should  read  them  both.  The 
value  of  these  works  consists  not  only  in  the  text  or  narrative  parts,  but  also  in  the  notes, 
which  for  the  student,  particularly  in  Dr.  Palfrey's  book,  contain  valuable  information,  in 
a  small  compass,  upon  the  authorities  on  which  the  narrative  rests. 

The  late  George  Washington  Greene  prepared  A  Short  History  of  Rhode  Island,  pub- 
lished in  1877,  in  348  pages,  which  formed  an  excellent  compendium,  much  needed.  It  is 
compiled  largely  from  Mr.  Arnold's  work. 

"  The  Early  History  of  Narragansett,"  by  Elisha  R.  Potter,  was  published  as  vol.  iii. 
of  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  in  1835.  It  is  a  valuable  collection  of  events,  arranged  in 
chronological  order,  and  illustrated  by  original  documents  in  an  appendix. 

1  The  official  name  of  this  State  since  1663  Proc,  i.  367  ;  J.  G.  Kohl,  in  Magazine  of  Amer- 

is  •'  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations."  ican  History,  February,  1883. 
The  Island  of  "  Aquedneck,"  its  Indian  name,  ^  in   1838  it  was  republished  as  vol.  iv.  of 

spelled  in  various  ways,  was  so  called  till  1644,  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society's  Collections,  ed- 

when  the  Court  ordered  that  henceforth  it  be  ited  by  Professor  Romeo  Elton,  with  notes,  and  a 

"  called  the  Isle  of  Rhodes,  or  Rhode  Island."  memoir  of  the  author,  and  reissued  in  Boston  in 

It  is  said  that  Block,  the  Dutch  navigator,  in  1843  '■>  ^^ •  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  iii.  600. 
1614,   gave    the   island    the   name   of    "Roodt  ^  It  was  reprinted  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ix. 

Eylandt,"  from  the  prevalence  of   red  clay  in  166-203.    It  is  called  "  inaccurate  "  by  Bancroft, 
some  portions  of  its  shores.     There  are  tradi-  *  Cited  by  S.  G.  Arnold,  History  of  Rhode 

tions  connecting  the  name  with  Verrazano  and  Island,\.  124. 

the  Isle  of  Rhodes  in  Asia  Minor,  which  require  ^  Bartlett's  Bibliography  of  Rhode  Island,  p. 

no  further  mention.     See  Arnold's  Rhode  Island,  204. 

i.   70;   Rhode   Island   Colonial  Records,  i.    127;  «  [A  second  edition  was  published  in  1874; 

Verrazano  in  2  N.  V.  Hist.  Coll.,  i.  46 ;   Brod-  of.  C.  K.  Adams's  Manual  of  Historical  Liter- 

head's  N'rw  York,  i.  57,  58;    Amer.  Antiq,  Soc.  ature,^.  552.  — Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND.  377 

"The  Annals  of  the  Town  of  Providence  from  its  First  Settlement,"  etc.,  to  the  year  \ 
1832,  by  William  R.  Staples,  was  published,  in  1834,  as  vol.  v.  of  the  7?.  /.  H/s^.  Soc.  Coll. 
The  author  says  that  the  work  does  not  assume  to  be  a  "  history;  "  but  it  is  a  valuable 
and  authentic  record  of  events  from  the  time  of  Roger  Williams's  settlement  on  the  banks 
of  the  Mooshausic,  in  1636,  to  the  year  1832,  illustrated  by  original  documents,  the  whole 
making  670  pages. 

I  ought  not  to  omit  the  mention  of  several  addresses  and  discourses  delivered  before 
the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  some  of  which  have  considerable  historical  interest,  as 
illustrating  the  principles  on  which  it  is  claimed  that  Rhode  Island  was  founded.  Special 
mention  may  be  made  of  the  Discourse  of  Judge  Pitman,  that  of  Chief  Justice  Durfee, 
and  that  of  the  late  Zachariah  Allen.^ 

As  Roger  Williams  is  properly  held  to  be  the  founder  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island ; 
and  as  many  of  his  writings  had  become  quite  rare,  a  society  was  formed  in  1865,  called 
the  "  Narragansett  Club,"  for  the  purpose  of  republishing  all  his  known  writings.  Vol.  i., 
containing  Williams's  Key  to  the  Indian  Languages  of  America^  edited  by  Dr.  J.  Ham- 
mond Trumbull,^  was  issued  in  1866;  and  vol.  vi.,  the  concluding  volume,  in  which  are 
collected  all  the  known  letters  of  Williams,  in  1874.  The  volumes  were  published  in 
quarto  form,  in  antique  style,  and  edited  by  well-known  historical  scholars,  and  are  a 
valuable  contribution  to  the  personal  history  of  Roger  Williams  and  to  the  history  of 
the  controversy  on  religious  liberty,  of  which  he  was  the  great  advocate.^ 

The  earliest  publication  of  any  of  Williams's  letters  was  by  Isaac  Backus,  in  his 
History  of  New  England^  etc.,  1777,  1784,  1796,  in  three  volumes,  written  with  particular 
reference  to  the  Baptists.  It  treats  largely  of  Rhode  Island  history,  and  is  a  most 
authentic  work.^ 

A  series  of  Rhode  Island  Historical  Tracts^  beginning  in  1878,  has  been  issued  by 
Sidney  S.  Rider,  of  Providence,  each  being  a  monograph  on  some  subject  of  Rhode 
Island  history.  No.  4,  on  Williavi  Coddington  in  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Affairs,  is  an 
unfavorable  criticism  on  the  conduct  of  Coddington  in  the  episode  known  as  "  the  Usur- 
pation," by  Dr.  Henry  E.  Turner.^  No.  15,  issued  in  1882,  is  a  tract  of  267  pages,  on 
The  Planting  and  Growth  of  Providence,  by  Henry  C.  Dorr.  It  is  a  valuable  monograph, 
and  would  have  been  more  valuable  if  authorities  had  been  more  freely  cited. 

One  valuable  source  of  the  history  of  Rhode  Island  is  the  Records  of  the  colony,  and 
these  have  been  made  available  for  use  by  publication,  under  the  efficient  editorship  of  the 
Hon.  John  Russell  Bartlett,  for  a  number  of  years  Secretary  of  State.  To  make  up 
for  the  meagreness  of  the  records  in  some  places,  the  editor  has  introduced  from  exterior 
sources  many  official  papers,  which  make  good  the  deficiencies  and  abundantly  illustrate 
the  history  of  the  times.  The  first  volume  was  issued  in  1856,  and  begins  with  the  "Rec- 
ords of  the  Settlements  at  Providence,  Portsmouth,  Newport,  and  Warwick,  from  their 
commencement  to  their  union  under  the  Colony  Charter,  1636  to  1647." 

The  early  history  of  Providence  is  so  intimately  interwoven  with  the  hfe  of  its  founder, 
that  some  of  the  excellent  memoirs  of  Roger  Williams  may  be  read  with  profit  as  histor- 

1  John  Pitman's  Discourse  was  delivered  in  of    Samuel  Gorton  and  Governor  Coddington  5 
August,  1836;  Job  Durfee's  in  January,  1847;  but  with  the  exception  of  two  pieces  by  Cotton, 
and  Zachariah  Allen's  in  April,  1876;  and  an-  edited  by  R.  A.  Guild,  the  publications  of  the  Club 
other,  by  Mr.  Allen,  on  "  The  Founding  of  Rhode  have  been  limited  to  the  writings  of  Williams. 
Island,"  in  1881.  *  He  published  an  abridgment  in  1804,  which 

2  The  original  edition  of  the  Key  was  issued  was  reprinted  in  Philadelphia,  in  1844,  with 
in  London  in  1643.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  z^'^o.  a  memoir  of  the  author,  under  the  title  of 
It  is  also  reprinted  in  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Church  History  of  New  Ettgland,  from  1620 
vol.  i.  See  an  earlier  page  under  "  Massachu-  to  1804.  Backus  was  born  in  1724,  and  died 
setts."  in  1806. 

3  It  was  at  first  intended  to  republish  also  ^  [Dr.  Turner  also  read  a  paper  —  Settlers  of 
such  of  the  writings  of  John  Cotton,  George  Aquedneck  and  Liberty  of  Conscience — before  the 
Fox,  and  John  Clarke  as  were  connected  with  Historical  Society,  in  February,  1880,  which  was 
Roger  Williams,  to  be  followed  by  the  writings  published  at  Newport  the  same  year.  —  Ed.] 

VOL.   III.  — 48. 


378  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

ical  works.  A  Memoir  of  lViliia?ns,  by  Professor  James  D.  Knowles,  was  published  in 
1834,  and  is  a  minute  and  conscientious  biography  of  the  man ;  but  it  is  written  with 
a  strong  bias  in  favor  of  Williams  where  he  comes  in  collision  with  the  authorities  of 
Massachusetts. 

A  very  pleasant  memoir  of  Williams,  by  Professor  William  Gammell,  based  on  that 
of  Knowles,  was  published  in  1845,  i^^  Sparks's  American  Biography^  reissued  the  next 
year  in  a  volume  by  itself.  This  memoir  was  followed  in  1852  by  A  Life  of  Roger 
Williams^  by  Professor  Romeo  Elton,  published  in  England,  where  the  author  then 
lived,  and  in  Providence  the  next  year.  This  is  largely  based  on  Knowles's  memoir, 
but  contains  some  new  matter,  notably  the  Sadlier  Correspondence. 

The  original  authorities  for  Williams's  career  in  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  are 
Winthrop  and  Bradford  and  the  controversial  tracts  of  Cotton  and  Williams,  from  which 
bits  of  history  may  be  culled.  For  a  full  presentation  and  discussion  of  the  facts  and 
principles  involved  in  Williams's  banishment  from  Massachusetts,  and  his  alleged  offence  . 
to  the  authorities  there,  see  the  late  Professor  Diman's  Editorial  Preface  to  Cotton's 
Reply  to  IVilliajns,  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Narragansett  Club,  above  cited ;  Dr. 
George  E.  Ellis's  Lecture  on  "The  Treatment  of  Intruders  and  Dissentients  by  the 
Founders  of  Massachusetts,"  in  Lowell  LecUires.  Boston,  Jan.  12,  1869;  Dr.  Henry 
Martyn  Dexter's  As  to  Roger  Willia7ns,  etc.,  Boston,  1876;!  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  for 
February,  1873,  PP-  341-358  ;  North  American  Review  for  January,  1858,  art.  xiii.  p.  673. 

In  Dr.  John  Clarke's  III  News  fro7n  New  England.,  London,  1653,^  being  a  personal 
narrative  of  the  treatment,  the  year  before,  by  the  authorities  of  the  Bay  Colony,  of  Oba- 
diah  Holmes,  John  Crandall,  and  John  Clarke,  and  an  account  of  the  laws  and  ecclesi- 
astical polity  of  that  colony,  is  a  brief  account  of  the  settlement  of  Providence  and  of 
the  island  of  Rhode  Island. 

An  important  episode  in  the  early  history  of  Rhode  Island  was  the  career  of  Samuel 
Gorton,  v/ho  settled  the  town  of  Warwick.  I  have  already  mentioned,  under  the  head 
of  Massachusetts,  the  original  books  in  which  the  story  for  and  against  him  is  told, — 
Simplicitie's  Defence,  written  by  Gorton,  and  Hypocracie  Unmasked,  by  Edward  Winslow. 
The  former  was  republished  in  the  A'.  /.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  ii.,in  1835,  edited  by  W.  R. 
Staples,  with  a  preface,  notes,  and  appendix  of  original  papers.  Winslow's  book,  now 
very  rare,  has  never  been  reprinted.  A  "  Life  of  Samuel  Gorton,"  by  John  M.  Mackie, 
was  published  in  1845  in  Sparks's  American  Biography.  After  Nathaniel  Morton  pub- 
lished his  New  England''s  Memorial,  in  1669,  containing  some  reflections  on  Gorton,  the 
latter  wrote  a  letter  to  Morton,  dated  "  Warwick,  June  30,  1669,"  in  his  own  defence. 
Hutchinson  had  the  letter,  and  printed  an  abridgment  of  it  in  the  Appendix  to  his  first 

1  [Dr.  Dexter  a  few  years  since  recovered  troversy  between  George  Bancroft  and  Josiah 
a  lost  tract  by  Williams,  Christenings  make  not  Quincy  in  relation  to  the  misapprehension  of 
Christians,  1645,  which  he  found  in  the  British  Grahame  on  the  subject  in  his  History  of  the 
Museum,  and  edited  for  Rider's  Historical  Tracts,  United  States  ;  cf.  Historical  Magazine,  August, 
no.  14,  in  1881,  adding  certain  of  Williams's  let-  1865  (ix.  233),  and  the  references  noted  in  the 
ters.  Williams's  letter  to  George  Fox,  1672,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  ii.  339.  Coddington  (of 
his  controversy  with  the  Quakers,  is  printed  in  whom  there  is  an  alleged  portrait  in  the  Council 
the  Historical  Magazine,  ii.  56.  —  Ed.]  Chamber  at  Newport, — N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 

2  [Sabin's  Dictionary,  iv.  106;  Menzies  Cata-  Reg.,  1873,  P-  -40  ^Iso  had  his  controversy  with 
iogue,no.  392;  Carter-Brown  Catalogtie,  vol.  ii.  the  Massachusetts  authorities,  and  his  side  of 
no.  729.  It  was  reprinted  in  4  J/«j-j.  Z^/j-/.  C<?//.,  ii.  the  question  is  given  in  his  Demonstration  of 
pp.  1-113.  Thomas  Cobbett's  Civil  Magistrates'  True  Love  unto  .  .  .  the  riders  of  the  Massachusetts, 
Power  in  Matters  of  Religion  modestly  debated,  .  .  ,  by  one  who  was  once  in  authority  with  them, 
London,  1653,  was  in  part  an  answer  to  this  but  always  testified  against  their  persecuting  spirit, 
"  slanderous  pamphlet "  [Prince  Catalogue,  no.  which  was  printed  in  1674.  Mejtzies  Catalogue, 
97-54)-  The  character  of  Clarke  and  the  influ-  no.  422  ($36);  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii. 
ence  of  his  mission  to  England,  wherein  he  no.  1,101.  See  Magazine  of  American  History^ 
procured  the  revocation  of  William  Codding-  iii.  642;  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  April, 
ton's  commission  as  governor,  gave  rise  to  a  con-  1882,  p.  138.  —  Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND.  379 

volume.  Some  forty  years  ago  or  less,  the  original  letter  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
late  Edward  A.  Crowninshield,  of  Boston,  and  he  allowed  Peter  Force  to  print  it,  and  it 
appears  entire  in  vol.  iv.  of  Force's  Historical  Tracts^  1846. 

The  early  settlers  of  Rhode  Island  had  no  patent-claim  to  lands  on  which  they  planted. 
The  consent  of  the  natives  only  was  obtained.  Williams's  deed,  so  called,  from  the 
Indians,  may  be  seen  in  vols.  iv.  and  v.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.;  and  that  to  Coddington  and 
his  friends,  of  Aquedneck,  is  also  in  the  Appendix  to  vol.  iv.  The  parchment  charter 
which  Williams  obtained  from  the  Parliamentary  Commissioners,  dated  March  14,  1643,  is 
lost,  but  it  had  been  copied  several  times,  and  is  printed  in  vols,  ii.,  iii.,  and  iv.,  R.  I.  Hist. 
Soc.  Coll.  Some  copies  are  dated  erroneously  March  17.  See  Arnold's  Rhode  Island^ 
i.  114,  note. 

For  a  discussion  of  the  "  Narragansett  Patent,"  so  called,  issued  to  Massachusetts, 
dated  Dec.  10,  1643,  see  Arnold,  i.  1 18-120;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  for  February,  1862, 
pp.  401-406;  and  June,  1862;  pp.  41-77.^ 

The  original  charter  of  Charles  II.,  dated  July  8,  1663,  is  extant.  It  was  first  printed 
as  prefixed  to  the  earliest  digest  of  laws  (Boston,  1719),  and  has  been  often  reprinted. 

The  incorporation  of  Providence  plantations  under  the  charter  of  1643/44  was  delayed 
for  several  years,  and  took  place  in  1647,  when  a  code  of  laws  was  adopted.  This  code  was 
first  printed  in  1847,  edited  by  Judge  William  R.  Staples,  in  a  volume  entitled  The  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  First  General  Asse7nbly  of  "  the  Incorporation  of  Providence  Plantations,^'' 
and  the  Code  of  Laws  adopted  by  that  Assembly  in  1647,  with  Notes,  Historical  and 
Explanatory  (64  pages).  The  original  manuscript  of  these  laws  is  in  a  volume  of  the 
early  records  in  the  Secretary  of  State's  office. 

The  earliest  printed  digest  of  laws,  entitled  Acts  and  Laws,  was  in  1719,  —  printed  at 
Boston  "for  John  Allen  and  Nicholas  Boone." 2  In  this,  the  following  clause  appears 
as  part  of  a  law  purporting  to  have  been  enacted  in  March,  1663-64:  "And  that  all  men 
professing  Christianity,  and  of  competent  estates  and  of  civil  conversation,  who  acknowl- 
edge and  are  obedient  to  the  civil  magistrate,  though  of  different  judgments  in  religious 
affairs  (^Roman  Catholics  only  excepted')^  shall  be  admitted  freemen,  and  shall  have  liberty 
to  choose  and  be  chosen  officers  in  the  colony,  both  military  and  civil."  This  same  clause 
appears  in  the  four  following  printed  digests  named  above,  and  it  remained  a  law  of  the 
colony- till  February,  1783,  when  the  General  Assembly  formally  repealed  so  much  of  it  as 
related  to  Roman  Catholics.  Rhode  Island  writers  consider  it  a  serious  reflection  upon 
the  character  of  the  founders  of  the  colony  to  assert  that  this  clause  was  enacted  at  the 
time  indicated  ;  and  one  writer  (Judge  Eddy,  in  Walsh's  Appeal,  2d  ed.,  p.  433)  thinks  it 
possible  that  the  clause  was  inserted  in  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  laws  sent  over  to  Eng- 
land in  1699,  without,  of  course,  being  enacted  into  a  law.  The  clause,  it  is  said,  does  not 
exist  in  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the  colony,  and  is  not  in  the  manuscript  digest  of 
1708,  though  Mr.  Arnold,  History,  ii.  492,  inadvertently  says  it  is  there.  If  the  clause 
was  originally  smuggled  in  among  the  statutes  of  Rhode  Island  at  a  later  period  than 
the  date  assigned  to  it  (see  R.  /.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  1872-73,  p.  64),  it  was  five  times  for- 
mally re-enacted  when  the  several  digests  named  above  were  submitted  by  their  revising 
committees,  and  passed  the  General  Assembly  ;  and  it  remained  a  law  till  1783. 

In  1762,  two  persons  professing  the  Jewish  religion  petitioned  the  Superior  Court  of 
the  colony  to  be  made  citizens.  Their  prayer  was  rejected.  The  concluding  part  of  the 
opinion  of  the  court  is  as  follows  :  "  Further,  by  the  charter  granted  to  this  colony  it 
appears  that  the  free  and  quiet  enjoyment  of  the  Christian  religion  and  a  desire  of 
propagating  the  same  were  the  principal  views  with  which  this  colony  was  settled,  and  by 

1  [A  copy  of  the  charter  is  in  the  Massachu-  Aspinwall.     The  latter's  contribution  was  also 

setts  Ai'chives  (Miscellaneous,  i.  135),  and  it  is  issued  in  Providence  {2d  ed.)  in  1865,  as  i?<?;/zarij 

printed  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  \  857,  on  the  Narragansett  Patent.  —  Ed,] 
p.  41.     The  discussion   in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  2  Other  digests  followed  in  1730,  1745,  1752, 

Proc.  was  by  Mr.  Deane  and  Colonel  Thomas  and  1767. 


38o 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


a  law  made  and  passed  in  the  year  1663,  no  person  who  does  not  profess  the  Christian 
religion  can  be  admitted  free  of  this  colony.  This  Court,  therefore,  unanimously  dismiss 
this  petition,  as  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  first  principles  upon  which  the  colony  was 
founded  and  a  law  of  the  same  now  in  force"  (Arnold,  History^  ii.  492-495).  Arnold  says 
that  previous  to  this  decision  several  Jews  and  Roman  Cathohcs  had  been  naturalized  as 
citizens  by  special  acts  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Has  there  not  been  a  misapprehension  as  to  the  bearing  of  this  law  or  clause  dis- 
franchising or  refusing  to  admit  to  the  franchise  Roman  Cathohcs  and  persons  not  Chris- 
tians, and  as  to  Roger  Williams's  doctrine  of  religious  hberty?  The  charter  of  Rhode 
Island  declared  that  no  one  should  be  "molested  ...  or  called  in  question  for  any 
differences  of  opinion  in  matters  of  religion."  The  law  in  question  does  not  relate  to 
religious  liberty,  but  to  the  franchise.  Rhode  Island  has  always  granted  liberty  to  persons 
of  every  religious  opinion,  but  has  placed  a  hedge  about  the  franchise ;  and  this  clause 
does  it.  Was  it  not  natural  for  the  founders  of  Rhode  Island  to  keep  the  government  in 
the  hands  of  its  friends  while  working  out  their  experiment,  rather  than  to  put  it  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemies  of  religious  liberty  ?  How  many  shiploads  of  Roman  Catholics 
would  it  have  taken  to  swamp  the  little  colony  in  the  days  of  its  weakness  ?  Chalmers 
{Amials,  p.  276)  copied  his  extract  of  the  law  in  question  from  the  digest  of  1730,  as  per 
minutes  formerly  belonging  to  him  in  my  possession.  As  an  historian  where  could  he 
seek  for  higher  authority?  Indeed,  the  clause  had  already  been  cited  by  Douglass  in  his 
Summary ^  ii.  83,  Boston,  1751 ;  and  by  the  authors  of  the  History  of  the  British  Domin- 
ions in  North  A7nerica^  part  i.  p.  232,  London,  1773.  The  latter  as  well  as  Chalmers 
omitted  the  phrase  "professing  Christianity."  But  Chalmers  was  entirely  wrong  in  his 
comments  upon  the  clause  where  he  says  that  "  a  persecution  was  immediately  commenced 
against  the  Roman  Catholics."  ^ 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


A.  Bibliographical.  —  Rhode  Island  has 
been  fortunate  in  its  bibliographer.  Mr.  John 
Russell  Bartlett,  the  editor  of  the  State's  early 
Records^  issued  at  Providence,  in  1864,  his  Bib- 
liography of  Rhode  Island,  7vith  Notes,  Historical, 
Biographical,  and  Critical  (150  copies  printed). 
Mr.  Bartlett  began  a  "  Naval  History  of  Rhode 
Island "  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  January, 
1870.  As  the  adviser  of  the  late  Mr.  John 
Carter  Brown  in  the  forming  of  what  is  now  so 
widely  known  as  the  Carter-Brown  Library,  and 
as  the  cataloguer  of  its  almost  unexampled 
treasures,  not  only  of  Rhode  Island,  but  of  all 


American  history,  Mr.  Bartlett  has  also  conferred 
upon  the  student  of  American  history  benefits 
equalled  in  the  labors  of  few  other  scholars  in 
this  department.  Mr.  Brown  erected  for  himself 
in  his  Library  a  splendid  monument.  There  may 
exist  in  the  Lenox  Library  a  rival  in  some  de- 
partments of  Americana,  but  Mr.  Bartlett's  Cat- 
alogue of  the  Providence  Collection  makes  its 
richness  better  known.  Mr.  Brown  began  his 
collections  early,  and  was  enabled  to  buy  from 
the  catalogues  of  Rich  and  Ternaux.  The  Li- 
brary is  now  so  complete,  and  its  desiderata  are 
so  few  and  so  scarce,  that  it  grows  at  present 


1  [Cf.  Thomas  T.  Stone  on  Roger  Williams  the  Prophetic  Legislator,  Providence,  1872.  —  Ed.] 


THE     WINTHROP     MAP     {Circa  1633X 


AMONG  the  Sloane  manuscripts  in  the 
British  Museum  is  one  numbered 
"  Add  :  5,415,  G.  3,'*  whose  peculiar  interest 
to  the  American  antiquary  escaped  notice 
till  Mr.  Henry  F.  Waters  sent  photographs 
of  it  to  the  Public  Library  in  Boston  in 
1 884,  when  one  of  them  was  laid  before  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  by  Judge 
Chamberlain,  of  that  Library  {Proceedijigs^ 
1884,  p.  211).  It  was  of  the  size  of  the 
original,  somewhat  obscure,  and  a  little  defi- 
cient on  the  line  where  its  two  parts  joined. 
At  the  Editor's  request,  Mr.  Richard  Gar- 
nett,  of  the  British  Museum,  procured  a 
negative  on  a  single  glass ;  and  though  some- 
what reduced,  the  result,  as  shown  in  the 
accompanying  facsimile,  is  more  distinct, 
and  no  part  is  lost. 

The  map  is  without  date.  The  topog- 
raphy corresponds  in  the  main  with  that  of 
the  map  which  Wilham  Wood  added  to  his 
New  England's  Prospect  (London,  1634),  so 
far  as  its  smaller  field  corresponds,  and  sug- 
gests the  common  use  of  an  earlier  survey  by 
the  two  map-makers,  —  if,  indeed.  Wood  did 
not  depend  in  part  on  this  present  survey. 
That  its  observations  were  the  best  then 
made  would  seem  clear  from  the  fact  that 
Governor  Winthrop  explained  it  by  a  margi- 
nal key,  and  added  in  some  places  a  further 
description  to  that  given  by  the  draughts- 
man (as  a  change  in  the  handwriting  would 
seem  to  show,  — for  instance,  in  the  legend 
on  the  Merrimac  River),  if  indeed  all  is  not 
Winthrop's.  Who  the  draughtsman  was  is 
not  known.  There  had  been  in  the  colony 
a  man  experienced  in  surveying,  —  Thomas 
Graves,  —  who  laid  out  Charlestown,  before 
Winthrop's  arrival ;  but  he  is  not  known  to 
have  remained  till  the  period  of  the  present 
survey,  which,  if  there  has  been  nothing  added 
to  the  original  draught,  was  seemingly  made 
as  early  as  that  given  by  Wood.  This  last 
traveller  left  New  England,  Aug.  15,  1633; 
and  his  description  of  the  plantations  about 
Boston  at  that  time,  which  he  professes  to 
make  complete,  is  almost  identical  with  the 
enumeration  on  this  map,  though  he  gives  a 
few  more  local  names.  Wood's  map  is 
dated  1634;  but  it  seems  certain  that  he 
carried  it  with  him  in  August,  1633,  — a  date 
as  late  apparently  as  can  be  attached  to  the 
present  draught. 

The  key  added  by  Winthrop  to  the  north 
corner  of  the  map  reads  as  follows  :  — 

A:  an  Hand  cont{aining\  100  acres,, 
where  the  GouvenK  hathe  an  orchard  6r»  a 
vineyarde. 

B:  Mk  Htimfryes  ferine  [farm\  house 
at  Sagus  {^Saugus^ 

Tenhills :  the  Gouerwy  ferme  \_farm'\ 
house. 

Meadford:  Mk  Cradock  ferme  I  farm"] 
house. 

C:  the  Wyndmill  \.  n^c^n^ 

Ti'.thefforte  ^t  Boston, 

\  B:  the  Weere 


So  far  as  the  rivers  are  laid  thus  [shaded\ 
they  are  navigable  w^^  the  Tide. 

[Scale.] 

Scale  of  10 '.  Italian  miles 

320  pches  [^perches]  to  the  mile,, 

not  taken  by  Instrument^  but  by  estimate. 

In  the  north  the  Merrimac  is  shown  to 
be  navigable  to  a  fall.  The  stream  itself  is 
marked  Merimacki'iver;  it  runnes  100  miles 
up  into  the  Country,,  andfalles  out  ofaponde 
10  miles  broad.  It  receives  the  Musketa- 
quit  riuer\QoTiZQX^yi%\.  south  of  the  scale. 
The  long  island  near  its  mouth  is  Plum  Is- 
land, but  it  is  not  named.  The  village  of 
Agawam  [Ipswich]  is  connected  by  roads 
[dotted  lines]  with  Sagus  [Saugus],  Salem, 
Winesemett^  and  Meadford,  which  is  called 
"Misticke"  in  Wood's  text,  but  "Mead- 
ford  "  in  his  map.  On  Cape  Anne  peninsula 
Anasquom  is  marked.  The  bay  between 
Marblehead  and  Marblehead  Neck  is  called 
Marble  Harbour,  as  by  Wood  in  his  map. 
Nahant  is  marked,  as  are  also  Pulln  Point, 
Deere  /,,  Hogg  /.,  Nottles  I.  Governor's 
'  Island  is  marked  A.,  referring  to  the  key. 
Charlestown  is  called  Char:towne.  Spott 
Ponde  flows  properly  through  Maiden  River, 
not  named,  into  the  Mystic;  and  Mistick 
river  takes  the  water  of  a  number  of  ponds. 
The  modern  Horn  Pond  in  Woburn  is  not 
shown.  The  three  small  ponds  near  a  hill 
appear  to  be  Wedge  Pond  and  others  in 
Winchester ;  the  main  water  is  Mistick  pond, 
6ofatho7ns  deepe;  horn  ponde  \s  the  modern 
Spy  Pond;  Fresh  Pond  is  called  ^o fathom 
deepe.  Their  watershed  is  separated  by  the 
Belmont  hills,  not  named,  from  the  valley  of 
the  Concord.  The  villages  of  Waterton 
and  Newtowne  [Cambridge]  are  marked  on 
the  Charts  River.  The  peninsula  of  Bos- 
ton shows  Beacon  Hill,  not  named,  while  C 
and  D  are  explained  in  the  key.  Muddy 
river  [Muddy  Brook  in  Brookline]  and 
Stony  river  [Stony  Brook  in  Roxbury]  are 
correctly  placed.  Rocksbury  and  Dorchester 
appear  as  villages.  Hills  are  shown  on 
Dorchester  Neck,  or  South  Boston.  Napon- 
sett  river  is  placed  with  tolerable  correct- 
ness. The  islands  in  Boston  Harbor  are 
all  represented  as  wooded.  The  waye  to 
Plimouth,  beginning  at  Dorchester,  crosses 
the  Weymouth  rivers  above  Wessaguscus 
[Wessagussett].  Trees  and  eminences 
are  marked  on  Nataskeite  [Hull],  and  Co- 
hasset  is  called  Conyhassett.  The  same 
sign  stands  for  rocks  in  the  Bay  and  for 
Indian  villages  on  the  land. 

It  may  be  well  further  to  notice  that 
since  the  printing  of  this  volume  A  Brief e 
Discripiion  of  New  England,  1660,  by  Sam- 
uel Maverick,  has  likewise  been  discovered 
in  the  British  Museum  by  Mr.  Waters,  and  is 
printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society,  October,  1884,  and 
in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register,  January,  1885.  —  Ed. 


■^^^fe^° 


:^uJL 


I 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


381 


but  slowly.  Mr.  Brown,  a  son  of  Nicholas 
Brown,  from  whom  the  university  in  Providence 
received  its  name,  was  born  in  1797,  and  died 
June  10,  1874.  But  fifty  copies  of  the  two  sump- 
tuous volumes  (1482-1700)  constituting  the  re- 
vised edition  of  the  catalogue  (there 
is  a  third  volume,  1 700-1800,  in  a  first 
edition)  have  been  distributed, 
they  are  the  Library's  best  history 
but  those  not  fortunate  enough 
have  access  to  them  will  find  accounts 
of  it  in  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  April, 
1876;  Rogers's  Libraries  of  Providence ; 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  April,  1876; 
American  Journal  of  Education,  xxvii.  237  ; 
American  Bibliopolist,  vi.  77  ,  vii.  91,  2: 

The  several  volumes  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the 
period  under  examination,  are  noted  in  the  pre- 
ceding text ;  but  the  Society  has  also  issued  a 
volume  of  Proceedings  for  the  years  187  2-1 879. 
Two  supplemental,  publications  of  the  Rhode 
Island  antiquaries  have  been  begun  lately,  — 
the  Newport  Historical  Magazine,  July,  1880,  and 
the  Narragansett  Historical  Register,  July,  1882, 
James  N.  Arnold,  editor,  both  devoted  to  south- 
ern Rhode  Island. 

B.  Early  Maps  of  New  England.  —  The 
cartography  of  New  England  in  the  seventeenth 
century  began  with  the  map  of  Captain  John 
Smith  in  1614  (given  in  chap,  vi.),  for  we  must 
discard  as  of  little  value  the  earlier  maps  of 
Lescarbot  and  Champlain.  The  Dutch  were  on 
the  coast  at  about  the  same  time,  and  the  best 
development  of  their  work  is  what  is  known  as 
the  "Figurative  Map"  of  161 4,  which  was  first 
made  known  in  the  Documents  relating  to  the 
Colonial  History  of  Neu>  York,  i.  13,  and  in 
O'Callaghan's  NeT.v  Netherland.  The  part  show- 
ing New  England  is  figured  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  i.  57.  It  had  certain  features 
which  long  remained  on  the  maps,  and  its  names 
became  in  later  maps  curiously  mixed  with  those 
derived  from  Smith's  map.  It  gave  the  Cape  Cod 
peninsula  (here,  however, made  an  island)  a  pecul- 
iar triangular  shape  ;  it  exaggerated  Plymouth's 
harbor ;  it  ran  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket 
into  one,  and  divided  Long  Island  into  several 
parts.  The  marked  feature  of  the  interior  was 
the  bringing  of  the  Iroquois  (Champlain)  Lake 
close  down  to  the  salt  water,  as  Champlain  had 
done  in  his  map  of  161 2,  and  as  he  continued  to 
do  in  his  larger  map  of  1632.  Blaeu,  in  his 
Atlas  of  1635,  while  he  copied  the  Figurative 
Map  pretty  closely,  closed  the  channel  which 
made  Cape  Cod  an  island,  and  gave  the  "  Lacus 
Irocociensis  "  a  prolongation  in  the  direction 
of  Narragansett  Bay.  De  Laet,  in  1630,  had 
worked  on  much  better  information  in  several 
respects.      Cape  Cod  is  much  more  nearly  its 


proper  shape  ;  and  he  had  got  such  information 
from  the  Dutch  settlements  up  the  Hudson  as 
enabled  him  to  place  Lake  Champlain  with  fair 
accuracy.  A  fac-simile  of  De  Laet's  map  is  given 
in  Vol.  IV.  chap.  ix.    Meanwhile  the  English  had 


enlarged  Smith's  plot,  as  the  map  given  on  an 
earlier  page  from  Alexander  and  Purchas  {Pil- 
grimes,  iii.  853)  shows.  Champlain's  plotting  in 
1632  of  the  great  river  of  Canada  could  not, 
of  course,  have  been  known  to  this  map-maker 
of  1624,  while  Lescarbot's  was. 

Pure  local  work  came  in  with  the  map  which 
accompanied  Wood's  -New  England^s  Prospect^ 
which  is  called  "  The  south  part  of  New  Eng- 
land as  it  is  planted  this  yeare,  1634."  It  only 
shows  the  coast  from  Narragansett  Bay  to 
"  Acomenticus,"  on  the  Maine  shore,  with  a 
corresponding  inland  delineation.  Buzzard's 
Bay  is  greatly  misshapen ;  Cape  Cod  has  some- 
thing of  the  contemporary  Dutch  drawing ;  and, 
in  a  rude  way,  the  watercourses  lie  like  huge 
snakes  in  contortions  upon  the  land.  There  are 
fac-similes  of  the  map  in  Palfrey,  i.  360;  Young's 
Chronicles  of  Massachusetts,  p.  389,  and  in  other 
places  noted  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston, 
i.  524.  Two  years  later  (1636),  in  Saltonstall's 
English  version  of  the  atlas  of  Mcrcator  and 
Hondius,  the  English  public  practically  got  De 
Laet's  map;  and  indeed  so  late  as  1670,  the 
map  *'  Novi  Belgii  et  Novae  Angliae  Delineatio," 
which  is  given  alike  in  Montanus's  De  Niettwe 
en  Onbekende  Weereld  and  in  Ogilby's  America, 
hardly  embodied  more  exact  information.  The 
Hexham  English  version  of  the  Mercator-Hon- 
dius  Atlas,  intended  for  the  English  market,  but 
published  in  Amsterdam  by  Hondius  and  Jann- 
son  in  1636  (of  which  there  is  a  fine  copy  in  the 
library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society), 
in  its  map  of  "  Nova  Anglia,"  etc,  kept  up  the 
commingling  of  Smith's  plot  and  names  with 
the  present  Dutch  ones.  Blaeu's  of  1635  was 
the  prototype  of  the  chart  in  Dudley's  Arcano 
del  Mare  (1646),  of  which  a  fac-simile  is  given 
in  the  preceding  chapter.  For  the  next  twenty 
years  the  Dutch  plotting  was  the  one  in  vogue. 


382  NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


NEW   ENGLAND,    l650.'^ 


Visscher,  in  1652,  disjoined  the  two  principal  is- 
lands south  of  Cape  Cod,  and  gave  abetter  shape 
to  that  peninsula;  but  Crane  Bay  (Plymouth)  con- 
tinued to  be  more  prominent  than  Boston.  The 
French  map  of  Sanson  (1656)  so  far  followed  the 
Dutch  as  to  recognize  the  claims  of  "  Nouveau 
Pays  Bas  "  to  stretch  through  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Plymouth  Colony,  as  shown  in  the 
sketch  in  chap.  xi.  The  old  Dutch  mistakes 
and  the  Dutch  names  characterize  Hendrick 
Doncker's  Paskaert,  in  1659,  and  other  of  the 
Hollanders'  sea-charts  of  this  time.  In  1660, 
Fran9ois  du  Creux's  (Creuxius)  Historia  Cana- 
densis converts  into  a  Latin  nomenclature,  in  a 


curious  jumble,  the  names  of  the  English,  Dutch, 
and  French.  This  map  is  given  in  fac-simile  in 
Shea's  Mississippi,  p.  50,  and  also  in  Vol.  IV.  of 
the  present  work.  The  next  year  (1661)  Van 
Loon's  Pascaerte  was  based  on  Blaeu  and  De 
Laet,  and  his  Zee-Atlas,  though  not  recognized 
by  Asher,  represents  the  best  knowledge  of 
the  time.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College 
Library.  There  are  other  maps  of  Visscher  of 
about  this  same  time,  in  which  Cape  Cod  be- 
comes as  excessively  attenuated  as  it  had  been 
too  large  before.  Of  the  later  Dutch  charts  or 
maps,  the  chief  place  must  be  given  to  that  in 
Roggeveen's  Sea-Atlas,  which  is  called  in  the 


'This  is  a  reduction  of  a  sketch  of  a  part  of  a  manuscript  Map  of  North  America,  dated  1650,  of  which  a 
drawing  is  given  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives ;  Documents  Collected  in  France,  ii.  61.  The  key  is  as 
follows  :  — 


1.  Sauvages  Hurons.  plain]. 

2.  Lac  des  Iroquois  [Lake  Cham- 

3.  Sauvages  Iroquois. 

4.  Sauvages  Malectites. 

5.  Sauvages  Etechemins. 

6.  Pemicuit  [Pemaquid]. 

7.  Pentagouet 


8.  Isle  des  Monts  Deserts. 

9.  Baye  de  Kinibequi. 

10.  Sauvages  Kanibas, 

11.  Caskob6  [Casco  Bay]. 

12.  Pescadou6  [Piscataqua]. 

13.  Selem  [Salem]. 

14.  Baston  [Boston]. 


15.  Nova  Anglia. 

16.  Sauvages  Pequatis  [Pequods]. 

17.  Plymuth. 

18.  Cap  Malabar. 

19.  Sauvages  Narhicans  [Narragansetts]. 

20.  Isle  de  Bloque  [Block  Island]. 

21.  Isle  de  Nantochyte  [Nantucket]. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


383 


NEW   ENGLAND,    l68o.^ 


English  version  T/ie  Burning  Fen,  and  wliich  of  Jannson's  of  about  the  same  date,  in  which 
still  insists  in  calling  the  Cape  Cod  peninsula  in  Smith's  names  survive  marvellously  when  those 
1675  a  part  of   *'  Nieuw  Holland,"  as  does  one     of   other    towns   had   long   taken   their  places. 

^  This  follows  a  manuscript  French  map  preserved  in  the  Depot  des  Cartes  et  Plans  at  Paris,  as  shown  in  ? 
sketch  by  Mr.  Poore  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives  ;  Documents  Collected  in  France,  iii.  11. 


;84 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


A  map,  La  Notwelle  Belgiqne,  covering  also  New 
England,  and  fashioned  on  one  of  Jannson's,  is 
annexed  to  an  article,  "  Une  Colonic  Neerland- 
aise,"  by  Colonel  H.  Wauwermans,  in  the  Bul- 
letin de  la  Sociit^  Giographique  d^Anvers,  iv. 
173.  The  Blaeu  map,  "  Nova  Belgica  et  Anglia 
Nova,"  found  in  the  Atlas  of  1685,  still  pre- 
serves most  of  the  older  Dutch  falsities ;  and 
that  geographer  made  no  one  of  these  errors 
so  conspicuous  as  he  did  in  making  still  nearer 
than  before  the  approach  of  "  Lacus  Irococi- 
ensis  "  to  Narragansett  Bay.  A  short  dotted 
boundary-line  is  made  to  connect  them,  and  he 
dispelled  the  old  Dutch  claim  to  south-eastern 
New  England,  by  putting  "Nieu  Engelland" 
east  of  this  line,  and  "  Nieu  Nederlandt ''  west 
of  it.  This  map  was  substantially  followed  in 
Allard's  Minor  Atlas,  of  a  few  years  later.  A 
new  English  cartography  sprang  up  when  there 
came  a  demand  for  geographical  knowledge,  as 
the  events  of  Philip's  War  engaged  general  at- 
tention. The  royal  geographer  Speed  issued 
in  1676  a  map  of  New  England  and  New  York 
in  his  Prospect ;  but  he  seems  to  have  followed 
Visscher  and  the  other  Dutch  authorities  impli- 
citly, as  did  Coronelli  and  Tillemon  in  the  New 
England  parts  of  their  map  of  Canada  issued 
in  1688.  Stevens,  in  his  Bibliotheca  Geograph- 
ica,  p.  229,  notes  an  English  map  of  New  Eng- 
land and  New  York,  which  he  supposes  to  be- 
long to  1690,  "sold  by  T.  Bassett,  in  Fleet 
Street,"  which  is  seemingly  enlarged  from  so 
early  a  Dutch  map  as  De  Laet's  of  1625.  The 
text  of  Josselyn's  Voyages  wdiS  used  as  the  basis  of 
A  Descriptioft  of  New  England,  which  accompa- 
nied in  folio  a  folded  plate,  entitled  "Mapp  of 
New  England,  by  John  Seller,  Hydrographer  to 
the  King."  It  is  without  date,  but  is  mentioned 
in  the  London  Gazette  in  1676,  and  could  not  have 
appeared  earlier  than  1674,  when  Josselyn's  book 
was  printed.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  Col- 
lege Library ;  and  it  shows  the  coast  from  Casco 
Bay  to  New  York,  with  a  corresponding  interior. 
These  are  precisely  the  bounds  in  the  map  which 


is  given  in  Mather's  Magnalia  in  1702,  and  which 
seems,  in  parts  at  least,  to  have  been  drawn  from 
Seller's.  Sabin  {Dictionary,  vol.  xiii.  no.  52,629) 
gives  A  Description  of  New  England  in  general^ 
with  a  Description  of  the  Tozun  of  Boston  in  par- 
ticular, London,  John  Seller,  1682,  4to.  Seller  is 
also  known  to  have  issued  a  small  sketch  map  in 
his  New  England  Almanac,  1685  (copy  in  Harvard 
College  Library) ;  and  still  another,  of  which  a 
fac-simile  is  given  in  Palfrey's  New  England,  iii. 
489.  There  is  a  map  ($  x  4/4  inches)  of  New 
England  by  Robert  Morden  in  R.  Blome's  Bres- 
ent  State  of  his  Majesty^ s  Isles  and  Territories  in 
America,  1687,  p.  210,  which  is  based  on  Seller's, 
and  which  has  been  reproduced  by  the  Brad- 
ford Club  in  their  Papers  concerning  the  Attack 
on  Hatfield  and  Deerfield,  New  York,  1859.  A 
different  map,  extending  to  New  France  and 
Greenland,  is  given  in  the  Amsterdam  editions 
of  Blome,  1688  and  17 15.  Hubbard's  map,  ac- 
companying his  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  in 
New  England,  1677,  ^  rude  woodcut,  —  the  first 
attempt  at  such  work  in  the  colony,  —  extends 
only  to  the  Connecticut  westerly;  but  northerly 
it  goes  far  enough  to  take  in  the  White  Hills, 
which  in  the  London  reissue  of  the  map  are 
called  "  Wine  Hills."  This  is  also  given  by  Pal- 
frey, iii.  1 55,  after  the  London  plate,  and  further 
notes  upon  it  will  be  found  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  i.  328.  There  is  also  a  de- 
tailed delineation  of  the  New  England  coast  in 
John  Thornton's  Atlas  Maritimus,  1701-21. 

In  this  enumeration  of  the  maps  or  charts 
which  give  New  England,  or  any  considerable 
part  of  it,  on  a  scale  sufficient  for  detail,  it  is 
thought  that  every  significant  draft  is  men- 
tioned, though  some  repetitions,  particularly  by 
the  Dutch,  have  been  purposely  omitted. 

Modern  maps  of  New  England,  which  indi- 
cate the  condition  of  this  period,  will  be  found 
in  Palfrey's  New  England,  vol.  i.,  showing  the 
geography  of  1644,  ^^^^  in  vol.  iii.  that  of  1689; 
and  in  Uhden's  Geschichte  der  Congregational- 
istens  Leipsic,  1840. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE   ENGLISH   IN  NEW  YORK,    1664-1689. 

BY  JOHN  AUSTIN   STEVENS. 

THE  trading  spirit  is  not  of  itself  sufficient  to  establish  successful  settle- 
ment, and  monopolies  cannot  safely  be  intrusted  with  the  govern- 
ment of  colonies.  The  experience  of  the  Dutch  in  the  New  Netherland 
established  this  truth,  which  later  experience  has  fully  confirmed. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  Holland  controlled  the 
carrying  trade  of  the  world.  Nearly  one  half  of  the  tonnage  of  Europe 
was  under  her  flag.  Java  was  the  centre  of  her  East  Indian  enterprise, 
Brazil  the  seat  of  her  West  Indian  possessions ;  and  the  seas  between,  over 
which  were  wafted  her  fleets,  freighted  with  the  rich  products  of  these  trop- 
ical lands,  were  patrolled  by  a  navy  hardy  and  brave.  Yet  it  was  at  the 
very  zenith  of  her  power  that  her  North  American  colony,  which  proudly 
bore  the  name  of  the  Fatherland,  was  stripped  from  the  home  government 
at  one  trenchant  blow. 

The  cause  of  this  misfortune  may  be  found  in  the  weakness  of  the  Dutch 
settlement  compared  with  the  more  populous  New  England  communities, 
which  pressed,  threatening  and  aggressive,  on  its  eastern  borders.  Un- 
der the  Dutch  rule.  New  Netherland  was  never  in  a  true  sense  a  colony. 
Begun  as  a  trading-post  in  162 1,  and  managed  by  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  it  cannot  be  said  ever  to  have  got  beyond  leading-strings,  and 
at  the  time  when  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English  its  entire  population 
did  not  exceed  seven  thousand  souls,  while  the  English  on  its  borders 
numbered  not  less  than  fifteen  times  as  many. 

Nor  did  the.  West  India  Company  seem  ever  to  comprehend  that  their 
hold  upon  the  new  continent  could  be  maintained  only  by  well-ordered  and 
continuous  colonization.  Rapidly  enriched  by  their  intercourse  with  the 
natives  of  the  sunny  climes  in  which  they  established  their  strong  posts  for 
trade,  they  seem  to  have  looked  for  no  more  from  their  posts  on  the  North 
American  coast,  or  to  have  had  further  ambition  than  to  secure  their  share 
of  the  trade  in  furs,  in  which  they  were  met  by  the  active  rivalry  and  greater 
enterprise  of  the  French  settlers  on  the  Canadian  frontier. 
VOL.  III.  —  49- 


386  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Yet  the  territory  of  New  Netherland  was  by  natural  configuration  the 
key  of  the  northern  frontier  of  the  American  colonies,  and  indeed,  it  may 
be  said,  of  the  continent.  The  courses  of  the  Hudson  and  Mohawk  form 
the  sides  of  a  natural  strategic  triangle,  and  with  the  system  of  northern 
lakes  and  streams  connect  the  several  parts  of  the  broad  surface  which 
stretches  from  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  on  the  Atlantic  to  the  head- 
waters of  the  Columbia  at  the  continental  divide.  This  vantage-ground 
at  the  head  of  the  great  valleys  through  which  water-ways  give  access  to 
the  regions  on  the  slope  below,  was  the  chosen  site  of  the  formidable 
confederacy  of  the  Iroquois,  the  acknowledged  masters  of  the  native 
tribes. 

The  English  jealousy  of  the  Dutch  did  not  spring  from  national  antip- 
athy, but  from  the  rivalry  of  trade.  The  insular  position  of  England 
forced  her  to  protect  herself  abroad,  and  when  Protestant  Holland,  by 
enterprise  and  skill,  drew  to  herself  the  commerce  of  both  the  Indies,  her 
success  aroused  in  England  the  same  spirit  of  opposition,  the  same  ani- 
mosity, which  had,  the  century  before,  been  awakened  by  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  Catholic  Spain.  It  was  the  Protestant  Commonwealth  of  England 
which  passed  the  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  especially  directed  against  the 
foreign  trade  of  her  growing  rival  of  the  same  religious  faith.  In  this  act 
may  be  found  the  germ  of  the  policy  of  England  not  only  toward  her 
neighbors,  but  also  toward  her  colonies.  This  act  was  maintained  in  active 
force  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  to  the  throne.  Strictly  enforced 
at  home,  it  was  openly  or  secretly  evaded  only  in  the  British  American  col- 
onies and  plantations.  The  arm  of  England  was  long,  but  her  hand  lay 
lightly  on  the  American  continent.  The  extent  of  coast  and  frontier  was 
too  great  to  be  successfully  watched,  and  the  necessities  of  the  colonies  too 
many  anjd  imperious  for  them  to  resist  the  temptation  to  a  trade  which, 
though  illicit,  was  hardly  held  immoral  except  by  the  strictest  construc- 
tionists of  statute  law;  and  it  was  with  the  Dutch  that  this  trade  was 
actively  continued  by  their  English  neighbors  of  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
as  well  as  by  those  of  New  England.  In  1663  the  losses  to  the  revenue 
were  so  extensive  that  the  farmers  of  the  customs,  who,  after  the  fashion  of 
the  period,  enjoyed  a  monopoly  from  the  King  at  a  large  annual  personal 
cost,  complained  of  the  great  abuses  which,  they  claimed,  defrauded  the 
revenue  of  ten  thousand  pounds  a  year.  The  interest  of  the  kingdom  was 
at  stake,  and  the  conquest  of  the  New  Netherland  was  resolved  upon. 

This  was  no  new  policy.  It  had  been  that  of  Cromwell,  the  most  saga- 
cious of  English  rulers,  and  was  only  abandoned  by  him  because  of  the  more 
immediate  advantages  secured  by  his  treaty  with  the  Grand  Pensionary,  a 
statesman  only  second  to  Oliver  himself  The  expedition  which  Cromwell 
had  ordered  was  countermanded,  and  the  Dutch  title  to  the  New  Nether- 
land was  formally  recognized  by  the  treaty  of  1654.  It  seems  rational 
to  suppose  that  the  English  Protector  foresaw  the  inevitable  future  fall  of 
the  Dutch-American  settlement,  hemmed  in  by  growing  English  colonies. 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  387 

fostered  by  religious  zeal,  and  that  he  was  willing  to  wait  till  the  fruit  was 
ripe  and  of  easy  grasp  to  England. 

It  is  the  fashion  of  historians  to  ascribe  the  seizure  of  the  New  Netherland 
to  the  perfidy  of  Charles ;  but  the  policy  of  kingdoms  through  successive 
administrations  is  more  homogeneous  than  appears  on  the  surface.  The 
diplomacy  of  ministers  is  usually  traditional ;  the  opportunity  which  seems 
to  mark  a  change  is  often  but  an  incident  in  the  chain.  That  which  pre- 
sented itself  to  Clarendon,  Charles's  Lord  Chancellor,  was  the  demand  made 
by  the  States-General  that  the  boundary  line  should  be  established  between 
the  Dutch  and  English  possessions  in  America.  Consent  on  the  part  of 
Charles  would  have  been  a  ratification  of  Cromwell's  recognition  of  1654. 
This  demand  of  the  Dutch  Government,  made  in  January,  1664,  close  upon 
the  petition  of  the  farmers  of  the  customs  of  December,  1663,  precipitated 
the  crisis.  The  seizure  of  New  Amsterdam  and  the  reduction  of  New 
Netherland  was  resolved  upon.  Three  Americans  who  happened  to  be 
in  London,  —  Scott,  Baker,  and  Maverick,  —  were  summoned  before  the 
Council  Board,  when  they  presented  a  statement  of  the  title  of  the  King, 
the  intrusion  of  the  Dutch,  and  of  the  condition  of  the  settlement.  The 
Chancellor  held  their  arguments  to  be  well  grounded,  and  on  the  29th  of 
February  an  expedition  was  ordered  "  against  the  Dutch  in  America." 
The  demand  of  the  Holland  Government  was  no  doubt  stimulated  by  the 
intrigues  of  Sir  George  Downing,  who  had  been  Cromwell's  ambassador  at 
the  Hague,  and  was  retained  by  Charles  as  an  adroit  servant.  A  nephew 
of  the  elder  Winthrop  and  a  graduate  from  Harvard,  Downing  appears 
to  have  determined  upon  the  acquisition  by  England  of  the  Dutch  prov- 
inces, which  were  held  by  the  New  England  party  to  be  a  thorn  in  the 
side  of  English  American  colonization.  The  expedition  determined  upon, 
Scott  was  sent  back  to  New  England  with  a  royal  commission  to  enforce 
the  Navigation  Laws.  The  next  concern  of  the  Chancellor  was  to  secure 
to  the  Crown  the  full  benefit  of  the  proposed  conquest.  He  was  as 
little  satisfied  with  the  self-rule  of  the  New  England  colonies  as  with  the 
presence  of  Dutch  sovereignty  on  American  soil ;  and  in  the  conquest  of 
the  foreigner  he  found  the  means  to  bring  the  English  subject  into  closer 
dependence  on  the  King. 

James  Duke  of  York,  Lord  High  Admiral,  was  the  heir  to  the  crown. 
He  had  married  the  daughter  of  Edward  Hyde,  the  Chancellor  of  the 
kingdom,  who  now  controlled  its  foreign  policy.  A  patent  to  James  as 
presumptive  heir  to  the  crown,  from  the  King  his  brother,  would  merge 
in  the  crown ;  and  a  central  authority  strongly  established  over  the  terri- 
tory covered  by  it  might  well,  under  favorable  circumstances,  be  extended 
over  the  colonies  on  either  side  which  were  governed  under  limitations  and 
with  privileges  directly  secured  by  charter  from  the  King.  In  this  adroit 
scheme  may  be  found  the  beginning  in  America  of  that  policy  of  personal 
rule,  which,  begun  under  the  Catholic  Stuart,  culminated  under  the  Prot- 
estant Hanoverian,  a  century  later,  in  the  oppression  which  aroused  the 


388  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

American  Revolution.  The  first  step  taken  by  Clarendon  was  the  purchase 
of  the  title  conveyed  to  the  Earl  of  Stirling  in  1635  by  the  grantees  of  the 
New  England  patent.  This  covered  the  territory  of  Pemaquid,  between  the 
Saint  Croix  and  the  Kennebec,  in  Maine,  and  the  Island  of  Matowack,  or  Long 
Island.  The  Stirling  claim  had  been  opposed  and  resisted  by  the  Dutch ; 
but  Stuyvesant,  the  Director  of  New  Netherland,  had  in  1650  formally  sur- 
rendered to  the  English  all  the  territory  south  of  Oyster  Bay  on  Long  Island 
and  east  of  Greenwich  on  the  continent.  A  title  being  thus  acquired  by  the 
adroitness  of  Clarendon,  a  patent  was,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1664,  issued  by 
Charles  II.  to  the  Duke  of  York,  granting  him  the  Maine  territory  of  Pem- 
aquid, all  the  islands  between  Cape  Cod  and  the  Narrows,  the  Hudson  River, 
and  all  the  lands  from  the  west  side  of  the  Connecticut  to  the  east  side  of 
Delaware  Bay,  together  with  the  islands  of  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket. 
The  inland  boundary  was  **  a  line  from  the  head  of  Connecticut  River  to 
the  source  of  Hudson  River,  thence  to  the  head  of  the  Mohawk  branch  of 
Hudson  River,  and  thence  to  the  east  side  of  Delaware  Bay."  The  patent 
gave  to  the  Duke  of  York,  his  heirs,  deputies,  and  assigns,  "  absolute  power 
to  govern  within  this  domain  according  to  his  own  rules  and  discretions  con- 
sistent with  the  statutes  of  England."  In  this  patent  the  charter  granted 
by  the  King  to  the  younger  John  Winthrop  in  1662  for  Connecticut,  in 
which  it  was  stipulated  that  commissioners  should  be  sent  to  New  England 
to  settle  the  boundaries  of  each  colony,  was  entirely  disregarded.  The 
idea  of  commissioners  for  boundaries  now  developed  with  larger  scope,  and 
the  King  established  a  royal  commission,  consisting  of  four  persons  recom- 
mended by  the  Duke  of  York,  whose  private  instructions  were  to  reduce  the 
Dutch  to  submission  and  to  increase  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown  in  the 
New  England  colonies,  which  Clarendon  considered  to  be  *'  already  well- 
nigh  ripened  to  a  commonwealth." 

Three  of  these  commissioners  were  officers  in  the  Royal  army,  —  Col- 
onel Richard  Nicolls,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  Colonel  George  Cartwright.     The 
^-jx    ,        £  '7        •         ^f  fourth    was    Samuel 

U^/l  CyTUX/yK>    ilJ^OXC^  Maverick,  an  earnest 

*'^V„^       M  ^-*  adherent     of    the 

Church  of  England 
and  a  bitter  enemy 
of  Massachusetts,  in 
which  colony  he  had 
passed  his  early  man- 
hood. These  com- 
V  y  ^        /7       missioners,     or     any 

eluded,— were  mvested  with  full  power  in  all  matters,  military  and  civil, 
in  the  New  England  colonies.  To  Colonel  Nicolls  the  Duke  of  York  en- 
trusted the  charge  of  taking  possession  of  and  governing  the  vast  territory 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  389 

covered  by  the  King's  patent.  To  one  more  capable  and  worthy  the  deH- 
cate  trust  could  not  have  been  confided.  He  was  in  the  fortieth  year  of  a 
Hfe  full  of  experience,  of  a  good  Bedfordshire  family,  his  father  a  barrister 
of  the  Middle  Temple.  He  had  received  an  excellent  education.  When, 
at  the  age  of  nineteen,  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  he  at  once  joined  the 
King's  forces,  and,  obtaining  command  of  a  troop  of  horse,  clung  persist- 
ently to  the  Royal  cause.  Later,  he  served  on  the  Continent  with  the 
Duke  of  York  in  the  army  of  Turenne.  At  the  Restoration  he  was  re- 
warded for  his  fidelity  with  the  post  of  Groom  of  the  Bedchamber  to  the 
Duke,  to  whose  interests  he  devoted  himself  with  loyalty,  prudence,  and 
untiring  energy.  His  title  under  the  new  commission  was  that  of  Deputy- 
Governor;   the  tenure  of  his  office,  the  Duke's  pleasure.^ 

The  English  Government  has  never  been  scrupulous  as  to  method  in  the 
attainment  of  its  purposes,  justification  being  a  secondary  matter.  When 
the  news  of  the  gathering  of  the  fleet  reached  the  Hague,  and  explana- 
tion was  demanded  of  Downing  as  to  the  truth  of  the  reports  that  it  was 
intended  for  the  reduction  of  the  New  Netherland,  he  boldly  insisted  on 
the  English  right  to  the  territory  by  first  possession.  To  a  claim  so  flimsy 
and  impudent  only  one  response  was  possible,  —  a  declaration  of  war.  But 
the  Dutch  people  at  large  had  little  interest  in  the  remote  settlement,  which 
was  held  to  be  a  trading-post  rather  than  a  colony,  and  not  a  profitable 
post  at  best.  The  West  India  Company  saw  the  danger  of  the  situation, 
but  its  appeals  for  assistance  were  disregarded.  Its  own  resources  and 
credit  were  unequal  to  the  task  of  defence.  Meanwhile  the  English  fleet, 
composed  of  one  ship  of  thirty-six,  one  of  thirty,  a  third  of  sixteen,  and 
a  transport  of  ten  guns,  with  three  full  companies  of  the  King's  veterans,  — 
in. all  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  commanded  by  Colonels  Nicolls,  Carr,  and 
Cartwright,  —  sailed  from  Portsmouth  for  Gardiner's  Bay  on  the  15th  of 
May.  On  the  23d  of  July  Nicolls  and  Cartwright  reached  Boston,  where 
they  demanded  military  aid  from  the  Governor  ahd  Council  of  the  Colony. 
Calling  upon  Winthrop  for  the  assistance  of  Connecticut,  and  appointing  a 
rendezvous  at  the  west  end  of  Long  Island,  Nicolls  set  sail  with  his  ships  and 
anchored  in  New  Utrecht  Bay,  just  outside  of  Coney  Island,  a  spot  since  his- 
torical as  the  landing-place  of  Lord  Howe's  troops  in  1776.  Here  Nicolls 
was  joined  by  militia  from  New  Haven  and  Long  Island.  The  city  of  New 
Amsterdam  was  at  once  cut  ofl"  from  all  communication  with  the  shores 
opposite,  and  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  commissioners  guarantee- 
ing the  inhabitants  in  their  possessions  on  condition  of  submission.  The 
Hudson  being  in  the  control  of  the  English  vessels,  the  little  city  was  de- 
fenceless. The  Director,  Stuyvesant,  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  English 
at  Fort  Orange  (Albany),  whither  he  had  gone  to  quell  disturbances  with 
the  Indians.  Returning  in  haste,  he  summoned  his  council  together. 
The  folly  of  resistance  was  apparent  to  all,  and  after  delays,  by  which  the 
Director-General  sought  to  save  something  of  his  dignity,  a  commission  for 

1  [Cf.  Mr.  Whitehead's  chapter  in  the  present  volume.  — Ed.| 


390  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

a  surrender  was  agreed  upon  between  the  Dutch  authorities  and  Colonel 
Nicolls.  The  capitulation  confirmed  the  inhabitants  in  the  possession  of 
their  property,  the  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  their  freedom  as  citizens. 
The  municipal  officers  were  continued  in  their  rule.  On  the  29th  of  August, 
1664,  the  articles  were  ratified,  and  Stuyvesant  marched  out  from  Fort 
Amsterdam,  at  the  head  of  his  little  band  with  the  honors  of  war,  and 
embarked  the  troops  on  one  of  the  West  India  Company's  ships  for  Hol- 
land. Stuyvesant  himself  remained  for  a  time  in  the  city.  The  English 
entered  the  fort,  the  Dutch  flag  was  hauled  down,  the  English  colors 
hoisted  in  its  place,  and  the  city  passed  under  English  rule.  The  first 
act  of  Nicolls  on  taking  possession  of  the  fort,  in  which  he  was  welcomed 
by  the  civic  authorities,  was  to  order  that  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam  be 
thereafter  known  as  New  York,  and  the  fort  as  Fort  James,  in  honor  of  the 
title  and  name  of  his  lord  and  patron. 

At  the  time  of  the  surrender  the  city  gave  small  promise  of  its  magnif- 
icent future.  Its  entire  population,  which  did  not  exceed  1,500  souls,  was 
housed  within  the  triangle  at  the  point  of  the  island,  the  easterly  and 
westerly  sides  of  which  were  the  East  and  North  Rivers,  and  the  northern 
boundary  a  wall  stretching  across  the  entire  island  from  river  to  river. 
Beyond  this  limit  was  an  occasional  plantation  and  a  small  hamlet  known 
as  New  Haarlem.  The  seat  of  government  was  in  the  fort.  Nicolls  now 
established  a  new  government  for  the  province.  A  force  was  sent  up  the 
Hudson  under  Captain  Cartwright,  which  took  possession  of  Fort  Orange, 
the  name  of  which  was  changed  to  Albany,  in  honor  of  a  title  of  the  Duke 
of  York.  On  his  return,  Cartwright  took  possession  of  Esopus  in  the  same 
manner  (the  name  of  this  settlement  was  later  changed  to  Kingston). 
The  privileges  granted  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  Amsterdam  were  extended 
to  these  towns.  The  volunteers  from  Long  Island  and  New  England  were 
now  discharged  to  their  homes. 

The  effect  of  the  prudent  and  conciliatory  measures  of  Nicolls,  which  in 
the  beginning  had  averted  the  shedding  of  a  single  drop  of  blood,  and  now 
appealed  directly  to  the  good  sense  of  the  inhabitants,  was  soon  apparent. 
The  fears  of  the  Dutch  were  entirely  allayed,  and  as  no  inequality  was  im- 
posed upon  them,  they  had  no  reason  to  regret  the  change  of  rule.  Their 
pride  was  conciliated  by  the  continuance  of  their  municipal  authorities,  and 
by  the  cordial  manner  in  which  the  new-comers  arranged  that  the  Dutch  and 
English  religious  service  should  be  held  consecutively  under  the  same  roof, 
—  that  of  the  Dutch  church  in  the  fort.  Hence  when  Nicolls,  alive  to  the 
interests  of  his  master,  which  could  be  served  only  by  maintaining  the  pros- 
perity of  the  colony,  proposed  to  the  chief  citizens  that  instead  of  returning 
to  Holland,  as  had  been  arranged  for  in  the  capitulation,  they  should  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain  and  of  obedience  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  they  almost  without  exception,  Stuyvesant  himself  included, 
accepted  the  conditions.  The  King's  authority  was  thus  peaceably  and 
firmly  established  in  the  metropolis  and  in  the  outlying  posts  of  the  prov- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  39! 

ince  of  New  York  proper,  which,  by  the  King's  patent  to  the  Duke,  included 
all  the  territory  east  of  the  Delaware.  The  commissioners  next  proceeded 
to  reduce  the  Dutch  settlements  on  the  Delaware,  and  established  their  col- 
league, Carr,  in  command,  always  howeve*-  in  subordination  to  the  govern- 
ment of  New  York.  The  necessities  of  their  condition,  dependent  upon 
trade,  brought  the  Dutch  inhabitants  into  easy  subjection.  Indeed  it  seems 
that  though  their  attachment  to  the  mother  country,  its  laws  and  its  customs, 
was  unabated,  the  long  neglect  of  their  interests  by  the  Holland  Government 
had  greatly  weakened  if  not  destroyed  any  active  sentiment  of  loyalty. 

The  southern  boundary  established,  the  commissioners  turned  to  the 
more  difficult  task  of  establishing  that  to  the  eastward.  The  Duke  of 
York's  patent  covered  all  the  territory  claimed  alike  by  the  Dutch  and  by 
the  Connecticut  colony  under  its  charter  of  1662,  —  involving  an  unsettled 
controversy.  A  joint  commission  finally  determined  the  matter  by  assign- 
ing Long  Island  to  New  York,  and  establishing  a  dividing  line  between 
New  York  and  Connecticut,  to  run  about  twenty  miles  distant  eastwardly 
from  the  Hudson  River.  The  superior  topographical  information  of  the 
Connecticut  commissioners  secured  the  establishment  of  this  line  in  a 
manner  not  intended  by  the  Board  at  large.  The  boundary  was  not 
ratified  by  the  royal  authorities,  and  was  later  the  source  of  continual  dis- 
pute and  of  endless  bad  feeling  between  the  two  colonies. 

Nicolls  next  settled  the  rules  of  the  customs,  which  were  to  be  paid 
in  beaver  skins  at  fixed  valuations.  Courts  were  now  established,  —  an 
English  modification  of  those  already  existing  among  the  Dutch.  These 
new  organizations  consisted  of  a  court  of  assizes,  or  high  court  of  law  and 
equity.  Long  Island  was  divided,  after  the  English  manner,  into  three  dis- 
tricts or  ridings,  in  which  courts  of  sessions  were  held  at  stated  intervals. 
The  justices,  sitting  with  the  Governor  and  his  Council  once  in  each  year 
in  the  Court  of  Assizes,  formed  the  supreme  law-making  power,  wholly 
subordinate  to  the  will  of  the  Governor,  and,  after  him,  to  the  approval  of 
the  Duke.  To'  this  body  fell  the  duty  of  establishing  a  code  of  laws  for 
such  parts. of  the  province  as  still  remained  under  the  Dutch  forms  of 
government.  Carefully  examining  the  statutes  of  the  New  England  col- 
onies, Nicolls  prepared  from  them  a  code  of  laws,  and  summoning  a  con- 
vention of  delegates  of  towns  to  meet  at  Hempstead  on  Long  Island,  he 
submitted  it  for  their  approval.  These  laws,  though  liberal  in  matters  of 
conscience  and  religion,  did  not  permit  of  the  election  of  magistrates.  To 
this  restriction  many  of  the  delegates  demurred ;  but  Nicolls  fell  back  upon 
the  terms  of  his  commission,  and  the  delegates  submitted  with  good  grace. 
The  code  thus  established  is  known  in  jurisprudence  as  the  "  Duke's  Laws." 
Its  significant  features  were  trial  by  jury;  equal  taxation;  tenure  of  lands 
from  the  Duke  of  York ;  no  religious  establishment,  but  requirement  of  some 
church  form;  freedom  of  religion  to  all  professing  Christianity;  obligatory 
service  in  each  parish  every  Sunday;  recognition  of  negro  slavery  under 
certain  restrictions ;   and  general  liability  to  military  duty. 


39a         NAKKATIVE  ANf)  CRITICAL  MIHTOKY  Ol<^  AMEKICA. 

Next  In  nrdcf  came  the  confuntiin^  nf  the  style  niitl  niaiiiiLr  ui  llie  city 
Koveniineiitfl  tu  the  custom  of  ICfifjlaiul.  The  Dutch  form  was  abolished, 
and  a  mayor,  aldermen,  antl  slieilir  appcjlnted.  The  Dutch  citizens  objected 
to  this  change  from  the  habit  of  their  forefathers,  but  as  the  preponderance 
nf  luimbers  was  ^iven  to  citizens  of  their  nathjfiallty,  the  objection  was  not 
pressed,  and  the  new  authorities  were  qidetly  Inaugurated,  If  not  with  ttc* 
(julescence,  at  least  vvilhnut  opposition  or  protest.  These  changes  rjccurrcd 
in  June,  lOrit;.  j  hus  in  h.ss  than  a  single  year.  In  a  population  the  Dutch 
element  nf  which  outnumberetl  the  I'Ji^llsh  as  three  to  one,  by  the  modora- 
llon,  tact,  enerf^y,  and  reinarkabh^  administrative  ability  of  NIcoUs,  was 
the  coiititicred  settlement  assimilated  tn  the  ICn^lish  body  politic  to  which 
It  was  henceforth  to  belong,  and  from  the  hour  qf  Its  tfansttiutatlon  It  was 
aerustcuned  tn  Innk  to  (Ireat  Ihilain  itself  for  government  and  protection. 
Such  was  the  first  step  in  the  transition  of  the  seat  of  the  "  armed  com- 
mercial monopoly"  of  New  Amsterdam,  tJiroti^h  various  modifications  and 
changes,  to  the  cnsninpnlitan  city  (»f  the  present  day. 

The  war  \vhi<  li  the  violent  sci/ure  nf  New  Netherland  precipitated  upon 
l'>nrnp(*  was  lilllf^  Irll  nn  llic  western  slinres  of  the  Atlantic.  11iere  was 
n(»tliin^  in  New  \*nrl<  itself,  independently  nf  its  territorial  situation,  tn  tempt 
a  r ('/</•  ,/r  ffhtiff.  rh(  r(^  were  "  \)(}  ships  tn  Inse,  no  ^nods  to  plunder."'  P'or 
nearly  a  year  afler  the  laplnre  no  vessel  arrived  from  ICn^lantl  with  supplies. 
In  the  interval  the  Kind's  trnnps  slept  tipiMi  canvas  and  straw.  The  entire 
enst  n\  maintaining  the  ijarrisnn  fell  iipnn  the  hiithlul  Nicolls,  who  never- 
theless ennlinned  to  htiild  np  and  stren^theti  his  government,  personally 
disposing  (»f  the  tlispiites  belw(M>n  the  soldi(>rs  and  settlers  at  the  posts, 
eneonra^in^  siMtlement  by  liberal  (jflers  t(»  planters,  and  ctiltlvatlii^  friendly 
relations  with  the  powerful  Indian  eiuifederacy  on  the  western  frontier. 
While  thus  en^a^ed  in  tli(^  ^reat  worl<  (tf  orfjaiii/ju^  Itito  a  harmonious 
whole  the  imperial  domain  (imlidcMl  t<»  his  charge,  —  which,  extending  froJil 
the  Delaware  to  tlu^  ( "onncn  tietit,  with  the  Hudson  as  its  central  artery,  was 
of  itself  a  well  romided  .\\](\  perfeet  kingdom,  —  he  received  the  dlsa(^reeable 
Intelli^cMKc  thai  his  work  of  consolidation  had  been  broken  by  the  Duke 
of  V«.rk  himself.  |ames,  deeeiv«Ml  as  to  the  gravity  of  the  transactioti, 
infliieiH  <m1  by  friendship,  <»r  bin  aiise  of  more  immediate  |)ersonal  consld- 
eratinns,  granted  to  (Carteret  and  Berkeley  the  entire  territory  between  the 
Hudson  River  on  the  east,  (jipe  May  on  tlu^  southward,  and  the  northern 
bran«  h  «.f  \\\r  Delawan'  on  the  west,  tt»  whi(  h  was  j^iven  the  name  of  Nova 
(icsarea,  or  New  Jersey.  In  this  ^rant,  however,  the  Duke  of  York  did 
not  convey  the  ri^ht  of  jurisdiction;  but  the  reservation  not  beln^  ex- 
pressed in  the  document,  the  ^'^ntees  claimed  that  It  also  passed  to 
them,  — an  Interpretation  which  receivetl  no  definitive  settlement  for  a 
lon^j  period.' 

While   the  Dutch  Governtnent  showed  no  disposition  to  attempt  the 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


393 


recovery  of  their  late  American  territory  by  immediate  attack,  they  did  not 
tamely  submit  to  the  humiliation  put  upon  them,  but  strained  every  nerve 
to  maintain  the  honor  of  their  flag  by  sea  and  land.  For  them  as  for  the 
English  race,  the  sea  was  the  natural  scene  of  strife.  The  first  successes 
were  to  the  English  fleet,  which,  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  of  York 
in  person,  defeated  the  Dutch  at  Lowestofle,  and  compelled  them  to  with- 
draw to  the  cover  of  their  forts.  Alarmed  at  the  triumph  of  England  and 
at  the  prospect  of  a  general  war,  Louis  XIV.  urged  peace  upon  the  States- 
General,  and  proposed  to  the  English  King  an  exchange  of  the  territory 
of  New  Netherland  for  the  island  of  Poleron,  one  of  the  Banda  or  Nutmeg 
Islands,  recently  taken  from  the  English,  —  a  kingdom  for  a  mess  of  pot- 
tage. But  Clarendon  rejected  the  mediation,  declining  either  exchange  or 
restitution  in  a  manner  that  forced  upon  the  French  King  a  declaration  of 
war.  This  declaration,  issued  Jan.  29,  1666,  was  immediately  replied  to  by 
England,  and  the  American  colonies  were  directed  to  reduce  the  French 
possessions  to  the  English  crown.  Here  was  the  beginning  of  the  strife  on 
the  American  continent  which  culminated  a  century  later  in  the  conquest 
of  Canada  and  the  final  supremacy  of  the  English  race  on  the  Western 
continent. 

While  the  settlers  of  New  England,  cut  ofl"  from  the  Western  country 
by  the  Hudson  River  and  the  Dutch  settlements  along  its  course,  and  alike 
from  Canada  by  pathless  forests,  and  in  a  manner  enclosed  by  races  whose 
foreign  tongues  rendered  intercourse  difficult,  were  rapidly  multiplying  in 
number,  redeeming  and  cultivating  the  soil  and  laying  the  foundations  of  a 
compact  and  powerful  commonwealth,  divided  perhaps  in  form,  but  one  in 
spirit  and  purpose,  their  northern  neighbors  were  no  less  active  under  totally 
different  forms  of  polity.  The  primary  idea  of  French  as  of  Spanish 
colonization  was  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  tribes.  The  first  empire 
sought  was  that  of  the  soul ;  the  priests  were  the  pioneers  of  exploration. 
The  natives  of  the  soil  were  to  be  first  converted,  then  brought,  if  possible, 
through  this  subtile  influence  into  alliance  with  the  home  government. 
This  peaceful  scheme  failing,  military  posts  were  to  be  established  at  stra- 
tegic points  to  control  the  lakes  and  streams  and  places  of  portage,  the 
highways  of  Indian  travel,  and  to  hold  the  country  subject  to  the  King  of 
France.  Unfortunately  for  the  success  of  this  comprehensive  plan,  there 
was  discord  among  the  French  themselves.  The  French  military  authorities 
and  the  priests  were  not  harmonious  either  in  purpose  or  in  conduct.  The 
Society  of  Jesus  would  not  subordinate  itself  to  the  royal  authority.  More- 
over the  Iroquois  confederacy  of  the  Five  Nations,  which  held  the  valley  of 
the  Mohawk  and  the  lakes  south  of  Ontario,  were  not  friendly  at  heart  to  the 
Europeans.  They  had  not  forgotten  nor  forgiven  the  invasion  by  Cham- 
plain  ;  yet,  recognizing  the  value  of  friendly  relations  with  a  power  which 
could  supply  them  with  firearms  for  their  contests  with  the  fierce  tribes  with 
whom  they  were  at  perpetual  war,  they  welcomed  the  French  to  dwell 
among  them.  French  policy  had  declared  itself,  even  before  England  made 
VOL.  m.  —  so. 


394 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


her  first  move  for  a  consolidation  of  her  power  in  America.  In  1663  the  Old 
Canada  Company  surrendered  its  rights  to  Louis  XIV.,  who  at  once  sent 
over  a  Royal  Commissary  to  organize  a  colonial  government.  The  new 
administration  established  by  him  was  not  content  with  the  uncertain 
relations  existing  with  the  Iroquois,  which  the  fierce  hostility  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, the  most  important  and  powerful  of  the  confederate  tribes,  con- 
stantly threatened  to  turn  into  direct  enmity.  A  policy  of  conquest 
was  determined  upon.  An  embassy  sent  by  the  Iroquois  to  Montreal  to 
treat  for  peace  in  1664  was  coldly  received,  and  the  next  year  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  French  King  declared  the  Five  .Nations  to  be  '^perpetual 
and  irreconcilable  enemies  of  the  colony."  Strong  military  assistance 
arrived  to  enforce  the  new  policy,  and  before  the  year  closed,  the  Marquis 
de  Tracy,  the  new  viceroy,  had  erected  fortified  posts  which  controlled  the 
entire  course  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  In  December  four  of  the  confederate 
tribes,  —  the  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas,  —  alarmed  at  this 
well-ordered  progress  toward  their  territory,  made  submission,  and  entered 
into  a  treaty  by  which  Louis  was  acknowledged  as  their  protector  and  sove- 
reign. The  Mohawks  alone  were  not  a  party  to  this  arrangement.  They 
refused  to  acknowledge  subjection.  To  punish  their  obstinacy  the  viceroy 
at  once  despatched  an  expedition  against  their  villages.  Missing  its  way,  it 
was  attacked  near  Schenectady  by  a  party  of  Mohawks.  The  news  of  the 
skirmish  alarmed  the  English  at  Albany.  From  their  pickets  Courcelles, 
the  commander  of  the  French  expedition,  first  learned  of  the  reduction  of 
the  Dutch  province  to  English  rule,  and,  it  is  reported,  said  in  disturbed 
mind,  "  that  the  King  of  England  did  grasp  at  all  America." 

Thus  for  the  first  time  wnthin  the  limits  of  the  New  York  province  the 
English  and  French  were  confronted  with  each  other  on  the  territory  which 
was  destined  to  become  the  scene  of  a  century  of  strife ;  and  thus  also  were 
the  Mohawks  naturally  inclined  to  the  only  power  which  could  protect  them 
against  the  aggressions  of  the  French.  Nicolls  induced  the  Mohawks  to 
treat  for  peace  with  the  French.  He  also  urged  the  Connecticut  authorities  to 
arrange  a  peace  between  the  Mohicans  and  the  Mohawks ;  and  negotiations 
were  opened  in  time  to  counteract  the  French  emissaries,  who  were  already 
tampering  with  the  former  tribe.  Shortly  after  these  successful  mediations, 
instructions  arrived  from  King  Charles  to  undertake  hostilities  against  Canada ; 
but  Connecticut  refusing  to  join  in  an  expedition,  and  Massachusetts,  con- 
sidering the  reduction  of  Canada  as  not  at  the  time  feasible,  Nicolls  changed 
his  tactics,  and  declared  to  the  Canadian  viceroy  his  purpose  to  maintain 
peace,  provided  the  bounds  and  limits  of  his  Majesty's  dominions  were  not 
invaded.  Meanwhile,  the  Oneidas  having  ratified  the  treaty  made  by  their 
colleague  tribes  with  the  French,  the  Mohawks  were  left  alone  in  resistance, 
and  committed  outrages  which  the  viceroy  determined  to  punish.  Leading 
an  expedition  in  person,  he  marched  upon  the  Mohawks,  captured  and  de- 
stroyed their  four  villages,  burned  vast  quantities  of  stored  provisions,  devas- 
tated their  territory,  and  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


395 


rm^JcTLLeA^ 


of  the  King  of  France.  Yet  such  was  the  independent  spirit  of  this  proud 
tribe,  that  it  required  the  threat  of  another  expedition  to  bring  them  to  sub- 
mission. A  treaty  was  made  by  which  they  consented  to  receive  mission- 
aries. This  completed  the  title  of  possession  of  the  Western  territory  which 
the  French  Government  was  preparing  against  a  day  of  need. 

The  war  in  Europe  was  closed  by  the  treaty  of  Breda,  which  allowed 
the  retention  by  each  of  the  conflicting  parties  of  the  places  it  occupied. 
This  provision  confirmed  the  English  in  peaceful  and  rightful  possession  of 
their  conquest  of  New  Netherland.  The  intelligence  was  proclaimed  New 
Year's  Day,  1668.  It  enabled  the  Duke  of  York  to  accede  at  last  to  the 
repeated  requests  of  his  faithful  and  v 

able    deputy,    and    permission     was  ^(jt/fm,    Q^Z.        /  (T >  Sl^ 
granted  to  Nicolls  to  return  to  Eng-  ^3 

land.  His  successor,  Colonel  Francis 
Lovelace,  relieved  him  in  his  charge 
in  August  following. 

Francis  Lovelace,  the  successor  of  ^v^__^ 

Nicolls,  continued  his  policy  with  prudence  and  moderation.  To  him  the 
merchants  of  the  city  owed  the  establishment  of  the  first  exchange  or 
meeting-place  for  transaction  of  business  at  fixed  hours.  He  encouraged 
the  fisheries  and  whaling,  promoted  domestic  trade  with  Virginia,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  the  West  India  Islands,  and  took  personal  interest  in  ship- 
building. By  his  encouragement  the  first  attempt  toward  a  post-road  or 
king's  highway  was  made.  During  his  administration  the  first  seal  was 
secured  for  the  province,  and  one  also  for  the  city.  He  appears  to  have 
concerned  himself  also  in  the  conversion  to  Christianity  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  —  a  policy  which  Nicolls  initiated ;  but  as  yet  there  was  no  printing 
press  in  the  province  to  second  his  efi"orts.  Of  more  practical  benefit 
was  his  interference  to  arrest  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  to  the  savage 
tribes  from  the  trading-post  at  Albany. 

In  1668  the  policy  of  the  English  Government  again  veered.  A  treaty, 
known  as  the  Triple  Alliance,  was  signed  between  Great  Britain,  the  United 
Provinces,  and  Sweden,  to  arrest  the  growing  power  and  ambitious  designs 
of  France.  Popular  in  the  mother  country,  the  alliance  gave  peculiar  satis- 
faction to  the  New  York  province,  and  somewhat  allayed  the  disappoint- 
ment with  which  the  cancellation  of  the  order  permitting  the  Dutch  freely 
to  trade  with  New  York  was  received  by  its  citizens  of  Holland  descent. 
Throughout  the  Duke's  province  there  was  entire  religious  toleration. 
None  were  disturbed  in  the  exercise  of  their  worship.  At  Albany  the 
parochial  Dutch  church  was  maintained  under  his  authority,  and  in  New 
York,  he  authorized  the  establishment  of  a  branch  of  the  Dutch  Reformed 
Church,  and  directed  the  payment  of  a  sufficient  salary  to  the  minister 
invited  from  Holland  to  undertake  its  charge. 

The  efforts  begun  by  Nicolls  and  continued  by  Lovelace,  to  bring  into 
harmonious  subjection   the  diverse   elements   of  the  Duke's  government 


396  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

were  not  wholly  successful.  The  inhabitants  of  eastern  Long  Island  clung 
tenaciously  to  the  traditions  of  the  Connecticut  colony,  and  petitioned  the 
King  directly  for  representation  in  the  Government ;  but  the  Council  for  Plan- 
tations denied  the  claim,  on  the  ground  that  the  territory  was  in  the  limits 
of  the  Duke  of  York's  patent  and  government.  The  unsettled  boundaries 
again  gave  trouble,  Massachusetts  renewing  her  claim  to  the  navigation  of 
the  Hudson,  which  the  Dutch  had,  during  their  rule,  successfully  resisted. 
Massachusetts  further  claimed  the  territory  to  the  Pacific  westward  of  the 
line  of  the  Duke  of  York's  patent.  The  contiguous  territory  was  however 
held  by  the  Mohawks,  who  had  never  acknowledged  other  sovereignty  than 
their  own.  In  1672  this  tribe  made  a  considerable  sale  of  lands  on  the 
Mohawk  River  to  the  inhabitants  of  Schenectady,  by  which  New  York  prac- 
tically acquired  title  to  the  soil  as  well  as  sovereignty. 

In  1672  English  politics  again  underwent  a  change.  The  Triple  Alliance 
was  dissolved,  and  a  secret  treaty  entered  into  with  France.  War  was 
declared  against  the  Dutch.  In  a  severe  action  at  Solebay,  the  Dutch  won 
an  advantage  over  the  allied  fleets  of  England  and  France.  In  the  engage- 
ment Nicolls,  the  late  governor  of  the  New  York  province,  fell,  killed  by  a 
cannon  ball,  at  the  feet  of  his  master,  the  Duke  of  York,  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  England,  who  commanded  the  British  fleet.  But  while  the  Dutch  main- 
tained an  equality  at  sea  with  the  combined  fleets  of  the  powers,  their  for- 
tune on  land  was  not  as  favorable.  Turenne  and  Conde  led  the  armies  of 
PVance  to  the  soil  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  and  to  mark  his  advantage,  Louis 
XIV.  brought  his  court  to  Utrecht.  A  revolution  in  Holland  was  the  imme- 
diate consequence.  The  Grand  Pensionary,  who  in  his  alarm  sought  peace, 
lost  the  favor  of  the  people,  resigned  his  office,  and  was  quickly  murdered  by 
the  excited  followers  of  William  of  Orange.  William,  having  demanded  and 
obtained  appointment  as  Stadtholder,  at  once  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  war  party,  and  active  hostilities  were  prosecuted  by  sea  and  land,  both 
far  and  near.  Among  the  rumors  which  reached  the  inhabitants  of  the 
New  York  province,  whose  kinsmen  were  again  at  war  with  each  other, 
was  one  to  the  efl"ect  that  a  Dutch  squadron  which  had  been  despatched 
against  the  West  India  colonies  was  on  its  way  along  the  Atlantic  coast. 
Lovelace  discredited  the  information,  and  seems  to  have  made  no  immediate 
efforts  to  strengthen  the  forts.  Troops  were  called  in,  however,  from  the 
river  garrisons  and  the  posts  on  the  Delaware ;  but  their  number,  with  the 
volunteers,  reached  only  three  hundred  and  thirty  men.  The  alarm  soon 
subsiding,  the  new-comers  were  dismissed,  and  the  garrison  left  in  Fort  James 
did  not  exceed  eighty  men.  Lovelace  himself,  in  entire  serenity  of  mind, 
left  the  city  on  a  visit  to  Governor  Winthrop  in  Connecticut.  The  rumor, 
however,  proved  true.  The  Dutch  squadron,  after  capturing  or  destroying 
the  Virginia  fleet  of  tobacco  ships  in  the  Chesapeake,  sailed  northward, 
and  on  Aug.  7,  1673,  anchored  off"  Staten  Island.  Informed  of  the  pre- 
cise state  of  the  New  York  defences  by  the  captain  of  a  prize  captured 
at  the  mouth  of  James  River,  the    Dutch  commander  made  an   immediate 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  397 

demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  city.  The  Dutch  fleet,  commanded  by 
Evertsen,  originally  consisting  of  fifteen  ships,  had  been  reinforced  in  its 
course  by  seven  men-of-war,  and  with  its  prizes  now  numbered  twenty- 
seven  sail,  which  carried  sixteen  hundred  men.  Against  this  force  no  re- 
sistance was  possible.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th  the  fleet  moved  up 
the  bay,  exchanged  shots  with  the  fort,  and  landed  six  hundred  men  on  the 
shore  of  the  Hudson  just  above  the  city,  where  they  were  joined  by  a  body 
of  the  Dutch  burghers.  A  storming  party  was  advanced,  under  command 
of  Captain  Anthony  Colve,  to  whom  Captain  Manning,  who  commanded  in 
the  Governor's  absence,  surrendered  the  fort,  the  garrison  being  permitted 
to  march  out  with  the  honors  of  war.  Thus  New  York  was  again  surren- 
dered without  the  shedding  of  a  drop  of  blood. 

A  few  days  later  Lovelace,  entrapped  into  a  visit  to  the  city,  was  first 
courteously  entertained,  then  arrested  on  a  civil  suit  for  debt  and  detained. 
The  river  settlements  of  Esopus  and  Albany  surrendered  without  opposi- 
tion ;  and  those  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  city,  where  the 
Dutch  population  was  in  ascendency,  made  submission.  The  eastern 
towns  of  Long  Island,  of  English  descent,  came  in  with  reluctance.  The 
commodores  Evertsen  and  Binckes,  who  acted  as  council  of  war  of  New 
Netherland,  after  confiscating  the  property  of  the  Duke  of  York  and  of 
his  agent,  by  proclamation  commissioned  Captain  Anthony  Colve  Gov- 
ernor-General of  the  country,  and  set  sail  for  Holland,  —  Binckes  taking 
Lovelace  with  him  on  his  ship  at  his  request. 

New  York  had  greatly  changed  in  nine  years  of  English  rule.  From 
a  sleepy  Dutch  settlement  it  had  become  the  capital  of  a  well-ordered 
province.  Colve,  the  new  Dutch  governor,  went  through  the  form  of  a 
return  to  the  old  order  of  city  government  of  the  home  pattern,  and  pre- 
pared a  provincial  Instruction  to  which  the  outlying  towns  were  to  con- 
form. Massachusetts  again  asserted  her  old  claim  to  run  her  southern  line 
to  the  Hudson,  and  Connecticut  hankered  once  more  after  the  fertile  towns 
of  Long  Island,  settled  by  her  sons.  But  Massachusetts  had  no  disposition 
to  take  up  arms  to  restore  the  Duke  of  York  to  his  possessions.  The  refusal 
of  the  Duke  to  take  the  test  oath  of  conformity  to  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion of  the  Established  Church,  and  the  leaning  of  Charles  to  the  French 
alliance,  alarmed  the  Puritans,  and  Connecticut  was  content,  by  volunteer 
reinforcements,  to  strengthen  the  eastern  towns  in  their  resistance  to 
Colve's  authority. 

The  news  of  the  recapture  of  New  York  reached  Holland  in  October, 
when  Joris  Andringa  was  by  the  States-General  appointed  governor  of  New 
Netherland  under  the  instructions  of  the  Board  of  Admiralty.  Notwith- 
standing the  earnest  request  of  the  Dutch  inhabitants  of  the  reconquered 
province  and  the  petition  of  persons  interested  in  its  trade  in  the  mother 
country,  the  States-General  recognized  the  impossibility  of  holding  their 
American  possessions  on  the  mainland,  surrounded  as  they  were  by  a  grow- 
ing and  aggressive  English  population.     The  Prince  of  Orange,  with  true 


398        *  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF  AMERICA. 

statesmanship,  saw  that  the  only  safety  of  the  Republic  was  in  a  concentra- 
tion of  resources  in  order  to  oppose  the  power  of  France.  The  offer  of  a 
restitution  of  New  Netherland  was  directly  made  to  Charles  II.  as  an  evi- 
dence of  the  desire  for  peace  and  a  good  understanding.  Charles  referred 
the  subject  to  Parliament,  which  instantly  recommended  acceptance,  and 
within  three  days  a  treaty  was  drawn  up  and  signed  at  Westminster,  which 
once  more  and  finally  transferred  the  province  of  New  York  to  the  King 
of  Great  Britain.  Proclamation  of  the  treaty  was  made  at  Guild  Hall 
early  in  July,  1674.  The  news  came  by  way  of  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut. Connecticut  determined  to  make  one  more  push  for  the  control 
on  Long  Island  of  Southampton,  Easthampton,  and  Southold,  and  petitions 
were  addressed  to  the  King.  At  the  same  time  she  sought  again  to  include 
the  territory  between  the  boundary  line  established  in  1664  and  the  Hudson. 
And  it  may  be  stated  as  a  curious  instance  of  the  politics  of  the  time,  that 
some  friend  of  Massachusetts,  urged  by  her  agent  in  London,  actually  con- 
templated the  purchase  of  the  entire  province  of  New  York  in  her  interest. 

The  new  governor  appointed  by  the  King  to  receive  the  surrender  of 
the  New  Netherland  was  one  Edmund  Andros,  major  in  a  dragoon  regi- 
ment. In  continuance  of  the  liberal  policy  of  1664,  all  the  inhabitants  were 
by  his  instructions  confirmed  in  their  rights  and  privileges,  and  in  the 
undisturbed  possession  of  their  property.  By  the  treaty  of  Westminster, 
the  New  Netherland,  the  rightful  possession  of  which  by  the  Dutch  was 
implied  by  its  tenor,  was  ceded  to  the  King.  Although  termed  a  restitu- 
tion, it  was  held  that  the  rights  of  the  Duke  of  York  had  been  extinguished 
by  the  conquest,  and  that  restitution  to  the  sovereign  did  not  convey  res- 
toration to  the  subject.  The  Duke  of  York,  now  better  informed  as  to  the 
nature  and  value  of  the  territory,  on  June  29,  1674,  obtained  from  his 
royal  brother  a  new  patent  with  enlarged  authority.  To  Andros,  who  bore 
the  King's  authority  to  receive  submission,  the  Duke  now  conferred  his 
commission  to  govern  the  province  in  his  name.  Lieutenant  Anthony 
BrockhoUs  was  named  his  successor  in  case  of  death.  Andros  was  a 
man  of  high  character,  well  suited  by  nature  and  experience  to  carry  out 
the  policy  of  his  master, — the  policy  skilfully  inaugurated  by  Nicolls  and 
loyally  pursued  by  Lovelace,  —  the  institution  of  an  autocratic  govern- 
ment of  the  most  arbitrary  nature  in  form,  but  of  extreme  mildness  in 
practice;  one  which,  insuring  peace  and  happiness  to  the  subject,  would 
best  contribute  to  the  authority  and  revenue  of  the  master.  Colonization 
was  encouraged,  the  customs  burdens  lightened,  the  laws  equally  admin- 
istered, and  freedom  of  conscience  secured.  Although  the  Duke  of  York, 
in  his  refusal  to  take  the  test  oath  prescribed  by  the  Act  of  1673,  had  pro- 
claimed himself  an  adherent  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  BrockhoUs  was 
a  professed  Papist,  and  neither  master  nor  servant  could  hold  ofifice  in 
England  under  that  Act,  and  although  the  British  American  colonies  were 
not  within  its  provisions,  yet  it  does  not  appear  that  any  effort  was  made 
by  the  Church  of  Rome  to  exercise  its   religion  under  the   guarantee  of 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW    YORK.  39^ 

the  King  and  of  the  Duke.  There  were  doubtless  few  of  that  faith  in  the 
Protestant  colony  of  New  York  to  claim  the  privilege.  It  was  left  to  the 
wise  men  who  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Empire  State  in  1777  to  put 
in  practice  the  freedom  of  religion  to  all,  which,  strangely  enough,  was 
first  guaranteed  in  word  by  the  Catholic  prince. 

The  new  patent  of  1674  restored  to  the  Duke  his  full  authority  over 
the  entire  domain  covered  by  the  original  grant,  and  brought  New  Jersey 
again  within  his  rule ;  yet  he  was  persuaded  to  divest  himself  of  this  pro- 
prietorship by  a  new  release  to  Carteret.  No  grant  of  power  to  govern 
being  named  in  either  the  first  or  the  second  instrument,  this  authority  was 
held  as  reserved  by  the  Duke.  The  cession  was  nevertheless  of  extreme 
and  lasting  injury  to  the  New  York  province,  as  it  impaired  its  control  over 
the  west  bank  of  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  and  the  waters  of  the  bay.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Duke's  title  to  Long  Island  and  Pemaquid  was  strength- 
ened by  a  release  obtained  from  Lord  Stirling;  and  the  assumption  of 
Connecticut  to  govern  the  eastern  towns  in  the  former  territory  was  sum- 
marily disposed  of.  The  Duke's  authority  in  Pemaquid,  Martha's  Vineyard, 
and  Nantucket,  though  disturbed  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  who  sought 
to  bring  them  under  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  had  been  maintained 
during  the  period  of  Colve's  administration.  They  had  not  been  named  in 
the  commission  of  the  Dutch  commanders  to  Colve.  The  claim  of  Con- 
necticut to  the  strip  of  land  between  the  Mamaroneck  line  and  the  Hud- 
son River  was  disallowed  by  the  Duke,  and  possession  of  the  territory 
entered  by  Connecticut  was  demanded  by  Andros.  Connecticut  held  to 
the  letter  of  her  charter;  Andros  to  the  letters-patent  of  the  King.  The 
rising  of  the  Narragansett  tribes  under  King  Philip  afforded  Andros  an 
opportunity  to  assert  the  Duke's  authority.  Sailing  with  three  sloops  and 
a  body  of  soldiers,  he  landed  at  Saybrook,  and  read  the  Duke's  patent  and 
his  own  commission.  The  Connecticut  officers  replied  by  reading  the  pro- 
test of  the  Hartford  authorities.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  had 
Andros  found  the  Saybrook  fort  unoccupied,  he  would  have  put  in  a 
garrison  to  protect  from  the  Indians  the  territory  which  he  claimed  to  be 
within  his  commission.  Had  he  intended  a  surprise,  he  would  not  have 
given  notice  to  Winthrop  that  the  object  of  his  journey  was  "  the  Connecti- 
cut River,  his  Royal  Highness's  bounds  there."  Neither  Andros  nor  the 
Connecticut  authorities  desired  an  armed  collision.  Andros,  content  with 
the  assertion  of  his  claim,  crossed  the  Sound,  despatched  aid  to  his  depen- 
dencies of  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket,  and  returned,  after  reviewing 
the  militia  and  disarming  the  Indians.  The  course  of  Andros  was  approved 
by  the  Duke,  who,  while  insisting  on  his  claim  to  all  the  territory  west  of 
the  Connecticut  River,  ordered  that  the  distance  of  twenty  miles  from  the 
Hudson  be  observed  for  the  dividing  line. 

The  northern  frontier  was  also  watched  with  jealous  solicitude.  The 
increase  of  French  influence  through  their  missionaries  now  became  the 
occasion  of  an  English  policy  of  far-reaching  significance,  —  a  policy  felt 


400 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


throughout  the  American  Revolution  and  in  the  later  contest  of  the  States 
of  the  Union  for  Western  territory.  The  friendship  of  the  Mohawks,  the 
only  tribe  which  did  not  acknowledge  French  supremacy,  was  encouraged. 
Andros  personally  visited  the  stronghold  of  the  Mohawks,  and  on  his  return 
to  Albany  confirmed  a  close  alliance  with  the  Iroquois  and  organized  a  board 
of  Indian  Commissioners.  This  sagacious  plan  served  in  the  future  as  an 
effectual  check  to  the  encroachments  of  the  French.  The  ministers  of 
Louis  XIV.  were  quick  to  feel  the  blow,  and  in  1677  the  counter  claim  was 
set  up  that  the  reception  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  had  given  sovereignty 
to  France  over  the  Iroquois.  The  future  contest  which  was  to  shake  the 
two  continents  was  already  foreshadowed.  The  same  year  the  supremacy 
of  New  York  over  the  Iroquois  was  tacitly  admitted  by  Massachusetts  in 
the  treaty  made  with  them  "  under  the  advice  "  of  Andros. 

In  the  details  of  his  administration  Andros  showed  the  same  firmness. 
The  old  contraband  trade  with  the  Dutch  was  arrested ;  no  European  goods 
were  admitted  from  any  port  that  had  not  paid  duties  in  England.  This 
strict  enforcement  of  the  Navigation  Laws  diminished  the  coastwise  trade 
with  Massachusetts  and  promoted  a  direct  intercourse  with  England,  which 
gradually  brought  the  province  into  close  relation  with  the  English  com- 
mercial towns.  Social  and  political  alliance  was  the  natural  result,  and  New 
York  grew  gradually  to  be  the  most  English  in  sentiment  of  the  American 
colonies,  notwithstanding  the  cosmopolitan  character  of  her  population. 

Increasing  commerce  requiring  greater  accommodation,  a  great  mole 
or  dock  was  built  on  the  East  River,  which  afforded  protection  to  vessels 
in  the  rapid  tide,  and  for  a  long  period  was  the  centre  of  the  traffic  of  the 
city  of  New  York.  The  answer  of  Governor  Andros  to  the  inquiries  of  the 
Council  of  Plantations  as  to  the  condition  of  the  province  gives  the  best 
existing  account  of  it  in  1678.     The  following  are  the  principal  points:  — 

"  Boundaries,  —  South,  the  Sea  ;  West,  Delaware  ;  North,  to  ye  Lakes  or  ffrench  ; 
East,  Connecticut  river,  but  most  usurped  and  yett  posse'd  by  s'd  Connecticut.  Some 
Islands  Eastward  and  a  Tract  beyond  Kennebeck  River  called  Pemaquid.  .  .  .  Princi- 
pall  places  of  Trade  are  New  Yorke  and  South'ton  except  Albany  for  the  Indyans  ;  our 
buildings  most  wood,  some  lately  stone  and  brick  ;  good  country  houses,  and  strong  of 
their  severall  kindes.  About  twenty-four  towns,  villages,  or  parishes  in  six  precincts, 
divisions,  Rydeings,  or  Courts  of  Sessions.  Produce  is  land  provisions  of  all  sorts,  as 
of  wheate  exported  yearly  about  sixty  thousand  bushells,  pease,  beefe,  pork,  and  some 
Refuse  fish.  Tobacco,  beavers'  peltry  or  furs  from  the  Indians,  Deale  and  oake  tim- 
ber, plankes,  pipestawes,  lumber,  horses,  and  pitch  and  tarr  lately  begunn  to  be  made. 
Comodityes  imported  are  all  sorts  of  English  manufacture  for  Christians,  and  blanketts, 
Duffells,  etc.,  for  Indians,  about  50,000  pounds  yearly.  Pemaquid  affords  merchantable 
fish  and  masts.  Our  merchants  are  not  many,  but  most  inhabitants  and  planters,  about 
two  thousand  able  to  beare  armes,  old  inhabitants  of  the  place  or  of  England,  Except 
in  and  neere  New  Yorke  of  Dutch  Extraction,  and  some  few  of  all  nations,  but  few 
serv'ts  much  wanted,  and  but  very  few  slaves.  A  merchant  worth  one  thousand 
pounds  or  five  hundred  pounds  is  accompted  a  good  substantial!  merchant,  and  a 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   NEW  YORK.  4OI 

planter  worthe  half  that  in  moveables  accompted  [rich?].  With  all  the  Estates  may 
be  valued  at  about  ^150,000.  There  may  lately  have  trade  to  ye  Colony  in  a  yeare 
from  ten  to  fifteen  ships  or  vessels,  of  which  togeather  100  tunns  each,  English,  New 
England,  and  our  own  built,  of  which  5  small  ships  and  a  Ketch  now  belongi'ng  to 
New  York,  four  of  them  buiJt  there.  No  privateers  on  the  coast.  Religions  of  all 
sorts,  — one  Church  of  England,  several  Presbyterians  and  Independents,  Quakers 
and  Anabaptists  of  severall  sects,  some  Jews,  but  Presbyterians  and  Independents 
most  numerous  and  substantial.  There  are  about  20  churches  or  meeting-places,  of 
which  about  half  vacant.     Noe  beggars,  but  all  poor  cared  for." 

In  1678,  the  affairs  of  the  province  being  everywhere  in  order,  Andros 
availed  himself  of  the  permission  given  him  by  the  Duke  to  pay  a  visit  to 
England.  He  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  12th  of  November,  leaving 
Brockholls  to  administer  the  government  in  his  absence,  with  the  commis- 
sion of  commander-in-chief.  On  reaching  London  Andros  was  knighted  by 
the  King.  His  administration  was  examined  into  by  the  Privy  Council  and 
approved.  In  May  he  sailed  for  New  York  with  the  new  commission  of 
vice-admiral  throughout  the  government  of  the  Duke  of  York.  He  found 
the  province  in  the  same  quiet  as  when  he  left  it. 

The  marriage  of  William  of  Orange  with  Mary,  daughter  of  the  Duke 
of  York  and  heiress  to  the  throne  of  England,  in  the  autumn  of  1677,  ^^^s  of 
happy  augury  to  the  New  York  colony.  It  gave,  earnest  of  a  restoration  of 
the  natural  alliance  of  the  Protestant  powers  against  France,  the  common 
enemy.  To  the  Dutch  of  New  York  it  was  peculiarly  grateful,  allaying  the 
last  remains  of  the  bitterness  of  submission  to  alien  rule.  Andros  wisely 
promoted  this  good  feeling  by  interesting  himself  in  the  formal  establish- 
ment of  their  religion.  Under  his  direction  a  classis  of  the  Reformed 
Church  of  Holland  met  in  New  York  for  purposes  of  ordination,  and  its 
proceedings  were  approved  by  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  authority  at 
Amsterdam.  New  points  in  law  were  now  decided  and  settled ;  strikes  or 
combinations  to  raise  the  price  of  labor  were  declared  illegal ;  all  Indians 
were  declared  to  be  free. 

But  Andros  was  on  occasion  as  energetic  and  determined  as  he  was 
prudent  and  moderate.  He  dallied  with  no  invasion  of  his  master's  rights 
or  privileges,  as  he  evinced  when,  in  1680,  he  arrested  Carteret  in  New 
Jersey  and  dragged  him  to  trial  ^  for  having  prescimed  to  exercise  juris- 
diction and  collect  duties  within  the  limits  of  the  Duke's  patent. 

The  position  of  the  Duke  of  York  now  became  daily  more  difficult,  indeed 
almost  untenable  in  his  increasing  divergence  from  the  policy  of  the  king- 
dom. The  elements  of  that  personal  opposition  which  was  later  to  drive 
him  from  the  throne  were  rapidly  concentrating.  His  adherents  and  those 
who  favored  a  Protestant  succession  were  forming  the  historic  parties  of 
Tories  and  of  Whigs.  To  avoid  angry  controversy  the  Duke  ordered  the 
question  of  his  right  to  collect  customs  dues  in  New  Jersey  to  be  submitted 
to  Sir  William  Jones.     Upon  his  adverse  decision  so  far  as  related  to  West 

1  See  chapter  xi. 
VOL.    HI.  —  51. 


402  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Jersey,  the  Duke  directed  the  necessary  transfer  to  be  made;  and  when 
the  widow  of  Carteret  made  complaint  of  his  dispossession  from  authority, 
the  action  of  Andros  was  wholly  disavowed  by  the  Duke,  and  his  authority 
over  East  Jersey  was  relinquished  in  the  same  form.  Andros  himself, 
against  whom  complaints  of  favoring  the  Dutch  trade  had  been  made  by 
his  enemies,  was  ordered  to  return  to  England,  leaving  BrockhoUs  in  charge 


■ 

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IS^^'^^^^^^^I 

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SIR    EDMUND   ANDROS.^ 

of  the  government;  at  the  same  time  a  special  agent  was  sent  over  to 
examine  into  the  administration.  Conscious  of  the  integrity  of  his  service, 
Andros  obeyed  the  summons  with  alacrity,  proclaimed  the  agent's  com- 
mission, called  BrockhoUs  down  from  Albany  to  take  charge  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  took  ship  for  England.  The  absence  of  his  firm  hand  was 
soon  felt.     The  term  for  the  levy  of  the  customs  rates  under  the  Duke's  au- 

'  iRegarding  this  portrait,  see  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  ii.  5.  —  Ed.] 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  403 

thority  had  expired  just  before  his  sailing,  and  had  not  been  renewed. 
Immediately  after  his  departure  the  merchants  refused  to  pay  duties,  and 
the  collector  who  attempted  the  levy  was  held  for  high  treason  in  the 
exercise  of  regal  authority  without  warrant.  He  pleaded  his  commission 
from  the  Duke,  and  the  case  was  referred  to  England.  The  resistance  of  the 
merchants  was  stimulated  by  the  free  condition  of  the  charter  just  granted 
to  Pennsylvania,  which  required  that  all  laws  should  be  assented  to  by  the 
freemen  of  the  province,  and  that  no  taxes  should  be  laid  or  revenue  raised 
except  by  provincial  assembly.  The  Grand  Jury  of  New  York  presented 
the  want  of  a  provincial  assembly  as  a  grievance ;  a  petition  was  drafted 
to  the  Duke  praying  for  a  change  in  the  form  of  government,  and  calling 
•for  a  governor,  council,  and  assembly,  the  last  to  be  elected  by  the  free- 
holders of  the  colony.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Duke's  agent  in  London  with 
his  report  upon  the  late  administration,  Andros  was  examined  by  the  Duke's 
commissioners,  whereupon  he  was  fully  exonerated,  his  administration  was 
complimented,  and  he  was  made  a  gentleman  of  the  King's  Privy  Chamber. 
The  Duke's  collector,  after  waiting  in  vain  for  his  prosecutors  to  appear, 
was  discharged  from  his  bond,  and  soon  after  appointed  surveyor-general 
of  customs  in  the  American  Plantations. 

Notwithstanding  his  dislike  to  popular  assemblies,  the  Duke  of  York  saw 
the  need  of  some  concession,  and  gave  notice  of  his  intention  to  Brock-^ 
holls.  Thus  by  the  accident  of  the  non-renewal  of  the  customs'  term,  the 
people  of  New  York  were  enabled,  in  the  absence  of  the  governor,  to  assert 
the  doctrine  of  no  taxation  without  representation,  to  which  the  Duke  in 
his  necessity  was  compelled  to  submit. 

Great  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  neighboring  territory  of  New 
Jersey,  which  the  Duke  had  alienated  from  his  original  magnificent  domain, 
to  its  mutilation  and  lasting  injury.  Pennsylvania  was  formally  organized 
as  a  province,  and  Philadelphia  was  planned.  East  New  Jersey  passed  into 
the  hands  of  twelve  proprietors,  who  increased  their  number  by  sale  to 
twenty-four,  selected  a  governor,  summoned  a  legislature,  and  organized 
the  State. 

While  the  English  race,  true  to  its  instincts  and  traditions,  was  thus 
organizing  its  settlements,  bringing  its  population  into  homogeneity,  and 
preparing  for  a  gradual  but  sure  extension  of  its  colonization  from  a  firm, 
well-ordered  base,  the  more  adventurous  French  were  pushing  their  voy- 
ages and  posts  along  the  lakes  and  down  the  Western  streams,  until  the 
discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  by  La  Salle  completed  the  chain 
and  added  to  the  nominal  domain  of  the  sovereign  of  France  the  vast 
territory  from  the  Illinois  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Louisiana. 

The  governor  selected  by  the  Duke  of  York  to  succeed  Andros  and  to 
inaugurate  the  new  order  of  government  in  his  province  was  Colonel 
Thomas  Dongan,  an  Irish  officer  who  had  commanded  a  regiment  m  the 


404 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


French  service.     Though  a  Roman  Catholic,  an  Irishman,  and  a  soldier, 
he  proved  himself  an  excellent  and  prudent  magistrate.     The  instructions 

of  the  Duke  required  the  appointment  of 
a  council  of  ten  eminent  citizens  and  the 
issue  of  writs  for  a  general  assembly,  not  to 
exceed  eighteen,  to  consult  with  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  with  regard  to  the  laws 
to  be  established,  such  laws  to  be  subject  to  his  approval,  —  the  general 
tenor  of  laws  as  to  life  and  property  to  be  in  conformity  with  the  common 
law  of  England.  No  duties  were  to  be  levied  except  by  the  Assembly. 
No  allusion  was  made  to  religion.  No  more  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment existed  in  America,  or  was  possible  under  kingly  authority. 

Dongan  reached  the  city  of  New  York,  Aug.  28,  1683,  and  assumed 
the  government.  Installing  his  secretary  and  providing  occupation  for 
Brockholls,  he  summoned  an  assembly,  and  then  hastened  to  Albany  to 
check  the  attempt  of  Penn  to  extend  the  bounds  of  the  territory  of  Penn- 
sylvania by  a  purchase  of  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Susquehanna  from  the 
Iroquois,  who  claimed  the  country  by  right  of  conquest  from  the  Andastes. 
In  this  Dongan  was  successful;  the  Cayugas  settling  the  question  by  a 
formal  conveyance  of  the  coveted  territory  to  the  New  York  Government,  a 
cession  which  was  later  confirmed  by  the  Mohawks.  At  the  same  time 
this  tribe  was  instructed  as  to  their  behavior  toward  the  French.  The 
claim  of  New  York  to  all  the  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  lake  was  again 
renewed  and  assented  to  by  the  Mohawks.  The  astute  Iroquois  already 
recognized  that  only  through  the  friendship  of  the  English  could  their 
independence  be  maintained. 

The  New  York  Assembly  met  in  October.  Its  first  act  bore  the  title  of 
"The  Charter  of  Liberties  and  Privileges  granted  by  his  Royal  Highness  to 
the  Inhabitants  of  New  York  and  its  dependencies."  The  supreme  legisla- 
tive authority,  under  the  King  and  the  Duke,  was  vested  in  a  governor, 
council,  and  "the  people  met  in  general  assembly;"  the  sessions,  triennial 
as  in  England  ;  franchise,  free  to  every  freeholder ;  the  law,  that  of  England 
in  its  most  liberal  provisions ;  freedom  of  conscience  and  religion  to  all 
peaceable  persons  "  which  profess  faith  in  God  by  Jesus  Christ."  In  the 
words  of  the  petition  of  right  of  1628,  no  tax  or  imposition  was  to  be 
laid  except  by  act  of  Assembly,  —  in  consideration  of  which  privileges  the 
Assembly  was  to  grant  the  Duke  or  his  heirs  certain  specified  impost 
duties.  The  province  was  divided  into  twelve  counties.  Four  tribunals 
of  justice  were  established ;  namely,  town  courts  with  monthly  sessions  for 
the  trial  of  petty  cases ;  county  or  courts  of  sessions ;  a  general  court  of 
oyer  and  terminer,  to  meet  twice  in  each  year;  and  a  court  of  chancery 
or  supreme  court  of  the  province,  composed  of  the  Governor  and  Council. 
An  appeal  to  the  King  was  reserved  in  every  case.  In  addition  to  these 
there  was  a  clause  unusual  in  American  statutes,  naturalizing  the  foreign 
born    residents   and  those  who  should    come  to   reside  within   the  limits 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   NEW  YORK. 


405 


of  the  province,  which  had  already  assumed  the  cosmopoHtan  character 
which  has  never  since  ceased  to  mark  the  city  of  New  York.  The  liberal 
provisions  of  the  statute  gave  security  to  all,  and  invited  immigration 
from  Europe,  where  religious  intoleration  was  again  unsettling  the  bases 
of  society.  It  was  not  until  the  4th  of  October,  1684,  that  the  Duke 
signed  and  sealed  the  amended  instrument,  "The  Charter  of  Franchises 
and  Privileges  to  New  Yorke  in  America,"  and  ordered  it  to  be  registered 
and  sent  across  sea. 

Connecticut  making  complaint  of  the  extension  of  New  York  law  over 
the  territory  within  the  contested  boundary  lines,  Dongan  brought  the  long 
dispute  to  a  summary  close  by  giving  notice  to  the  Hartford  authorities 
that  unless  they  withdrew  their  claims  to  territory  within  twenty  miles  of 
the  Hudson  he  should  renew  the  old  New  York  claim  to  the  Connecticut 
River  as  the  eastern  limit  of  the  Duke's  patent,  and  refer  the  subject  directly 
to  his  Highness.  In  reply  to  an  invitation  from  Dongan,  commissioners 
proceeded  from  Hartford  to  New  York,  who  abandoned  the  pretensions  set 
up,  and  accepted  the  Hne  proposed  by  Dongan,  thus  finally  closing  the 
controversy. 

The  city  of  New  York  was  now  divided  into  six  wards,  certain  jurisdic- 
tion conferred  upon  its  officers,  and  a  recorder  was  appointed. 

Dongan  with  the  vision  of  a  statesman  recognized  the  value  of  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Indians.  The  Iroquois  tribes  he  described  as  the  bulwark  of  New 
York  against  Canada.  The  policy  of  the  Duke's  governors  from  the  time 
of  NicoUs  was  unchanged.  It  consisted  in  a  claim  to  all  the  territory  south 
and  southwest  of  the  Lake  of  Canada  (Ontario),  and  the  confining  of 
the  French  to  the  territory  to  the  northward  by  the  help  of  Indian  allies. 
The  French  officers  by  negotiation  and  threat  endeavored  first  to  impose 
their  authority  on  the  several  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  and  failing 
in  this  to  divide  them.  But  Dongan,  carefully  observing  their  manoeuvres, 
obtained  from  a  council  of  chiefs  a  written  submission  to  the  King  of 
Errgland,  w^hich  was  recorded  on  two  white  dressed  deer-skins.  The  pres- 
ence on  the  occasion  at  Albany  of  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  added  greatly  in  the  eyes  of  the  Indians  to  this  solemn 
engagement.  Four  nations  bound  themselves  to  the  covenant,  and  asked 
that  the  arms  of  the  Duke  of  York  should  be  put  upon  their  castles ;  and 
Dongan  gave  notice  of  the  same  to  the  Canadian  Government,  in  witness 
that  they  were  within  his  jurisdiction  and  under  his  protection.  But  in 
this  submission  the  Indians  recognized  no  subjection.  The  Iroquois  still 
claimed  his  perfect  freedom. 

The  claim  of  Massachusetts  to  territory  westward  of  the  Hudson  was 
another  perplexing  element  in  the  Indian  question.  In  answer  to  a  re- 
newal of  this  demand,  Dongan  set  up  his  claim  as  the  Duke's  governor 
to  jurisdiction  over  the  towns  which  Massachusetts  had  organized  on  land 
covered  by  the  Duke's  patent  on  the  west  side  of  the  Connecticut  River; 
but   the   matter   being   soon  disposed    of  by   the  cancelling,    for   various 


4o6  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

offences,  of  the  Massachusetts  patent  by  the  King,  through  the  operation 
of  a  writ  of  quo  warranto^  the  Duke  had  no  further  contestant  to  his 
claims.  The  New  Jersey  boundary  was  also  matter  of  dispute,  but  Don- 
gan,  at  first  of  his  own  motion,  and  later  by  specific  instruction  from  the 
Duke,  took  care  to  prevent  Penn  from  acquiring  any  part  of  New  Jersey 
or  from  interfering  with  the  Indian  trade. 

The  controversy  with  Canada  as  to  the  country  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  Lake  Ontario  now  drew  to  a  head.  Dongan  clung  persistently  to  the 
claim  asserted  by  Andros  in  1677,  *  Against  this  the  Canadians  set  up  the 
sovereignty  of  France,  acquired  by  war  and  treaties  and  the  planting  of 
missionaries  among  the  tribes.  The  question  turned  upon  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Iroquois,  parts  of  which  tribes  had  never  made  submission,  or 
had  repudiated  the  interpretation  set  upon  their  engagements.  The  new 
French  governor,  De  la  Barre,  made  ineffectual  menace,  but  not  support- 
ing his  threat  with  arms,  lost  the  respect  of  the  savages.  The  prestige  of 
the  English  was  increased,  and  the  coveted  trade  passed  into  their  hands  to 
such  an  extent  that  in  1684  the  Senecas  alone  brought  into  Albany  more 
than  ten  thousand  beaver  skins.  Nor  was  Denonville,  who  succeeded  De  la 
Barre  in  the  government  of  Canada,  more  fortunate  in  enforcing  his  policy. 
His  wily  effort  to  engage  the  sympathies  of  his  co-religionist  Dongan  in  a 
support  of  the  French  missionaries  among  the  tribes,  was  foiled  by  the  New 
York  governor,  who  at  the  same  time  secured  the  approbation  of  his  Roman 
Catholic  master  by  proposing  to  replace  them  with  English  priests. 

The  death  of  Charles  IL,  early  in  the  year  1685,  and  the  accession 
to  the  throne  of  the  Duke  of  York  as  James  IL,  were  of  momentous 
influence  upon  European  politics.  They  at  once  changed  the  political 
position  of  New  York.  The  condition  of  proprietorship  or  nominal  duchy 
altered  with  that  of  its  master  and  proprietor.  The  Duke  became  a  King; 
the  duchy  a  royal  province.  The  change  involved  a  change  in  the  New 
York  charter,  and  afforded  opportunity  for  a  reconsideration  and  rejec- 
tion of  the  entire  instrument.  The  words  ''the  people"  were  particularly 
objected  to  by  the  new  King  as  unusual.  The  revocation  of  the  Massachu- 
setts charter  by  the  late  King,  the  government  of  which  colony  had  not  yet 
been  settled,  presented  a  favorable  occasion  for  an  assimilation  of  all  the 
constitutions  of  the  American  colonies  as  prehminary  to  that  consolidation 
of  government  and  power  at  which  James  aimed  as  his  ideal  of  government. 
Nevertheless  the  existing  New  York  charter  remained,  — not  confirmed,  not 
repealed,  but  continued.  The  Scotch  risings  and  the  Monmouth  rebellion 
mterfered  with  any  immediate  action  by  the  Government  in  American  affairs. 
Yet  the  New  York  province  hailed  with  joy  the  accession  of  their  Duke 
and  Lord  proprietor  to  the  throne.  His  rule  had  been  just  and  temperate; 
his  agents  prudent  and  discreet.  The  immediate  Governor,  Dongan,  was 
thoroughly  identified  with  the  interests  of  the  province  confided  to  his 
care,  and  aimed  to  make  of  its  capital  the  centre  of  English  influence  in 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  NEW  YORK.  407 

America.  In  1686  the  city  received  a  new  charter,  with  a  grant  of  all  the 
vacant  land  in  and  about  the  city.  Albany,  also,  under  an  arrangement 
with  the  landed  proprietors,  was  incorporated  and  intrusted  with  the  man- 
agement of  the  Indian  trade.  The  suppression  of  the  Monmouth  rebellion 
enabling  James  to  turn  his  attention  to  America,  he  directed  proceedings 
to  be  instituted  in  the  English  courts  to  cancel  the  charters  of  the  Con- 
necticut, Rhode  Island,  West  Jersey,  and  Delaware  colonies.  In  the  interim 
a  temporary  government  was  established  for  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
Maine,  and  New  Hampshire,  in  accordance  with  the  order  of  Charles 
made  in  1684.  A  board  of  councillors  was  appointed,  of  whom  Joseph 
Dudley  was  named  president. 

Weary  of  the  trouble  and  expense  of  maintaining  authority  in  distant 
Pemaquid,  Dongan  urged  the  King  to  annex  this  dependency  to  Massachu- 
setts, and  to  add  Connecticut  to  New  York.  Dudley  pleaded  the  claim 
of  Massachusetts  with  the  Connecticut  authorities.  They  held  an  even 
balance  between  the  two  demands,  however,  and  resolved  to  maintain  the 
autonomy  of  the  colony,  if  possible,  against  either  the  machinations  of  her 
neighbors  or  the  warrant  of  the  King. 

It  has  been  seen  that  as  Duke  of  York  the  policy  of  James  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  American  province  was,  with  the  exception  of  the  weakness 
shown  in  the  case  of  Carteret  and  New  Jersey,  the  consolidation  of  power. 
His  accession  to  the  throne  enabled  him  to  carry  out  this  policy  on  a 
broader  field.  He  determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  temporary  charge  by 
commissioners  of  the  New  England  colonies,  and  to  unite  them  all  under 
one  government,  the  better  to  defend  themselves  against  invasion.  The 
assigned  reason  was  the  policy  of  aggression  of  the  French  on  the  frontiers. 
The  person  selected  for  the  delicate  duty  of  harmonizing  the  colonies  into 
one  province  was  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  who,  as  the  Duke's  deputy,  had  first 
suggested  that  a  strong  royal  government  should  be  established  in  New 
England,  and  of  whose  character  and  administrative  abilities  there  was 
no  question.  He  was  accordingly  commissioned  by  the  King  **  Captain- 
General  and  Governor-in-Chief  over  his  territory  and  dominions  of  New 
England  in  America."  By  the  terms  of  his  instructions,  liberty  of  con- 
science was  granted  to  all,  countenance  promised  to  the  Church  of  England, 
and  power  conferred  on  the  Assembly  to  make  laws  and  levy  taxes.  Pema- 
quid was  annexed  to  the  new  government. 

To  assimilate  the  New  York  government  to  that  of  the  new  dominion 
a  new  commission  was  issued  to  Dongan  as  King's  captain-general  and 
governor-in-chief  over  the  province  of  New  York.  The  charter  of  liberties 
and  privileges  recently  signed  was  repealed;  the  existing  laws,  however, 
were  to  continue  in  force  until  others  should  be  framed  and  promulgated 
by  the  Governor  and  Council.  The  liberty  of  conscience  granted  in  1674 
and  Hmited  in  1683  to  Christians,  was  now  extended  to  all  persons  without 
restriction.  A  censorship  of  the  press  was  established.  The  trade  of  the 
Hudson  River  was  to  be  kept  free  from  intrusion  by  any. 


4o8  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

While  the  King  was  thus  strengthening  his  power  and  gathering  into 
one  grasp  the  entire  force  of  the  colonies,  his  ministers  allowed  themselves 
to  be  outwitted  by  the  French  in  negotiation.  A  treaty  of  neutrality  in- 
spired by  France  engaged  non-interference  by  either  Government  in  the 
wars  of  the  other  against  the  savage  tribes  in  America,  and  struck  a  severe 
blow  at  the  policy  of  the  New  York  governors.  The  announcement  of  the 
treaty  was  accompanied  by  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  in  Canada  and  the 
organization  of  an  expedition  against  the  Iroquois.  The  treacherous  seiz- 
ure and  despatch  to  France  of  a  number  of  chiefs,  who  had  been  invited 
to  a  conference  at  Quebec,  opened  the  campaign,  at  once  ended  the 
French  missions  among  the  Five  Nations,  and  consolidated  their  aUiance 
with  the  English.  The  expedition  of  Denonville  was  partially  successful. 
The  Seneca  country  was  occupied,  sovereignty  proclaimed,  and  a  fort  built 
on  the  old  site  of  La  Salle's  Fort  de  Conty.  But  the  power  of  the  Iro- 
quois was  not  touched.  Hampered  by  his  instructions,  Dongan  could  only 
lay  the  situation  before  the  King  and  suggest  a  comprehensive  plan  for  the 
fortification  of  the  country  and  assistance  of  the  friendly  tribes.  Alarmed 
at  the  news  from  the  frontier,  he  resolved  to  winter  in  Albany,  and  ordered 
the  Five  Nations  to  send  their  old  women  and  children  to  Catskill,  where 
they  could  be  protected  and  cared  for.  A  draft  was  also  made  of  every 
tenth  militia  man  to  strengthen  the  Albany  post.  Denonville,  despairing 
of  conquering  the  fierce  Iroquois,  though  they  were  supported  only  by  the 
tacit  aid  of  the  English,  now  urged  upon  Louis  XIV.  the  acquisition  of  the 
coveted  territory  by  exchange  or  by  purchase,  even  of  the  entire  province 
of  New  York,  with  the  harbor  of  the  city. 

Dongan's  messenger  to  James  easily  satisfied  the  King  that  the  treaty  of 
neutrality  was  not  for  the  interest  of  England,  and  that  if  the  independence 
of  the  Five  Nations  were  not  maintained,  the  sovereignty  over  them  must  be 
English.  Orders  were  sent  to  Dongan  to  defend  and  protect  them,  and  to 
Andros  and  the  other  .governors  to  give  them  aid.  To  the  complaints  of 
Louis,  James  opposed  the  submission  made  at  Albany  in  1684  by  the  chiefs 
in  the  presence  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia.  As  a  compromise  between 
the  Governments  it  was  agreed  by  treaty  that  until  January,  1689,  no  act  of 
hostility  should  be  committed  or  either  territory  invaded.  The  warlike 
defensive  operations  against  the  French  put  the  New  York  Government  to 
extraordinary  charges,  amounting  to  more  than  ;^8,ooo,  to  which  the  neigh- 
boring colonies  were  invited  to  contribute  under  authority  of  the  King's 
letter  of  November,  1687.  The  occasion  to  urge  the  importance  of  New 
York  as  the  bulwark  of  the  colonies,  and  of  strengthening  her  by  the 
annexation  of  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey,  was  not  forgotten  by  the  saga- 
cious Dongan.  Now  that  the  Dutch  pretension  to  rule  in  America  was 
definitively  set  at  rest,  it  was  evident  to  statesmen  that  a  struggle  for  the 
American  continent  would  sooner  or  later  arise  between  the  powers  of 
France  and  England,  — indeed  the  rivalry  had  already  begun.  To  James, 
who  thoroughly  understood  the  practice  as  well  as  the  theory  of  admin- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW  YORK. 


409 


istration,  and  was  as  diligent  in  his  cabinet  as  any  of  his  ministers,  it  was 
equally  evident  that  the  consolidated  power  of  New  France  in  the  single 
hand  of  a  viceroy  was  more  serviceable  than  the  discordant  action  of 
provinces  so  much  at  variance  with  each  other  in  principle  and  feeling  as 
the  American  colonies.  To  the  viceregal  government  of  New  France  he 
resolved  to  oppose  a  viceregal  government  of  British  America.  To  New 
England  he  now  determined  to  annex  New  York.  Dongan  was  recalled, 
gratified  with  military  promotion  and  personal  honor,  and  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  w^as  commissioned  governor-general  of  the  entire  territory.  His 
commission  gave  him  authority  over 

"  All  that  tract  of  land,  circuit,  continent,  precincts,  and  limits  in  America  lying 
and  being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  northern  latitude  from  the  equinoctial  line 
to  the  River  St.  Croix  eastward,  and  from  thence  directly  northward  to  the  River  of 
Canada,  and  in  length  and  longitude  by  all  the  breadth  aforesaid  throughout  the  main 
land,  from  the  Atlantic  or  Western  Sea  or  Ocean  on  the  east  part  to  the  South  Sea  oh 
the  west  part,  with  all  the  islands,  seas,  rivers,  waters,  rights,  members,  and  appurte- 
nances thereunto  belonging  (our  province  of  Pennsylvania  and  country  of  Delaware 
only  excepted),  to  be  called  and  known,  as  formerly,  by  the  name  and  tide  of  our 
territory  and  dominion  of  New  England  in  America." 

On  the  iith  of  August^  1688,  Andros  assumed  his  viceregal  authority  at 
Fort  James  in  New  York.  A  few  days  later  the  news  arrived  of  the  birth 
of  a  son  to  King  James.  A  proclamation  of  the  viceroy  ordered  a  day  of 
thanksgiving  to  be  observed  within  the  city  of  New  York  and  dependencies. 
Thus  New  York  was  formally  recognized  as  the  metropolis  and  the  seat  of 
government  in  the  Dominion  of  New  England.  By  the  King's  instructions 
the  seal  of  New  York  was  broken  in  council,  and  the  great  seal  of  New 
England  thereafter  used. 

The  Governor  of  Canada  was  notified  that  the  Five  Nations  were  the 
subjects  of  the  King  of  England,  and  would  be  protected  as  such.  The 
new  governor  visited  Albany,  and  held  a  conference  with  the  delegates  from 
the  Five  Nations,  and  renewed  the  old  covenant  of  Corlaer.  The  Indians 
showing  signs  of  restlessness  all  along  the  frontier  as  far  as  Casco  Bay,  the 
viceroy  endeavored  to  settle  the  difficulties  between  Canada  and  the  New 
York  tribes,  and  engaged  his  good  offices  to  secure  the  return  of  the 
prisoners  from  France.  On  his  return  to  Boston  Andros  left  the  affairs  of 
the  New  York  government  in  the  charge  of  Nicholson.  Dongan  retired  to 
his  farm  at  Hempstead  on  Long  Island.  Though  peaceful,  the  new  domin- 
ion was  not  at  rest.  The  liberty  of  conscience  declared  by  the  King  was 
not  precisely  that  which  each  dissenting  denomination  desired.  Gradually 
men  of  each  grew  to  believe  that  James  was  indifferent  to  all  religions  that 
were  not  of  the  true  faith ;  and  regarding  the  simple  manner  in  which  by 
legal  form  he  had  stripped  them  of  their  chartered  rights,  began  to  fear 
that  by  an  act  as  legal  he  might  strip  them  of  their  liberty  of  worship.  The 
test  Act  which  he  had  refused  to  obey,  to  the  loss  of  his  dignities  and  honors 

VOL.  III.  —  52. 


4IO  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

as  Duke,  might  be  altered  to  the  ruin  of  its  authors.  A  Roman  Cathohc 
test  might  take  the  place  of  the  Protestant  form.  The  King  reigned,  and 
a  son  was  born  to  him,  who  doubtless  would  be  educated  in  the  papist 
faith  of  the  Stuarts.     William  of  Orange  was  only  near  the  throne. 

While  the  colonies  were  thus  agitated,  a  spirit  of  quiet  resistance  was 
spreading  in  England,  where  alarm  was  great  at  the  arbitrary  manner  in 
which  charters  were  stricken  down.  Property  was  threatened.  In  the 
American  colonies  the  agitation  was  chiefly  religious.  Among  their 
inhabitants  were  Huguenot  families  whom  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  in  1685  had  ruthlessly  driven  from  their  homes  to  a  shelter 
on  the  distant  continent.  The  crisis  was  at  hand.  Strangely  enough,  it 
was  precipitated  by  the  declaration  of  liberty  of  conscience  and  the  abro- 


GREAT    SEAL   OF   ANDROS.' 


gation  of  the  test  oath  against  Dissenters  which  King  James  had  commis- 
sioned Andros  to  proclaim  in  America.  This  liberty  of  conscience  included 
liberty  to  Catholics,  which  the  Protestants  would  have  none  of.  The  abro- 
gation of  the  test  oath  opened  the  way  to  preferment  and  honor  to  Catholics, 
which  the  Protestants  were  equally  averse  to.  Ordered  to  read  the  procla- 
mation in  the  churches,  seven  bishops,  headed  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, refused  to  obey  the  command.  The  prelates  were  committed,  tried, 
and  acquitted.  Encouraged  by  this  victory,  the  great  Whig  houses  of 
England  now  addressed  an  invitation  to  William  of  Orange,  who  was  already, 
with  naval  and  military  force,  secretly  prepared  to  cross  the  sea.  On  the 
5th  of  November  the  great  Stadtholder  landed  on  the  shores  of  Devon,  and 
proclaimed  himself  the  maintainer  of  English  liberties.  Thus  a  declaration 
of  liberty  of  conscience  brought  about  the  fall  of  a  Catholic  king.  The 
news  caused  great  excitement  in  the  colonies.     Andros,  who  had  but  lately 

'  [Sec  authorities  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  ii.  9.  —  Ed.]     ' 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  41I 

returned  to   Boston   from  an  expedition  to  the  northeastern   frontier  of 

Maine,  where  he  had  estabHshed   posts  for  protection  against  the  tribes 

who  were  threatening  a  second  Indian  war,  was  seized  and  imprisoned  by 

a  popular  uprising.     In  New  York  the  agitation  was  as  intense.     Nicholson, 

the     lieutenant  -  governor,  y^ 

unequal  to  the  emergency,  /y  /^     y^  , 

let  slip  the  grasp  of  power    (^(^(^ [^^.^^^^^i^ 

from  his  hand ;   and  on  the  ^^  ^^  v.-*— -«^ 

open  revolt  of  Leisler,  one  ^ 

of  the  militia  captains,  who  ^ 

seized  the  fort,  he  determined  to  sail  for  England,  and  the  control  of  the 
province  passed  to  a  committee  of  safety.  The  revolt  of  Leisler  forms  the 
opening  of  a  new  chapter  in  the  story  of  the  New  York  province. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

THERE  are  several  comprehensive  general  histories  of  what  is  now  the  State  of  New- 
York.  The  first  edition  1  of  Smith's  History  was  dedicated  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax, 
First  Lord  Commissioner  of  Trade  and  Plantations.  The  dedication  bears  date  New  York, 
June  15,  1756.  It  is  illustrated  with  a  folding  frontispiece  plate,  entitled  "The  South  View 
of  Oswego  on  Lake  Ontario."  In  his  Preface  the  author  states  that  his  researches  while 
engaged  under  appointment  of  the  New  York  Assembly  in  a  review  and  digest  of  the  laws 
of  the  province,  a  work  in  which  he  was  associated  with  William  Livingston,  induced  the 
preparation  of  this  the  first  History  of  the  colony.  He  excuses  himself  from  an  attention 
to  details,  which  he  considered  would  not  interest  the  British  public,  and  declares  his  pur- 
pose to  confine  himself  to  a  "summary  account  of  the  first  rise  and  present  state"  of 
the  colony.  He  presents  it  as  a  "narrative  or  thread  of  simple  facts,"  rather  than  as  a 
history. 

A  second  edition  of  this  work  appeared  at  London  in  1776,  from  the  press  of  J.  Almon. 
It  is  a  reprint  in  an  octavo  volume  of  three  hundred  and  thirty-four  pages.  The  troubles 
with  the  colonies  and  the  important  position  of  New  York  as  the  headquarters  of  the 
British  army  no  doubt  prompted  this  venture. 

An  American  edition  next  appeared,  in  April,  1792,  from  the  press  of  Mathew  Carey, 
at  Philadelphia,  in  an  octavo  volume  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-six  pages.  It  was  an- 
nounced "to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  as  the  first  part  of  a  plan  undertaken  at  the 
desire  of  several  gentlemen  of  taste,  who  wish  to  supply  their  libraries  with  histories  of 
their  native  country."  The  titlepage  describes  it  as  "The  Second  Edition,"  Almon's 
reprint  having  been  ignored  by  Carey.  The  copy  in  the  Library  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society  is  illustrated  with  a  "  Frontispiece  View  of  Columbia  College,  in  the 
City  of  New  York,"  from  the  plate  originally  engraved  for  the  New  York  Magazine  of 
1790. 

1  The  History  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  Trade,  Religious  and  Political  State,  and  the  Con- 
front the  first  Discovery  to  the  year  MDCCXXXII.  stittction  of  the  Courts  of  Justice  in  that  Colony. 
To  which  is  annexed  a  Description  of  the  Country,  By  William  Smith,  A.M.  London ;  MDCCLVII., 
with    a   short  Account  of  the  Inhabitants,    their  4to,  pp.  255. 


412  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

Another  edition  appeared  at  Albany,  from  the  press  of  Ryer  Schermerhorn,  in  1814, 
an  octavo  volume  of  five  hundred  and  twelve  pages.  The  anonymous  editor,  supposed 
to  have  been  Mr.  J.  V.  N.  Yates,  states  in  his  Advertisement,  that  in  "copying  Smith's 
History  few  deviations  from  his  mode  of  spelling  the  names  of  places,  particularly  such 
as  are  derived  from  the  aboriginal  tongues,  have  been  made.  It  is  believed  that  he  [Smith] 
adopted  the  mode  of  spelling  which  conveyed  most  clearly  the  sound  of  Indian  words." 
Mr.  Yates  intended  to  add  a  "Continuation  from  the  year  1732  to  the  commencement  of 
the  year  18 14,"  but  these  additions  stopped  at  1747. 

A  French  translation  of  Smith's  History,  by  M.  Eidous,  appeared  in  Paris  in  1767, 
and  bears  the  imprint  "  Londres."  It  is  a  duodecimo  of  four  hundred  and  fifteen 
pages. 

Smith,  the  historian,  who  died  Chief-Justice  of  Canada,  left  behind  him  a  continuation 
of  his  History  of  New  York^  written  by  his  own  hand.  It  covers  the  period  from  1732  to 
1762.  This  interesting  manuscript  was  communicated  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society 
in  1824  by  William  Smith,  son  of  the  author,  then  a  distinguished  member  of  the  King's 
Council  in  Canada,  and  also  well  known  as  the  author  of  the  History  of  that  province.  In 
his  note  to  the  Society,  Mr.  Smith  states  that  "  the  Continuation  of  the  History  is  as  it  was 
left  by  the  author,  with  only  a  few  verbal  alterations  and  corrections."  The  manuscript 
appeared  in  print  for  the  first  time  in  1826,  as  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Collections  of  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  an  octavo  of  three  hundred  and  eight  pages.  Copies  of 
Smith's  original  volume  having  become  rare,  the  Society  determined  to  reprint  it  from  the 
author's  corrected  and  revised  copy  in  a  form  similar  to  that  in  which  they  had  published 
the  Continuation,  and  in  1829  the  work  appeared  complete  for  the  first  time.  It  was 
accompanied  by  a  memoir  of  the  author,  written  by  his  son.  In  making  up  sets  of  the 
Society's  Collections,  the  complete  work  is  generally  bound  as  vols.  iv.  and  v.  of  the 
first  series. 

The  next  year,  1830,  the  Society  issued  a  second  edition  of  the  complete  work  ;  also  an 
octavo  in  two  volumes,  but  printed  in  larger  type  and  on  better  paper.  This  edition  bears 
the  press-mark  of  "  Gratton,  Printer."  Interesting  sketches  of  the  historian,  with  notices  of 
his  family,  prepared  by  Mr.  Maturin  L.  Delafield,  appeared  in  the  Magazine  of  Ameri- 
can History,  April  and  June,  1881.  A  small  edition  was  struck  off  for  Mr.  Delafield  for 
private  distribution,  illustrated  with  portraits. 

Several  criticisms  on  Smith's  History  have  appeared  in  print :  "  Remarks  on  Smith's 
History  of  New  York,  London  Edition,  1757,  in  Letters  to  John  Pintard,  Secretary  of  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  by  Judge  Samuel  Jones,"  written  in  1817  and  18 18,  were 
printed  in  the  Collections  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  vol.  iii.,  1821  ;  "  Corre- 
spondence between  Lieutenant-Governor  Cadwallader  Golden  and  William  Smith,  Jr.,  the 
Historian,  respecting  certain  alleged  Errors  and  Misstatements  contained  in  \h^  History  of 
New  York,  with  sundry  other  Papers  relating  to  that  Controversy,"  printed  in  the  N.  Y. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  (second  series,  vol.  ii.,  1849)  ;  "  Letters  on  Smith's  History  of  New  York, 
by  Cadwallader  Golden,"  printed  in  the  N.  Y  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  (Fund  series),  in  1868; 
"Letter  of  Cadwallader  Golden  on  Smith's  History,  July  5th,  1759,"  ^-  ^-  ^^^i-  ^^c. 
Coll.  (Fund  series),  1869. 

The  late  Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York,  -in  an  able  discourse  before  the 
Albany  Institute,  April,  1830,  gives  a  fair  and  impartial  estimate  of  the  value  of  Smith's 
History.  He  notices  the  incomplete  and  summary  manner  in  which  the  earlier  period 
was  disposed  of,  and  ascribes  it  to  the  insufficient  information  within  the  reach  of  the 
author  and  his  want  of  acquaintance  with  the  Dutch  language,  in  which  the  ancient 
records  of  the  colony  were  written. 1  The  posthumous  work  he  condemns  as  "written 
in  the  spirit  of  a  partisan,"  and  therefore  to  be  received  with  caution,  if  not  distrust. 
Yet  he  freely  acknowledges  the  deep  indebtedness  of  the  State  and  of  the  friends  of 

»  [Of  Smith  and  his  History  O'Callaghan  (ii.  64)  says:  "Smith  knew  about  as  little  of  the 
history  of  New  Netherland  as  many  of  his  readers  of  the  present  day." -Ed.] 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK.  413 

learning  for  the  mass  of  authentic  information  discovered  by  him.  With  this  judg- 
ment scholars  generally  concur.  In  reading  the  pages  of  this  the  first  of  the  historians 
of  New  York,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Smith  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Dis- 
senting element  in  the  New  York  colony,  and  at  a  time  when  religious  partisanship  was 
at  its  height.^ 

The  second  general  history  of  New  York  was  that  of  Macauley.^  Its  first  volume 
treats  "of  the  extent  of  the  State,  its  mountains,  hills,  champaigns,  plains,  vales,  valleys, 
marshes,  rivers,  creeks,  lakes,  seas,  bays,  springs,  cataracts,  and  canals ;  its  climate, 
winds,  zoology,"  etc.  The  second,  "of  the  counties,  cities,  towns,  and  villages;  antiqui- 
ties of  the  west;  origin  of  the  Agoneaseah,  their  manners,  customs,  laws,  and  other 
matters  ;  discovery  of  America  ;  voyages  of  Cabot  and  Hudson ;  settlements  of  the  New 
Netherlands  by  the  Dutch  in  1614;  location  of  the  Indian  tribes;  controversies  between 
the  Dutch  and  English;  surrender  in  1664,  and  thence  to  1750."  The  third  volume 
covers  "  the  war  between  England  and  France  for  the  conquest  of  Canada,  the  war  of 
the  Revolution,  and  other  matters  which  occurred,  etc."  The  leaning  of  the  author  is, 
as  these  words  imply,  essentially  towards  the  physical  features  of  the  State.  He  himself 
calls  it  a  compendium,  or  abridged  history.  The  reader  will  find  httle  original  matter  of 
an  historical  nature.^ 

The  author  of  the  next  general  history  of  the  State  ^  is  well  known  as  the  historian  of 
the  American  Theatre  and  of  the  Arts  of  Design  in  America,  both  commendable  works. 
With  the  taste  of  an  antiquary,  Mr.  Dunlap  has  gathered  some  curious  details ;  but  The 
History  of  the  New  Netherla7ids,  etc.,  has  little  merit  as  historical  authority.  The  first 
volume  passed  through  the  press  during  the  fatal  illness  of  the  author;  the  second  was 
supervised  by  a  friend  who  apologized  for  his  want  of  "intimacy  with  the  subject."  It  ap- 
peared after  the  author's  death.  The  main  value  of  the  work  consists  in  the  abstracts 
published  as  an  appendix  to  the  second  volume.^ 

A  much  more  thorough  work  followed,  a  dozen  years  later,  when  Mr.  Brodhead  began 
his  History.®  Its  two  volumes  comprise  all  the  known  information  concerning  the  period 
they  cover,  up  to  the  time  of  publication.  Mr.  Brodhead  by  birth  and  education  was 
eminently  qualified  for  his  ponderous  task.  He  united  in  his  blood  the  English  and 
Dutch  strains;  on  the  father's  side  being  descended  from  one  of  the  English  officers, 
who  came  out  with  Nicolls  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  A  lawyer  by  profession,  he  was 
attached  to  the  legation  at  the  Hague,  and  was  commissioned  by  the  State  of  New  York  to 
procure  original  materials  relating  to  its  early  history.  In  this  labor  he  spent  three  years 
in  the  archives  of  England,  Holland,  and  France.  At  his  death  he  left  manuscript  mate- 
rial for  a  third  volume,  which  it  is  the  hope  of  students  may  yet  be  made  accessible. 
He  divides  his  work  into  four  marked  periods  :  The  first,  from  the  discovery,  in  1609,  to 
its  conquest  by  the  English  in  1664;  the  second  carries  the  story  down  to  1691.  The 
treatment  is  of  the  most  exhaustive  character,  and  the  work  is  a  monument  of  literary 
industry  and  careful  execution.  The  authorities  are  in  all  cases  given  in  foot-notes. 
The  sympathies  of  the  author  are  plainly  with  Holland  in  the  original  struggle,  and  later 
with  New  York  in  her  occasional  antagonism  to  the  influence  of  New  England.  While 
the  reader  may  sometimes  smile  at  his  enthusiasm  and  differ  from  his  opinions,  he  will 

1  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  of  Smith  in  by  Carter  &  Thorp,  New  York,  1839-1840.  2 
Vol.  IV.     A\s,o,  Hist.  Mag.,  yi\\.  266.  —  Ed.]  vols.  8vo. 

2  The  Natural,  Statistical,  and  Civil  History  5  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  in  Vol.  IV. — 
of  the  State  of  New   Yor/c,  in  three  volumes,  by  Ed.] 

James  Macauley.    New  York,  1829.    8°.  ^  History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  by  John 

3  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  in  Vol.  IV. —  Romeyn  Brodhead.  First  period,  1609-1664. 
Ed.]  New  York,  1853  ;  second  edition,  1859.     Second 

^  History  of  the  New  Netherlands,  Province  of  period,   1664-1691.     New  York,   187 1.     Harper 

New  Yorh,  and  State  of  New  York,  to  the  Adop-  &  Brothers,  New  York.    2  vols.  8vo.    Mr.  Brod- 

tion  of  the  Federal  Constitution.    In  two  volumes,  head  was  born  Jan.  21,  1814,  and  died  May  6, 

By  William  Dunlap.     Printed  for  the   author  1873. 


414 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 


find  no  occasion  to  quarrel  with  his  candor.  The  tendency  of  his  mind  will  be  found 
legal  rather  than  judicial.  His  chief  merit  is  his  admirable  co-ordination  of  an  immense 
mass  of  material,  covering  a  vast  circuit  of  investigation. ^ 


y^7:^c  ^<j^^^.^^^^ ---^^^i^^^.^ 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


A.  Specific  Authorities.  —  More  par- 
ticular mention  of  such  sources  as  pertain 
jointly  to  the  Dutch  and  English  rule  in  New 
York  is  made  in  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter  on  "New 
Netherland,"  in  Vol.  IV. 

Chalmers'  Political  Annals  of  the  Present 
United  Provinces  reviews  the  EngHsh  rule ;  but 
Brodhead  (i.  62)  considers  that  Chahners's  treat- 
ment is  biased,  and  grossly  misrepresents  the 
facts. 

The  documents  in  Hazard's  Historical  Collec- 
tions of  State  Papers  which  relate  to  New  York 
were  reprinted  in  18 11  in  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  i.  189-303,  and  in  the  printed  series  pub- 
lished by  the  State  under  the  editing  of  Dr. 
O'Callaghan,  an  account  of  which  can  better  be 
made,  unbroken  between  the  Dutch  and  Eng- 
lish portions,  in  connection  with  Mr.  Fernow's 
chapter.  Various  papers  of  importance,  how- 
ever, have  appeared  in  the  Collections  and  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  and 
others  are  in  the  Manual  of  the  City  of  N'e^o 
York,  edited  for  thirty  years,  since  1841,  succes- 
sively by  Valentine  and  Shannon.  The  journals 
of  the  Council  and  Assembly  of  the  Colony  of 
New  York  are  rich  in  material. 

Some  original  documents  have  appeared  in 
connection  with  inquiries  into  the  history  of  the 
boundaries  of  the  State  :  Report  to  ascertain  and 
settle  the  Boundary  Line  betuieen  Neiv  York  and 
Connecticut,  Feb.  8,  1861  ;  Report  on  the  Boun- 
daries of  New  York,  Albany,  1874;  papers  of 
Dawson,  Whitehead,  etc.,  in  Historical  Magazine, 
xviii.  25,  82,  146,  211,  267,  321.  Cf.  also  C.  W. 
Bowen's  Boundary  Disputes  of  Connecticut,  Bos- 
ton, 1882,  part  iv. 

At  a  commemoration  of  the  English  con- 
quest of  1664,  held  by  the  New  York  Historical 
Society  in  1864,  the  oration  was  fitly  made  by 
Mr.  Brodhead.     Historical  Magazine^  viii.  375. 


The  first  printed  Dutch  report  of  the  capture  is 
given  in  the  Kort  eft  bondigh  Verhael,  Amster- 
dam, 1667,  P-  27  ;  cf.  Asher's  Essay,  no.  354. 
The  list  of  those  in  New  York  city  who  took 
the  oath,  October,  1664,  is  given  in  Valentine's 
Manual,  1854.  The  patent  of  March  12,  1664, 
granted  the  Duke  of  York,  under  whose  au- 
thority the  conquest  was  made,  is  given  in  Brod- 
head's  New  York,  ii.  651 ;  cf.  also  Learning  and 
Spicer's  Grants,  etc.  of  New  Jersey,  p.  3,  and  Nezo 
York  Colonial  Documejtts,  ii.  295.  Charles  E. 
Anthon,  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History ,  Sep- 
tember, 1882,  urges  that  a  commemorative  sculp- 
ture be  placed  in  Central  Park,  to  preserve  the 
memory  of  the  royal  Duke  whose  twin  titles  of 
York  and  Albany  are  borne  by  the  two  chief 
cities  of  the  State. 

The  Clarendon  Papers,  1662-67,  covering  this 
early  period  of  the  English  rule,  are  in  the  N',  Y. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  (Fund  series),  vol.  ii.  The  im- 
portant code  known  as  the  Duke's  Laws  are 
also  in  the  same  Society's  Collections.  Mr.  O.  H. 
Marshall  examines  the  charters  of  1664  and  1674 
in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  viii.  24. 

A  few  of  the  letters  of  Nicolls  and  Lovelace 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  prior  to  1674, 
are  in  the  London  State-Paper  Office,  but  not 
till  that  year  does  the  regular  record  seem  to 
begin.     Brodhead,  ii.  261. 

Of  Thomas  Willett,  the  first  English  mayor 
of  the  town,  Brodhead  gives  the  best  account,  in 

his  History  of  New  York,  ii.  76,  which  may  be 
supplemented  by  the  account  of  his  family  given 
in  the  N  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  ii.  yjd ;  xvii. 
244.  Cf.  also  Dr.  John  F.  Jameson  on  the  origin 
and  development   of  municipal  government   in 


_  1  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  of  Brodhead  m  Vol.  IV.,  where,  in  the  chapter  on  New  Netherland,  an  exam- 
ination  is  made  of  the  labors  of  Brodhead  and  others  in  amassing  and  arranging  the  documentary  history  of  the 
State.  —  Ed.] 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW  YORK. 


415 


New  York  city,  in  Magazine  of  American  History , 
1882.  The  Manual  published  successively  by 
Valentine  and  Shannon  preserves  much  inform- 
ation regarding  the  city's  history.  Cf.  General 
De  Peyster  on  "New  York  and  its  History," 
in  International  Review,  April,  1878,  and  Mrs. 
Lamb's  History  of  New  York  City,  and  other 
local  monographs,  of  which  further  mention  is 
made  in  the  notes  to  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter,  in 
Vol.  IV. 

The  English  occupation  of  New  York  was 
confirmed  by  the  Treaty  of  Ereda,  July  31,  1667. 
The  original  Latin  and  Dutch  of  its  text  appeared 
at  the  Hague  in  1667.  (Muller,  Books  on  America, 
1872,  p.  1 19  ;  Stevens,  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i. 
no.  31.)  A  contemporary  engraving  of  the  signing 
is  in  the  Kort  e7t  bondigh  Verhael,  Amsterdam, 
1667.  (Stevens,  no.  1079  '■>  Muller,  Books  on  Am- 
erica, 1877,  nos.  1697,  2268.)  There  was  a  French 
edition  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1668.  {Re- 
cueil  van  de  Tractaten,  Hague,  1684). 

The  Dutch  bibliographies  refer  to  scores  of 
pamphlets  launched  against  Sir  George  Down- 
ing, the  English  diplomat  who  is  charged  with 
instigating  the  war  with  England  (1663-67),  and 
not  infrequently  assigning  his  animosity  towards 
the  Dutch  to  feelings  engendered  in  his  early 
New  England  home,  Downing  being  a  nephew 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  and  a  graduate  of  Har- 
vard College.  (Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  i. 
28,  with  a  list  of  authorities,  p.  51,  and  the 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  959,  975.  Cf.  on 
Downing's  agency,  O'Callaghan's  N'ew  N'ether- 
land,  ii.  515;  Palfrey's  New  England;  Brod- 
head's  New  York  and  his  Colonial  Documents 
of  New  York;  and  R.  C.  Winthrop's  paper  in 
5  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  vol.  i.) 

On  the  Dutch  side,  Aitzema's  Historie  van 
Saken  van  Staet  e7i  Oorlogh,  1 621-1668,  Hague, 
1657-167 1,  is  a  vast  repository  of  documentary 
evidence,  vol.  iv.  covering  Downing's  period, 
and  vol.  vi.  giving  the  negotiations  of  Breda. 
The  best  edition,  with  a  supplement  by  Sylvius, 
was  published  in  eleven  volumes  in  1 669-1 699. 
(Muller,  Books  on  America,  1877,  no.  47.)  Sabin, 
Dictionary,  v.  20,783,  etc.,  gives  various  titles  of 
Downingiana,  and  a  full  list  of  Downing's  works 
is  given  by  Sibley,  Harvard  Graduates,  i.  48.  The 
Dutch  also  charged  upon  Downing  the  initia- 
tive in  "curbing  the  progress  and  reducing  the 
power  "  of  their  State  through  th,e  Navigation 
Acts  of  1651  and  1660;  cf.  Upham,  in  Hunfs 
Merchants^  Magazine,  iv.  407. 

The  relations  of  the  new  English  province 
with  the  French  and  Indians  are  particularly 
illustrated  in  the  papers  relating  to  De  Cour- 
celles  and  De  Tracy's  expedition  against  the  Mo- 
hawks (1665),  published  in  the  Documentary  His- 
tory of  New  York,  vol.  i.,  where  will  also  be  found 
the  documents  concerning  Denonville's  expedi- 
tion against  the  Senecas  and  into  the  Genesee 


country  in  1687.  Cf.  also  the  narrative  of  De- 
nonville  with  O.  H.  Marshall's  notes,  in  2  N. 
Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  ii.  149.  For  the  expedition 
against  Schenectady,  1689-90,  see  N.  Y.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc,  1846,  p.  137  ;  cf.  Historical  Magazine, 
xiii.  263,  by  J.  G.  Shea.  A  further  treatment  of 
the  French  and  Indian  wars  is  made  in  Vol.  IV. 

The  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy  found  in  Holland 
the  Relation  de  sa  Captivite  parmi  les  Onneiouts  en 
1690-91,  by  Father  Millet,  the  Jesuit,  and  it  was 
edited  by  Mr.  Shea  in  New  York  in  1864.  Field, 
Indian  Bibliography,  no.  1063,  says  that  with  the 
narrative  of  Jogues  it  gives  us  nearly  all  we 
know  from  personal  observation  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions at  this  time.  Further  references  to  the  lit- 
erature of  the  aboriginal  occupation  will  be  given 
in  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter. 

Regarding  the  seals  of  the  province,  see 
Docimientary  History  of  Neza  York,  vol.  iv.,  for 
various  engravings.  (Cf.  Historical Magazine,\y.. 
177,  and  Valentine's  Mamial,  1851.)  Reports  on 
the  Province,  1668-1678,  are  in  the  Docutnentary 
History  of  New  York,  vol.  i. ;  and  in  vol.  iii.  the 
papers  on  Manning's  surrender  in  1673,  ^nd  the 
subsequent  restoration. 

Of  the  Catholic  Governor  Dongan  there  are 
special  treatments  by  R.  H.  Clarke  in  the  Catho- 
lic World,  ix.  767,  and  by  P.  F.  Dealy,  S.  J.,  in 
Magazine  of  American  History,  February,  1882,  p. 
106.  Dongan's  report  on  the  state  of  the  prov- 
ince, 16S7,  is  in  the  Documentary  History  of  Neio 
York,  vol.  i.  A  view  of  his  house  is  given  in 
Lamb's  New  York,  i.  326. 

Upon  Andros's  rule,  compare  the  general 
historians,  and  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  vol. 
ii.  chap.  I. 

Something  will  be  said  of  the  more  specific 
local  histories,  covering  both  the  Dutch  and 
English  periods,  in  connection  with  Mr.  P'cr- 
now's  chapter  in  Vol.  IV. 

The  news  of  the  movements  in  the  province, 
both  under  the  Dutch  and  English  rule,  as  it 
reached  Europe,  is  recorded  in  De  Hollandsche 
Mercurius,  1650-1690,  a  periodical.  Cf.  Asher's 
Essay,  p.  220;  Muller's  Catalogue  (1872),  p.  104 
( 1877),  no.  2,100  ;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  viii.  p.  378. 

B.  Views,  Maps,  and  Descriptions  ok 
New  York  and  the  Province  under  Eng- 
lish Rule.  —  Vie^as.  The  earliest  views  of 
New  Amsterdam  date  back  to  the  Dutch  period, 
the  first  being  that  in  the  Beschrijvinghe  van 
Virginia,  etc.,  1651,  of  which  a  fac-simile  is 
given  on  the  title  of  Asher's  list  of  Maps,  Am- 
sterdam, 1 85 1,  and  in  the  Popular  History  of  the 
United  States.  The  next  appeared  on  the  sev- 
eral maps  issued  by  N.  J.  Visscher,  Van  der 
Donck,  Allard  (first  map),  Nicolas  Visscher 
(first  map),  and  Danckers.  It  is  seen  in  the 
heliotype  of  Van  der  Donck's  map  given  in 
Vol.  IV.,  and  in  the  engraving  of  the  Visscher 


4i6 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1^ 


n 


:i. 


map,  in  Asher's  Zist^  A  view  very  like  this  is  that  given 
on  p.  124  of  Arnoldus  Montanus's  £>e  Nieuwe  en  Onbekende 
Weereld  of  Beschryving  van  America,  a  sumptuous  folio 
printed  at  Amsterdam,  1671,  and  at  present  variously  priced 
from  $5  to  ^20.  Cf.  Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  ii.  1,066,  with 
fac-simile  of  title. 

The  same  picture  is  reproduced  in  the  later,  1673, 
edition  of  Montanus,  p.  143,  and  in  Ogilby's  America^ 
167 1,  p.  171,  where  the  description  also  follows  Montanus, 
with  aid  from  Denton.  {Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  1,067, 
1,092.)  Montanus's  account  is  translated  in  the  Docu- 
mentary History  of  Nro)  York,  iv.  75,  116,  with  a  fac-simile 
of  the  view  in  question.  Cf.  also  Gay's  Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,  iii.  i,  and  the  fac-simile  issued,  with 
descriptive  notes,  by  J.  W.  Moulton  in  1825  as  New  York 
One  Hundred  and  Seventy  Years  Ago;  and  Watson's  Olden 
Times  in  New  York,  1832. 

The  picture  is  also  given  in  fac-simile  in  Mr.  Lenox's 
edition  of  Jogues's  Novum  Belgium,  edited  by  J.  G.  Shea, 
and  in  N  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  July,  1882,  with  a 
paper  by  J.  R.  Stanwood  on  the  settlement  of  New  Nether- 
land.  Muller,  of  Amsterdam  in  one  of  his  catalogues,  of 
recent  years,  offered  for  250  marks  a  water-color  drawing 
made  in  1650,  which  he  claimed  as  the  original  sketch 
upon  which  the  engraver  in  Montanus  worked.  Muller, 
Catalogue  of  American  Portraits,  etc.,  no.  305.  This  view  is 
now  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society's  Library.  It  is 
inscribed  "  In 't  schip  Lydia  door  Laurens  Harmen  Z" 
Block,  A*'  1650."  There  is  no  record  of  any  ship  of  such 
name  arriving  at  New  Amsterdam,  and  this  together  with 
certain  changes  in  the  picture,  as  compared  with  Montanus, 
have  led  good  judges  to  suspect  that  it  is  a  copy  of  that 
view,  by  one  who  was  never  in  New  Amsterdam,  rather 
than  its  original.  The  paper  and  frame  are  old,  at  all 
events. 

A  view  purporting  to  represent  the  town  in  1667  is 
given  in  Valentine's  New  York  City  Manual,  1851,  p.  131, 
and  in  his  History  of  New  York  City,  p.  71. 

The  view  of  which  an  engraving  is  herewith  given  is 
from  a  map  entitled  Totius  Neobelgii  nova  et  accuratissima 
tabula,  .  .  .   Typis  Caroli  A  Hard,  Amstelodami. 

The  reference-key  to  the  view  is  as  follows  :  — 

A.  Fort  Orangiensche  oft  N.  Albanische  Jachten. 

B.  Vlagge-spil,  daer  de  Vlag  wordt  opgehaelt,  als- 
ercomen  schepen  in  dese  Haven. 

C.  Fort  Amsterdam,  genaemt  Jeams-fort  bij  de  En- 
gelsche. 


D. 

Gevangen-huijs. 

L.   Luthersche  Kerck. 

E. 

Gereformeede  Kerck. 

M.   Waterpoort. 

F. 

Gouverneurs-Huijs. 

N.   Smidts-vallij. 

G. 

't  magazijn. 

0.    Landtpoort. 

H. 

De  Waeg. 

P.   Weg  na  'tversche  Water. 

I. 

Heeren-gracht. 

Q.    Wint-molen. 

K. 

Stadt  huijs. 

R.    Ronduijten. 

S.    Stuijvesants  Huijs. 

T. 

Oost-Rivier,  lopende 

tusschen  't  Eijlant  Manhatans, 

en  Jorckshire,  oft  't  lange  Eijlandt. 


1  See  also  Bowden's  Friends  in  America,  i.  309 ;  Lamb's  Neit 
York,  i.  180  ;  Valentine's  Manual,  1842-43,  p.  147  ;  Gay's  Popular 
History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  236. 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


417 


The  view  is  inscribed:  " Nieuw-Amsterdam, 
onlangs  Nieuw  jorck  genamt,  ende  hernomen  bij 
de  Nederlanders  op  den  24  Aug.,  1673,  eindelijk 
aan  de  Engelse  weder  afgestaan."  It  took  the 
place  of  the  engraved  view,  already  mentioned 
as  appearing  in  the  first  edition  of  Allard's  map, 
and  was  probably  etched  by  Romeyn  de  Hooghe, 
a  distinguished  artist  of  the  day,  when  Hugo 
Allard  retouched  his  old  plate  to  produce  an 
engraved  map  to  meet  the  interest  raised  by  the 
recapture  of  the  town.  It  also  did  service  in  the 
later  issues  of  the  same  plate  by  Carolus  Allard 
and  the  Ottens,  and  was  reproduced  in  an  infe- 
rior way  by  Lotter  on  his  map.  See  Asher's  List 
of  Maps  and  Views,  p.  20.  A  view  of  1679  is 
given  on  a  later  page,  with  its  history. 

The  annexed  cut  of  the  Strand  follows  a  view 
in  T/ie  Mamcal  of  the  City  of  New   York,  1869, 


Maps.  An  account  of  the  maps  of  the  Dutch 
period  is  given  in  Vol.  IV.  For  the  English 
period,  the  earliest  of  the  town  of  New  York  was 
probably  that  supposed  to  have  been  sent  home 
by  Nicoll  (1664-68)  after  his  occupation,  and  of 
which  a  portion  is  herewith  given. 

Of  about  the  same  date  is  the  original  of  the 
Hudson  River  Map  (1666),  which  will  be  found 
in  the  next  volume.  Then  came  the  map  of  the 
province  by  Nicolas  Visscher,  issued  in  the  first 
edition  of  his  Atlas  Minor  about  1670.1  Not  far 
from  the  same  time  (1671)  appeared  the  map 
which  is  common  to  Montanus's  Nieiiwe  en  On- 
bekende  IVeere/d  2Lnd  to  Ogilby's  great  folio  Amer- 
ica, which  shows  the  coast  from  the  Penobscot 
to  the  Chesapeake,  and  is  entitled  "Novi  Belgii, 
etc.,  delineatio."  It  closely  resembles  Jansson's 
earlier  map.     The  Allard  map  of   1673,  from 


THE    STRAND,    NEW   WHITEHALL   STREET,    NEW   YORK. 


p.  738.  The  Central  House,  with  three  windows 
in  the  roof,  was  the  earliest  brick  house  built  in 
the  town,  and  was  at  one  time  the  dwelling  of 
Jacob  Leisler,  and  had  been  built  by  his  father- 
in-law,  Vanderveen ;  cf.  the  narrative  in  the  Man- 
ual. It  is  also  engraved  in  Gay's  Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,  iii.  14.  Other  houses  of  this 
period  are  shown  in  the  Manual,  1847,  p.  371, 
1858,  p.  526,  and  1862,  p.  522;  in  Valentine's 
History  of  New  York  City,  pp.  177,  214,  319;  in 
Riker's  Harlem,  p.  454  (Dutch  Church  of  1686), 
etc. 


which  our  engraved  view  is  taken,  was  the  second 
by  that  cartographer  of  New  Netherland,  who 
retouched  the  plate  of  the  earlier  one,  which  had 
been  mainlv  a  reproduction  of  N.  J.  Visscher's, 
as  the  later' one  of  Schenk  and  Valch  (1690)  was. 
Asher  says  (nos.  13,  15,  16)  that  Allard  in  this 
second  map  confined  his  additions  to  new  names 
in  the  Dutch  regions.  The  same  plate  was  later 
used  by  Carolus  Allard,  and  as  late  as  1740-50 
by  Ottens. 

About   1680,  in   Danckers'  Atlas,  published 
at  Amsterdam,  is  found  a  map,  "  Novi   Belgii, 


1  There  were  later  enlarged  editions  in  1680  and  1705,  or  of  about  those  dates. 
no.  3,389. 

VOL.  m.  —  53. 


Muller,  Catalogue  {\^77), 


4i8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


etc.,  tabula,  multis  in  locis  emendata  a  J.  Danck- 
ers,"  which,  however,  in  Asher's  opinion  was  but 
a  revamping  of  the  earlier  Visscher  plate.i  The 
map  which  N.  J.  Visscher  published  about  1640 
was  reissued  about  1690  by  Nicolas  Visscher, 
"  Novi  Belgii,  etc.,  tabula,  multis  in  locis  emen- 
data," making  use  of  the  work  of  Montanus  and 


others,  by  J.  P.  Bourje,  and  appeared  in  Lam- 
brechtsen's  Korte  Beschryving,  Middelburg,  1818. 
The  maps  of  Nicolas  Visscher  in  Sanson's  Atlas 
Nouveau  (1700),  and  of  Henry  Hondius  and 
Homan,  belong  to  a  later  period. 

Of  the  charts  of  the  coast  about  New  York, 
there  were  two  standard  atlases  of  this  period. 


^OWNE.  OF 


SKETCH   PLAN   OF   NEW   YORK  CITY,     1 664-68.2 

Allard,^  of  which  there  were  also  later  issues,  the  Zee-Atlas  of  Pieter  Goos,  of  which  there  were 

(Ashers   Ltsl   no.  14;   Muller,  no.  2,276.)     An  editions  in  1666,  1668,  1673,  1675,  1676,  — some 

eclectic  map,  showmg  the  province  at  this  period,  of  them  with  French  text.    (Asher's  List,  no.  22- 

was  made  up  from  Montanus,  Roggeveen,  and  24;  Muller's  Catalogue,  1877,  no.  1254.)     Better 

Lirt,  no.  ^o')  ^^°''''  ^^^^^^^  '"  ^°^'  ^^'     ^*  ^^^  afterwards  followed  in  part  in  Lotter's  map.     (Asher's 

the  IhC'ts  nf\'^  n'^  reproduction  of  the  fac-simile  in  Valentine's  New  York  City  Manual,  1863,  of  one  of 
orconS^c^rr^!!?";  """^  .°f  ^anhattan  Island,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.  It  bears  an  attestation 
Ir^to  GeorTw^M"''^.^  ongi^al,  from  Richard  Simms,  of  the  Museum,  who  transmitted  in  1863 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


419 


THE    STADTHUYS    IN   NEW   YORK,  1 6  79. — BREVOORT'S   DRAWING. 

executed  are  the  charts  in  the  special  American  English   edition  as    The  Bicrning  Fen.     Asher 

collection  issued  at  Amsterdam  by  Arent  Rog-  also  adds  the  charts  of  Van  Keulen,  remarking, 

geveen  under  the  title  of  Het  Eerste  Deel  van  however,  upon  their  inaccurate  coast-lines. 

het  Brandende    Veen^    1675,  '^^^  known  in   the  Descriptions.     Edward   Melton  was   in  New 


"^m^^^mB 


::Ena3S:^Bca 


THE    STADTHUYS,    1 679.  ORIGINAL   SKETCH. 


420 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


York  in  1668,  and  in  his  Zee-  en  Landreizen, 
Amsterdam,  1681,  and  again  1702,  he  gives  a 
detailed  description  of  the  place,  borrowing 
somewhat  from  Montanus.  (Asher's  Essay,  no. 
17;  and  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  1,221,  which 
says  the  later  editions  were  issued  in  1 704-1 705.) 
Though  an  Englishman,  his  account  was  not  pub- 
lished in  the  original,  and  we  owe  the  earliest 
one  in  English  to  Daniel  Denton,  whose  Brief 
Descriptions  of  New  York  appeared  in  London 
in  1670.  It  is  now  very  rare.  (Sabin's  Dic- 
tionary, V.  350.)  It  is  a  small  quarto,  and  Rich 
priced  it  in  1832  at  ;^i  \2s.  There  are  copies  in 
Harvard  College  Library;  in  the  State  Library, 
Albany ;  besides  two  copies  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library,  with  different  imprints.  ( Catalogue,  ii. 
1,038.)  Sabin,  in  the  Menzies  Catalogtie,  says 
he  had  sold  a  copy  for  $275,  and  at  that  sale  it 
brought  $220.  (Cf.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  2,778.) 
It  was  reprinted  by  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society  in  1845,  ^^  pp.,  and  by  Wm.  Gowan  in 
New  York  the  same  year,  with  an  Introduction 
by  Gabriel  Furman,  57  pp. 

A  few  years  later  we  have  another  descrip- 
tion in  the  fournal  of  a  Voyage  to  JVew  York, 
1679-80,  by  Jasper  Dankers  and  Peter  Sluyter, 
which  was  translated  from  the  original  Dutch 
manuscript  by  Henry  C.  Murphy,  and,  enriched 
by  an  Introduction  from  the  same  hand,  appeared 
in  1867  as  vol.  i.  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Long 
Island  Historical  Society,  and  also  separately. 
Some  particulars  of  Danckaerts  or  Dankers  are 
noted  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  1874,  p.  309. 
The  MS.,  when  found  by  Mr.  Frederick  Muller, 
of  Amsterdam,  from  whom  Mr.  Murphy  pro- 
cured it,  was  accompanied  by  certain  drawings 
of  the  town,  seemingly  taken  on  the  spot.  These 
are  given  in  Mr.  Murphy's  volume  in  fac-simile, 
with  descriptions  by  Mr.  J.  Carson  Brevoort, 
who  has  also  re-drawn  certain  parts  of  them 
with  better  perspective,  and  other  rectifications. 


The  re-drawings  are  also  engraved.  The  orig- 
inals consist :  ( i )  of  a  view  of  the  Narrows, 
looking  out  to  sea;  (2)  of  a  long  panoramic 
view  of  the  town  as  seen  from  the  Brooklyn 
shore;  (3)  the  East  River  shore  looking  south ; 
(4)  a  view  down  the  island  from  the  northern 
edge  of  the  settlement,  with  the  Hudson  River 
on  the  right,  and  a  supposable  East  River  on 
the  left.  The  views  which  Mr.  Brevoort  has 
rectified  are  no.  4 ;  the  Stadthuys,  with  adjacent 
buildings  and  half-moon  battery,  extracted  from 
no.  2 ;  and  three  parts  of  no.  3,  namely  the  Dock, 
the  Water-gate  (foot  of  Wall  Street), and  the  shore 
north  of  the  Water-gate.  A  reduction  of  the 
Brevoort  Stadthuys  view  and  the  original,  full 
size,  are  given  herewith.  This  building  stood 
on  the  corner  of  Pearl  Street  and  Coentys  slip, 
was  erected  as  a  city  tavern  in  1642,  became  a 
city  hall  in  1655,  and  was  torn  down  in  1700. 
The  battery  when  built  projected  into  the  river. 
There  are  other  views  of  the  Stadthuys  given 
in  Valentine's  Manual,  (1655-56)  p.  336,  {1852) 
p.  378,  (1853)  p.  472;  his  History,  p.  52  ;  Lamb's 
New  York,  i.  106;  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the 
United  States,  ii.  139,  etc.  Mr.  J.  W.  Gerard 
published  a  monograph  in  1875,  ^^^  Stadthuys 
of  New  Amsterdam. 

In  the  train  of  Andros,  and  as  his  chaplain,  a 
Rev.  Charles  Wooley  came  to  New  York  in  1678, 
and  his  Journal  of  Two  Years  was  published  in 
1 70 1.  [Historical  Magazine,  i.  371.)  There  is  a 
copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  It  was  ed- 
ited in  i860,  with  notes  by  Dr.  O'Callaghan,  as 
Cowan's  Bibliotheca  Americana,  no.  2 ;  and  no. 
3  of  the  same  series,  J.  Miller's  Description  of 
the  Province  and  City  of  New  York  (1695),  though 
of  a  little  later  date,  is  best  examined  in  the 
same  connection.  It  is  edited  by  John  G.  Shea, 
as  Gowan  printed  it  in  1862.  Cf.  also  C.  Lod- 
wick's  "  New  York  in  1692,"  in  2  N  Y.  Hist. 
Coll.,  vol.  ii. 


CHAPTER    XL 

THE   ENGLISH   IN   EAST  AND   WEST  JERSEY. 
I 664- I 689. 

BY    WILLIAM   A.    WHITEHEAD. 

Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society. 

ALTHOUGH  that  portion  of  the  American  Continent  known  as  New 
Netherland  was  within  the  Hmits  claimed  by  England  by  virtue  of 
Cabot's  discovery,  yet  those  in  possession,  from  the  comparatively  little 
interest  taken  in  their  proceedings,  remained  undisturbed  until  1664.^ 
There  had  been  some  attempts  on  the  part  of  settlers  in  Connecticut  and 
on  Long  Island  to  encroach  upon  lands  in  the  occupancy  of  the  Dutch,  or 
to  purchase  tracts  from  the  Indians  otherwise  than  through  their  interven- 
tion, yet  nothing  had  resulted  therefrom  but  estrangement  and  animosity. 
An  application  for  the  aid  of  the  Royal  government  was  the  consequence, 
and  Charles  II.  was  induced  to  countenance  the  complaints  of  his  North 
American  subjects,  and  to  enforce  his  right  to  the  lands  in  question. 

To  effect  the  ends  in  view,  a  charter  was  granted  to  James,  Duke  of  York, 
—  Charles's  brother,  —  for  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  western  side  of 
Connecticut  River  and  the  east  side  of  Delaware 
Bay,  including  Long  Island,  Nantucket,  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and  the  islands  in  their  vicinity.  This 
charter  was  dated  March  12,  1663/4,  and  the  fol- 
lowing month  a  fleet  of  four  vessels,  having  on  board  a  full  complement  of 
sailors  and  soldiers,  was  despatched  to  eject  the  Dutch  and  put  the  repre- 
y^r\  ^       /^         X-  •      sentatives  of  the  Duke  of  York  in 

yV^  (^"TlClyi^  fVCC  ClU  possession.  The  fleet  arrived  in 
*'^v^.__  August,   and    articles   of  capitula- 

tion were  signed  on  the  19th  (20th)  of  the  same  month.  Colonel  Richard 
Nicolls,  who  commanded  the  expedition,  received  the  surrender  of  the 
Province  the  following  day ;  and  in  October  Sir  Robert  Carr  secured  the 
capitulation  of  the  settlements  on  the  Delaware.  By  the  treaty  of  Breda, 
in  1667,  the  possession  of  the  country  was  confirmed  to  the  English.^ 

1  [See  a  chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  for  the  Dutch  ^  [See  this  volume,  chap,  x.,  for  the  English 

rule.  — Ed.]  Conquest.  — Ed.] 


422  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

Although,  as  the  pioneers  of  civilization,  the  Hollanders  had  developed, 
to  a  considerable  extent,  the  resources  of  what  is  now  New. Jersey,  yet  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil  and  the  increase  of  population,  during  the  half  cen- 
tury that  had  elapsed  since  their  first  occupancy,  were  by  no  means  com- 
mensurate with  what  might  have  been  expected.  Settlements  had  been 
made  on  tracts  known  as  Weehawken,  Hoboken,  Ahasimus,  Pavonia,  Con- 
stable's Hook,  and  Bergen,  on  the  western  banks  of  the  Hudson  River, 
opposite  New  Amsterdam,  but  of  their  population  and  other  evidences  of 
growth  nothing  definite  is  known.  On  the  Delaware,  Cornelius  Jacobsen 
Mey,  in  1623,  under  the  auspices  of  the  West  India  Company  of  Holland, 

and  David  Pieterson  de  Vries,  in 
1 63 1,  attempted  to  colonize  South 
Jersey  at  Fort  Nassau ;  but  to  the 
Swedes  must  be  accorded  the  credit 
of  making  the  first  successful  settle- 
ments, though  few  in  number  and  insignificant  in  extent.^  These,  in  Au- 
gust, 1655,  were  surrendered  to  the  Dutch  under  Peter  Stuyvesant,  and  they 
had  experienced  very  little  growth  or  modification  when  surrendered  to  Sir 
Robert  Carr  in  1664. 

Before  the  Duke  of  York  was  actually  in  possession  of  the  territory,  he 
had  executed  deeds  of  lease  and  release  to  Lord  John  Berkeley,  Baron  of 
Stratton,  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  of  Saltrum.  The  documents  bore  the 
dates  of  June  23  and  24,  1664,  and  granted  all  that  portion  of  his  American 
acquisition  — 

"  lying  and  being  to  the  westward  of  Long  Island  and  Manhitoes  Island,  and  bounded 
on  the  east  part  by  the  main  sea  and  part  by  Hudson's  river,  and  hath  upon  the  west 
Delaware  bay  or  river,  and  extending  southward  to  the  main  ocean  as  far  as  Cape 
May  at  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay,  and  to  the  northward  as  far  as  the  northernmost 
branch  of  the  said  bay  or  river  of  Delaware,  which  is  forty-one  degrees  and  forty 
minutes  of  latitude,  and  crosseth  over  thence  in  a  straight  line  to  Hudson's  river  in 
forty-one  degrees  of  latitude  ;  which  said  tract  of  land  is  hereafter  to  be  called  by  the 
name  or  names  of  New  Ccesaria  or  New  Jersey ^ 

The  two  courtiers,  placed  in  these  important  and  interesting  relations  to 
the  people  of  New  Jersey,  were  doubtless  led  to  enter  into  them  from  being 
already  interested  in  the  Province  of  Carolina, 
and  from  their  associations  with  the  Duke  of 
York.  Sir  John  Berkeley  had  been  the  governor 
of  the  Duke  in  his  youth,  and  in  subsequent 
years  had  retained  great  influence  over  him.  He,  as  well  as  Sir  George 
Carteret,  had  been  a  firm  adherent  of  Charles  II.;  and  Carteret,  at  the 
Restoration,  was  placed  in  several  important  positions  and  was  an  intimate 
companion  of  James.  Both  Carteret  and  Berkeley  were  connected  with  the 
Duke  in  the  Admiralty  Board,  of  which  hewas  at  that  time  the  head,  and 

1  [See  Vol.  IV.  for-  the  Swedish  rule.  —Ed.] 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY.  423 

consequently  enjoyed  peculiar  facilities  for  influencing  him.  The  name  of 
*'  Caesaria  "  was  conferred  upon  the  tract  in  commemoration  of  the  gallant 
defence  of  the  Island  of  Jersey,  in  1649,  against  the  Parliamentarians,  by 
Sir  George  Carteret,  then  governor  of  the  island ;  but  it  was  soon  lost,  the 
English  appellation  of  New  Jersey"  being  preferred. 

The  grant  to  the  Duke  of  York,  from  the  Crown,  conferred  upon  him, 
his  heirs  and  assigns,  among  other  rights  and  privileges,  that  of  government, 
subject  to  the  approval  by  the  King  of  all  matters  submitted  for  his  deci- 
sion ;  differing  therein  from  the  Royal  privileges  conceded  to  the  propri- 
etors of  Maryland  and  Carolina,  which  were  unlimited.  The  Duke  of  York, 
consequently,  ruled  his  territory  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  when  it  was 
transferred  to  Berkeley  and  Carteret, 
they,  "  their  heirs  and  assigns,"  were 
invested  with  all  the  powers  conferred 
upon  the  Duke  "  in  as  full  and  ample 
manner"  as  he  himself  possessed  them,  "     ^"^ 

including,  as  was  conceived,  the  right  of  government,  although  it  was  not 
so  stated  expressly,  —  thus  transferring  with  the  land  the  allegiance  and 
obedience  of  the  inhabitants. 

On  Feb.  10,  1664/5,  without  having  had  any  communication  with  the 
inhabitants,  or  acquiring  a  knowledge  by  personal  inspection  of  the  pecu- 
liarities of  the  country,  Berkeley  and  Carteret  signed  an  instrument  which 
they  published  under  the  title  of  "  The  Concessions  and  Agreements  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  New  Jersey,  to  and  with  all  and  every  of  the  adven- 
turers and  all  such  as  shall  settle  and  plant  there."  This,  the  first  Consti- 
tution of  New  Jersey,  was  regarded  by  the  people  as  the  great  charter  of 
their  liberties,  and  respected  accordingly.  By  its  provisions  the  government 
of  the  Province  was  confided  to  a  governor,  a  council  of  not  less  than  six 
nor  more  than  twelve  to  be  selected  by  the  governor,  and  an  assembly  of 
twelve  representatives  to  be  chosen  annually  by  the  freemen  of  the  Prov- 
ince. The  governor  and  council  were  clothed  with  power  to  appoint  and 
remove  all  officers,  —  freeholders  alone  to  be  appointed  to  office  unless  by 
consent  of  the  assembly,  —  to  exercise  a  general  supervision  over  all  courts, 
and  to  be  executors  of  the  laws.  They  were  to  direct  the  manner  of  laying 
out  of  lands,  and  were  not  to  impose,  nor  permit  to  be  imposed,  any  tax 
upon  the  people  not  authorized  by  the  general  assembly.  That  body  was 
authorized  to  pass  all  laws  for  the  government  of  the  Province,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  the  governor,  to  remain  in  force  one  jyear,  during  which 
time  they  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  Lords  Proprietors.  To  encourage 
planters,  every  freeman  who  should  embark  with  the  first  governor,  or  meet 
him  on  his  arrival,  provided  with  a  **  good  musket,  bore  twelve  bullets  to 
the  pound,  with  bandeliers  and  match  convenient,  and  with  six  months'  pro- 
visions for  himself,"  was  promised  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land,  and 
the  like  number  for  every  man-servant  or  slave  brought  with  him  similarly 
provided.     To  females  over  the  age  of  fourteen,  seventy-five  acres  were 


424 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


promised,  and  a  similar  number  to  every  Christian  servant  at  the  expiration 
of  his  or  her  term  of  service.  Those  going  subsequently,  but  before  Jan. 
I,  1666,  were  to  receive  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  if  master,  mistress, 
or  able  man-servant  or  slave ;  and  weaker  servants,  male  or  female,  sixty 
acres.  Those  going  during  the  fourth  year  were  to  have  one  half  of  these 
quantities. 

In  the  laying  out  of  .towns  and  boroughs  the  proprietors  reserved  one 
seventh  of  the  land  to  themselves.  To  all  who  might  become  entitled  to 
any  land,  a  warrant  was  to  be  obtained  from  the  governor  directing  the  sur- 
veyor to  lay  out  the  several  tracts,  which  being  done,  a  grant  or  patent  was 
to  be  issued,  signed  by  the  governor  and  the  major  part  of  the  council,  sub- 
ject to  a  yearly  quit-rent  of  not  less  than  one  halfpenny  per  acre,  the  pay- 
ment of  which  was  to  begin  in  1670.  Each  parish  was  to  be  allowed  two 
hundred  acres  for  the  use  of  its  ministers.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  guar- 
anteed to  all  becoming  subjects  of  England,  and  swearing  allegiance  to  the 
King  and  fidelity  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  ;  and  the  assembly  of  the  Province 
was  authorized  to  appoint  as  many  ministers  as  should  be  thought  proper, 
and  to  provide  for  their  maintenance.  Such  were  the  principal  provisions 
of  this  fundamental  Constitution  of  the  Province. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Concessions  were  signed,  Philip  Carteret,  a 
distant  relative  of  Sir  George,  was  commissioned  governor,  and  received  his 

instructions.  Prepara- 
tions were  at  once  made 
for  his  departure,  ac- 
companied by  all  such 
as  were  willing  to  emi- 
grate to  New  Jersey; 
and  in  April  he  sailed, 
t  f  with    about    thirty   ad- 

•  venturers  and  servants, 

in  the  ship  "  Philip,"  laden  with  suitable  commodities.  The  vessel  was  first 
heard  of  as  being  in  Virginia  in  May,  and  she  arrived  at  New  York  on  July 
29.  Here  Carteret  was  informed  that  Governor  Nicolls,  in  entire  ignorance 
of  the  transfer  of  New  Jersey  to  Lords  Berkeley  and  Carteret,  had  author- 
ized and  confirmed  a  purchase  made  of  the  Indians,  by  a  party  from  Long 
Island,  of  a  tract  of  land  lying  on  the  west  side  of  the  strait  between  Staten 
Island  and  the  main  land,  and  that  four  families  had  emigrated  thither. 
Nicolls  had  also  confirmed  to  other  parties  a  tract  lying  near  to  Sandy 
Hook,  which  they  had  purchased  from  the  Indians.  This  led  to  the  settle- 
ment of  Middlctown  and  Shrewsbury,  in  what  is  now  Monmouth  County,— 
the  two  grants  laying  the  foundation  for  much  subsequent  trouble  in  the 
administration  of  the  public  affairs  of  the  Province. 

In  consequence  of  these  developments  the  prow  of  the  *'  Philip  "  was 
directed  by  Carteret  towards  the  new  settlement  at  what  is  now  Elizabeth ; 
and  arriving  there  early  in  August,  he  landed,  as  it  is  said,  with  a  hoe  upon 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY.  425 

his  shoulder,  thereby  indicating  his  intention  to  become  a  planter  with  those 
aheady  there,  and  conferring  upon  the  embryo  town  the  name  it  now  bears, 
after  the  lady  of  Sir  George  Carteret. 

Among  Carteret's  first  measures  for  the  improvement  of  the  Province 
was  the  sending  of  messengers  to  New  England  and  elsewhere,  to  publish 
the  Concessions  and  to  invite  settlers,  —  measures  which  resulted  in  a  consid- 
erable accession  to  the  population.  The  ship  '*  Philip  "  returned  to  Eng- 
land in  about  six  months,  and  brought  out  the  next  year  **  more  people  and 
goods  "  on  account  of  the  Proprietors ;'  and  other  vessels,  similarly  laden, 
followed  from  time  to  time. 

In  1666  a  division  of  the  Elizabethtown  tract  was  effected,  leading  to  the 
settlement  of  Woodbridge  and  Piscataway.  Another  settlement,  —  formed 
by  immigrants  from  Milford,  Guilford,  Branford,  and  New  Haven,  and  having 
a  desire,  they  said  in  their  agreement,  **  to  be  of  one  heart  and  consent, 
through  God's  blessing,  that  with  one  hand  they  may  endeavor  the  carrying 
on  of  spiritual  concernments,  as  also  civil  and  town  affairs  according  to  God 
and  a  godly  government,"  —  became  the  nucleus  of  Newark  (now  the  most 
populous  city  in  New  Jersey),  only  such  planters  as  belonged  to  some  one 
of  the  Congregational  churches  being  allowed  to  vote  or  hold  office  in  the 
town.  These,  with  the  settlements  mentioned  as  having  been  begun  under 
the  Dutch  administration,  comprised  all  which  for  some  years  attracted 
immigration  from  other  quarters.  Thus  gradually  New  Jersey  obtained  an 
enterprising,  industrious  population  sufficiently  large  to  develop  in  no  small 
degree  its  varied  capabilities. 

The  Indians  were  considered  generally  as  beneficial  to  the  new  settle- 
ments. The  obtaining  of  furs,  skins,  and  game,  which  added  both  to  the 
traffic  of  the  Province  and  to  the  support  of  the  inhabitants,  was  thus  se- 
cured with  less  difficulty  than  if  they  had  been  obliged  to  depend  upon 
their  own  exertions  for  the  needed  supply.  The  different  tribes  were  more 
or  less  connected  with  or  subordinate  to  the  confederated  Indians  of  New 
York,  and  the  settlers  in  New  Jersey  enjoyed,  in  consequence,  peculiar  pro- 
tection. As  the  Proprietors  evinced  no  disposition  to  deprive  them  of  their 
lands,  but  in  all  cases  made  what  was  deemed  an  adequate  remuneration 
for  such  as  were  purchased.  New  Jersey  was  preserved  from  those  unhappy 
collisions  which  resulted  in  such  vital  injury  to  the  settlements  in  other  parts 
of  the  country. 

Governor  Carteret  did  not  think  that  any  legislation  was  immediately 
necessary  for  the  government  of  the  people  or  administration  of  the  affairs 
of  the  Province.  The  Concessions  having  been  tried  were  found  quite  ade- 
quate to  the  requirements  of  the  new  settlements,  but  on  April  7,  1668,  he 
issued  his  proclamation  ordering  the  election  of  two  freeholders  from  each 
town  to  meet  in  a  general  assembly  the  ensuing  month  at  Elizabethtown ; 
and  on  May  26  the  first  Assembly  in  New  Jersey  began  a  session  which 
closed  on  the  30th.  During  the  session  a  bill  of  pains  and  penalties  was 
passed,  identical  in  some  respects  with  the  Levitical  law.     Other  subjects 

VOL.  III.  —  54. 


426  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 

were  considered ;  but  "  by  reason  of  the  week  so  near  spent  and  the  resolu- 
tion of  some  of  the  company  to  depart,"  definite  action  was  postponed 
until  the  ensuing  session,  which  was  held  on  November  3,  in  which  deputies 
from  the  southern  portion  of  the  Province  on  the  Delaware  took  part.  A 
few  acts  were  passed  relating  to  weights  and  measures,  fines,  and  dealings 
with  the  Indians ;  but  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  session  the  Assembly  ad- 
journed sine  die,  the  deputies  excusing  themselves  therefor  in  a  message  to 
the  Governor  and  Council,  in  which  they  say :  — 

"  We,  finding  so  many  and  great  inconveniences  by  our  not  sitting  together,  and 
your  apprehension  so  different  to  ours,  and  your  expectations  that  things  must  go  ac- 
cording to  your  opinions,  they  can  see  no  reason  for,  much  less  warrant  from  the  Con- 
cessions ;  wherefore  we  think  it  vain  to  spend  much  tnne  in  returning  answers  by  meet- 
ings that  are  so  exceeding  dilatory,  if  not  fruitless  and  endless,  and  therefore  we  think 
our  way  rather  to  break  up  our  meeting,  seeing  the  order  of  the  Concessions  cannot  be 
attended  to." 

A  proposition  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  that  a  committee  should  be 
appointed  to  consult  with  them  upon  the  asserted  deviations  from  the  Con- 
cessions, was  not  heeded,  and  the  Assembly  adjourned.  Seven  years  elapsed 
before  another,  of  which  there  is  any  authentic  record,  met.  There  are  in- 
timations of  meetings  of  deputies  on  two  occasions  in  1671  ;  but  what  was 
done  thereat  is  not  known,  excepting  the  establishing  of  a  Court  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer. 

This  neglect  to  provide  for  the  regular  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  Province  was  doubtless  owing  to  the  disafi"ection  then  existing  among 
the  inhabitants  of  what  was  subsequently  known  as  the  Monmouth  Patent, 
including  Middletown,  Shrewsbury,  and  other  settlements  holding  their 
lands  under  the  grant  from  Nicolls,  which  has  been  mentioned.  As  they 
considered  themselves  authorized  to  pass  such  prudential  laws  as  they 
deemed  advisable,  they  were  led  to  hold  a  local  assembly  for  the  purpose 
as  early  as  June,  1667,  at  what  is  now  called  the  Highlands;  and  not  being 
disposed  to  acknowledge  fully  the  claims  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  they  re- 
fused to  publish  the  laws  passed  at  the  first  session  of  the  General  Assembly 
and  would  not  permit  them  to  be  enforced  within  their  limits,  on  the  ground 
that  the  deputies,  professedly  representing  them,  had  not  been  lawfully 
elected.  Certain  differences  in  the  Nicolls  grant,  from  the  Concessions,  were 
insisted  on  before  the  deputies  representing  those  towns  could  be  allowed 
to  co-operate  in  any  legislation  affecting  them. 

These  views  were  not  acceded  to,  and  the  towns  were  consequently  not 
represented  in  the  Assembly  of  November,  1668,  and  the  first  open  hostility 
to  the  government  of  Carteret  was  inaugurated.  This,  however,  did  not 
mterfcre  materially  with  his  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Province. 
In  every  other  quarter  harmony  prevailed  until  the  time  came  when,  by 
the  provisions  of  the  Concessions,  the  first  quit-rents  became  payable  by 
those  holding  lands  under  the  Proprietors.     The  arrival  of  March  25,  1670, 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST   JERSEY.  427 

when  their  collection  was  to  begin,  introduced  decided  and,  in  many 
quarters,  violent  opposition.  Information  received  from  England  of  a 
probable  change  in  the  proprietorship,  which  promised  a  reannexation 
of  New  Jersey  to  New  York,  no  doubt  added  to  the  apprehensions  of 
the  Governor  and  his  Council,  and  gave  encouragement  to  the  disaffected 
among  the  people. 

The  Elizabethtown  settlers,  asserting  their  right  to  the  lands  confirmed 
to  them  by  Governor  Nicolls  independent  of  the  requisitions  of  the  Conces- 
sions, became  the  central  instruments  of  action  for  the  disaffected.  The 
claims  of  the  Proprietors'  officers,  the  oaths  of  allegiance  which  many  of 
them  had  taken,  as  well  as  their  duty  to  those  whose  liberal  concessions  con- 
stituted the  chief  inducements  for  settlement  within  their  jurisdiction,  were 
alike  unheeded.  The  titles  acquired  through  Nicolls  they  attempted  to  up- 
hold as  of  superior  force,  and,  following  the  example  of  Middletown  and 
Shrewsbury,  although  on  less  tenable  grounds,  they  were  disposed  to  ques- 
tion the  authority  of  the  government  in  other  matters.  For  two  years  there 
was  a  prevalent  state  of  confusion,  anxiety,  and  doubt. 

On  March  26,  1672,  there  was  a  meeting  of  deputies  from  the  different 
towns ;  but  the  validity  of  such  an  Assembly,  as  it  was  called,  the  governor 
and  council  did  not  recognize.  The  proceedings  are  presumed  to  have  had 
reference  to  the  vexed  question  of  titles ;  but  the  documents  connected  with 
the  meeting  were  all  suppressed  by  the  secretary,  who  was  also  assistant-sec- 
retary of  the  council,  and  he  acted,  it  is  presumed,  under  their  instructions. 
Another  meeting  was.  held  at  Elizabethtown  on  May  14,  composed  of  repre- 
sentatives of  Elizabethtown,  Newark,  Woodbridge,  Piscataway,  and  Bergen; 
but  assembling  "without  the  knowledge,  approbation,  or  consent"  of  the 
governor  and  council,  they  of  course  did  not  co-operate.  The  Concessions 
stipulated  that  the  general  assembly  should  consist  of  the  "  representatives, 
or  the  majority  of  them,  with  the  governor  and  council,"  and  their  absence 
afforded  an  excuse  for  another  step  toward  independence  of  the  established 
authorities.  The  Concessions  provided  that,  should  the  governor  refuse  to 
be  present  in  person  or  by  deputy,  the  general  assembly  might  "  appoint 
themselves  a  president  during  the  absence  of  the  governor  or  the  deputy- 
governor;  "  and  the  assembly  proceeded  to  do  so  (not,  however,  a  president 
merely  to  preside  over  their  deliberations  and  give  effect  to  their  acts,  but 
a  ''president  of  the  country,"  to  exercise  the  chief  authority  in  the  Prov- 
ince), finding  a  ready  co-operator  in  James  Carteret,  a  son  of  Sir  George, 
then  in  New  Jersey  on  his  way  to  Carolina,  of  which  he  had  been  made  a 
landgrave. 

He  appears  to  have  been  courteously  received  by  the  authorities  of  the 
Province,  from  his  near  relationship  to  the  proprietor,  but  his  course  argues 
little  consideration  for  them  or  for  the  interests  of  his  father.  He  did  not 
hesitate  to  assume  the  chief  authority;  and,  although  the  governor  issued  a 
proclamation  denouncing  both  him  and  the  body  which  had  conferred  au- 
thority upon  him,  yet  power  to  enforce  obedience  seems  to  have  been  with 


Tmn^ 


428  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMI^RICA. 

the  usurper.     Officers  of  the  government  were  seized  and  imprisoned,  and 
in  some  instances  their  property  was  confiscated. 

Governor  Carteret  had  deemed  it  advisable  to  seek  his  safety  by  taking 
up  his  residence  in  Bergen,  where  on  May  28  he  convened  his  council  for 
deliberation.     They  advised  him  to  go  to  England,  to  explain  to  the  Lords 

Proprietors  the  situation  of  the 
Province,  and  to  have  his  au- 
thority confirmed.  This  he 
did,  taking  with  him  James 
Bollen,  the  secretary  of  the 
council,  and  appointing  John 
Berry  deputy-governor  in  his 
absence.  Their  reception  by  the  Proprietors  was  all  that  they  could  have 
expected  or  desired.  Sir  George  Carteret  sent  directions  to  his  son  to  va- 
cate his  usurped  authority  at  once  and  proceed  to  Carolina ;  and  the  Duke 
of  York  wrote  to  Governor  Lovelace,  who  had  succeeded  Nicolls  in  the 
Province  of  New  York,  notifying  him,  and  requiring  him  to  make  the  same 
known  to  the  insurgents,  that  the  claims  they  had  advanced  would  not  be 
recognized  by  him ;  and  King  Charles  II.  himself  sent  a  missive  to  Deputy- 
Governor  Berry  confirming  his  authority  and  commanding  obedience  to  the 
government  of  the  Lords  Proprietors.  Other  documents  from  the  Propri- 
etors expressed  in  temperate  but  decided  language  their  determination  to 
support  the  rights  which  had  been  conferred  upon  them,  and  some  modifi- 
cations of  the  Concessions  were  made,  which  circumstances  seemed  to  re- 
quire, conferring  additional  powers  on  the  governor  and  council. 

These  various  documents  were  published  by  Deputy-Governor  Berry  in 
May,  1673.  They  served  to  quiet  the  previous  agitation,  and  to  re-establish 
his  authority.  A  certain  time  was  allowed  the  malecontents  to  comply  with 
the  terms  of  the  Proprietors ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Middletown  and  Shrews- 
bury placed  themselves  in  a  more  favorable  position  than  those  of  other 
towns  by  asking  for  a  suspension  of  proceedings  against  them  until  they 
could  communicate  with  the  authorities  in  England.  This  they  did,  throw- 
ing themselves  upon  their  generous  forbearance  by  relinquishing  any  special 
privileges  they  had  claimed  under  the  Nicolls  patent,  receiving  individual 
grants  of  land  in  lieu  thereof;  and  thereafter  the  relations  between  them  and 
the  proprietary  government  were  always  harmonious. 

The  government  was  resumed  by  the  representatives  of  the  Proprietors 
without  any  exhibition  of  exultation ;  and  further  to  insure  tranquillity  and 
good  conduct  the  deputy-governor  and  council  issued  an  order  with  the 
intent  "  to  prevent  deriding,  or  uttering  words  of  reproach,  to  any  that  had 
been  guilty  "  of  the  insubordination. 

In  March,  1673,  Charles  II.,  in  co-operation  with  Louis  XIV.  of  France, 
declared  war  against  Holland  ;  and  before  the  time  expired,  within  which  the 
proffered  terms  were  to  be  acceded  to  by  the  inhabitants,  the  Dutch  were 
again  in  possession  of  the  country.     The  manner  in  which  New  Nether- 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY.  429 

land  had  been  subdued  by  the  EngHsh  prompted  a  hke  retahation,  and  a 
squadron  of  five  vessels  was  at  once  despatched  against  New  York.  The 
fleet  was  increased,  by  captures  on  the  way,  to  sixteen  vessels,  conveying 
sixteen  hundred  men ;  and  on  August  8  possession  of  the  fort  was  obtained, 
and  for  more  than  a  year  the  authority  of  the  States  General  was  acknowl- 
edged. On  the  one  hand,  no  harshness  or  disposition  to  violate  the  just 
rights  of  the  inhabitants  was  manifested ;  while,  on  the  other,  imaginary  in- 
juries from  the  proprietary  government  led  to  a  ready  recognition  of  what 
might  prove  an  advantageous  change.  The  natural  consequences  were  har- 
mony and  good-will. 

The  inhabitants  generally  were  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  their  law- 
fully acquired  lands,  and  placed  on  an  equality,  as  to  privileges,  with  the 
Hollanders  themselves.  Local  governments  were  established  for  each  town, 
consisting  of  six  schepens,  or  magistrates,  and  two  deputies  toward  the  con- 
stitution of  a  joint  board,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  three  persons  for 
schouts  and  three  for  secretaries.  From  the  nominations  thus  made  the 
council  would  select  three  magistrates  for  each  town,  and  for  the  six  towns 
collectively  a  schout  and  secretary.  John  Ogden  and  Samuel  Hopkins  were 
severally  appointed  to  these  offlces  on  the  ist  of  September. 

On  November  18  a  code  of  laws  was  promulgated  "by  the  schout  and 
magistrates  of  Achter  Kol  Assembly,  held  at  Elizabethtown  to  make  laws 
and  orders,"  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  framed  with  any  reference 
to  the  English  laws  in  force,  which  it  was  intended  to  subvert.  It  was  singu- 
larly mild  in  the  character  and  extent  of  the  punishments  to  be  inflicted  on 
transgressors,  the  principal  aim  of  the  legislators  apparently  being  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Province  from  the  demoralizing  effects  of  sensual  indulgence 
and  other  vicious  propensities ;  but  the  whole  code  soon  became  a  nullity, 
through  the  abrogation  of  the  authority  under  which  it  was  enacted. 

On  Feb.  9,  1674,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Westminster,  the  eighth 
article  of  which  restored  the  country  to  the  English;  and  they  continued  in 
undisturbed  possession  from  the  November  following  until  the  war  which 
secured  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

On  the  conclusion  of  peace  the  Duke  of  York  obtained  from  the  King  a 
new  patent,  dated  June  29,  1674,  similar  in  its  privileges  and  extent  to  the 
first;  and  on  October  30  Edmund  Andros  arrived  with  a  commission  as  gov- 
ernor, clothing  him  with  power  to  take  possession  of  New  York  and  its  depen- 
dencies, which,  in  the  words  of  the  commission  included  '*  all  the  land  from 
the  west  side  of  Connecticut  River  to  the  east  side  of  Delaware  Bay."  On 
November  9  he  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  expressly  declared  that 
all  former  grants,  privileges,  or  concessions,  and  all  estates  legally  possessed 
by  and  under  His  Royal  Highness  before  the  late  Dutch  government,  were 
thereby  confirmed,  and  the  possessors  by  virtue  thereof  to  remain  in  quiet 
possession  of  their  rights.  King  Charles  on  June  13,  prior  to  the  issuing  of 
a  new  patent  by  the  Duke  of  York,  wrote  a  circular  letter  confirming  in  all 
respects  the  title  and  power  of  Carteret  in  East  Jersey. 


430 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


GMIO^M  iJUXJlI^ 


On  July  28  and  29,  1674,  Sir  George  Carteret  received  a  new  grant  from 
the  Duke  of  York,  equally  full  as  to  rights  and  privileges,  giving  him  in- 
dividually all  of  the  Province  north  of  a  line  drawn  from  a  certain  *'  creek 
called  Barnegat  to  a  certain  creek  on  Delaware  River,  next  adjoining  to  and 
below  a  certain  creek  on  Delaware  River  called  Rankokus  Kill,"  a  stream 
south  of  what  is  now  Burlington, — the  sale  of  Berkeley's  interest  in  the 
Province  being  evidently  considered  as  leading  to  its  division. 

This  had  taken  place  on  March  18,  167^,  Lord  Berkeley  disposing  of  his 
portion  of  the  Province  to  John  Fenwicke,  —  Edward  Byllynge  being  inter- 
ested in  the  transaction.     As  these 
/L  .  two  were  members  of  the  Society 

f^^^    /T\  ^  of  Quakers,  or  Friends,  who  had 

y4\^  ^  /\l^j4\/  /^'J        y^^     experienced   much    persecution  in 

/^^^^  *  (f^  ^''^''^^r:^^^^^^^'  England,  it  is  thought  that  in  mak- 
**^  ^  ing  this  purchase  they  had  in  view 

the  securing  for  themselves  and  their  religious  associates  a  place  of  retreat. 
Some  difficulty  was  experienced  in  determining  the  respective  interests  of 
Fenwicke  and  Byllynge  in 
the  property  they  had  ac- 
quired, and  the  intervention 
of  William  Penn  was  se-  *  ^ 
cured.  He  awarded  one  tenth  of  the  Province,  with  a  considerable  sum  of 
money,  to  Fenwicke,  and  the  remaining  nine  tenths  to  Byllynge.     Not  long 

after,  Byllynge,  who  was  a  merchant,  met 
yy/'jr0  ^  with  misfortunes,  which  obliged  him  to  make 
^^^§^  a  conveyance  of  his  interest  to  others.  It  was 
^  therefore  assigned  to  three  of  his  fellow  asso- 
ciates among  the  Quakers, — William  Penn,  Gawen  Lawrie,  and  Nicholas 
Lucas.      This    conveyance  was   signed    Feb.     X^  r\ 

10,   1674.      The  nine  undivided   tenths  were  St\Xu  i/    1/        ^Art^ 

assigned  to  the  three  persons  just  mentioned,  ^^^^Vy\d\/^^  yVlLrrW^_^ 
to  be  held  by  them  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  Byllynge's  creditors ;  and  not 
long  after  Fenwicke's  tenth  was  also  placed  under  their  control,  although  he 
had  executed  a  lease  to  John  Eldridge  and  Edmond  Warner  for  a  thousand 
years,  to  secure  the  repayment  of  sums  of  money  obtained  from  them.  A 
discretionary  power  to  sell  was  conferred  by  the  lease,  leading  to  complica- 
tions of  title  and  management. 

Philip  Carteret  had  remained  in  England  until  the  negotiations  subse- 
quent to  the  surrender  of  the  Dutch  were  completed  and  the  new  grant  for 
East  Jersey  obtained;  and  on  July  31,  1674,  he  was  recommissioned  as  gov- 
ernor, and  returned  to  the  Province,  bringing  with  him  further  regulations 
respecting  the  laying  out  of  lands,  the  payment  of  quit-rents,  and  other 
obligations  of  the  settlers.  His  return  seems  to  have  greatly  pleased  the 
people  of  East  Jersey.  His  commission,  and  the  other  documents  of  which 
he  was  made  the  bearer,  were  published  at  Bergen,  Nov.  6,  1674,  in  the 


Tiicu,^ 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY.  431 

presence   of  his   council    and   commissioners    from    all   the   towns    except 
Shrewsbury. 

After  the  Governor's  return  the  assemblies  met  annually  with  consid- 
erable regularity,  the  first  at  Elizabethtown  on  Nov.  5,  1675,  and  the  others 
either  there  or  at  VVoodbridge  or  Middletown.  Sufficient  unanimity  seems 
to  have  prevailed  among  the  different  branches  of  government,  to  secure 
legislation  upon  all  subjects  which  the  advancement  of  the  Province  in 
population  rendered  essential. 

As  yet  no  material  change  in  the  condition  of  West  Jersey  as  to  settle- 
ment had  taken  place;  but  in  1675  John  Fenwicke,  with  many  others,  came 
over  in  the  ship  ''  Griffith  "  from  London  and  landed  at  wliat  is  now  Salem, 
—  so  called  by  them  from  the  peaceful  aspect  which  the  site  then  wore.  No 
other  settlers,  however,  arrived  for  two  years. 

Although  the  commission  of  Andros  as  governor  of  New  York  author- 
ized him  to  take  possession  of  the  Province  **  and  its  dependencies,"  yet 
having  been  conversant  with  the  transactions  in  England  affecting  New 
Jersey,  which  had  taken  place  subsequent  to  its  date,  he  did  not  presume 
at  first  to  assert  his  authority  over  that  Province,  otherwise  than  to  collect 
duties  there  similar  to  those  constituting  the  Duke's  revenue  in  New  York. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  he  took  measures  to  collect  the  same  customs  at 
Hoarkill,  in  West  Jersey ;  and  on  the  arrival  of  Fenwicke  with  his  settlers 
at  Salem,  a  meeting  of  his  council  was  held  Dec.  5,  1675,  ^t  which  an  order 
was  issued  prohibiting  any  privilege  or  freedom  of  customs  or  trading  on 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware,  nor  was  Fenwicke  to  be  recognized  as 
owner  or  proprietor  of  any  land.  As  this  prohibition  was  not  regarded  by 
Fenwicke,  on  Nov.  8,  1676,  directions  were  given  to  the  council  at  New- 
castle to  arrest  him  and  send  him  to  New  York.  This  proceeding  not  being 
acquiesced  in  by  Fenwicke,  a  judicial  and  military  force  was  despatched  in 
December  to  make  the  arrest.  On  producing,  for  the  inspection  of  Andros, 
the  King's  Letters  Patent,  the  Duke  of  York's  grant  to  Berkeley  and  Car- 
teret, and  Lord  Berkeley's  deed  to  himself,  Fenwicke  was  allowed  to  return 
to  West  Jersey,  on  condition  that  he  should  present  himself  again  on  or 
before  the  6th  of  October  following,  —  the  fact  that  the  Duke  was  author- 
ized to,  and  did,  transfer  all  his  rights  in  New  Jersey,  *'  in  as  full  and  ample 
manner  "  as  he  had  received  them,  being  an  argument  that  Andros  could 
not  readily  refute.  Fenwicke  complied  with  the  prescribed  terms  of  his 
release  and,  after  some  detention  as  a  prisoner,  was  liberated  (as  asserted  by 
Andros)  on  his  parole  not  to  assume  any  authority  in  West  Jersey  until 
further  warrant  should  be  given. 

It  being  evident  that  the  grant  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  Sir  George  Car- 
teret in  July,  1674,  had  not  made  an  equitable  division  of  the  Province 
between  him  and  the  assigns  of  Sir  John  Berkeley,  the  Duke  induced  Sir 
George  to  relinquish  that  grant,  and  another  deed  of  division  was  executed 
on  July  I,  1676,  known  as  the  Quintipartite  Deed,  making  the  dividing  line 
to  run  from  Little  Egg  Harbor  to  what  was  called  the  northernmost  branch 


432 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF  AMERICA. 


of  the  Delaware  River,  in  41°  40'  north  latitude;  and  from  that  time  the 
measures  adopted  by  the  Proprietors  of  the  two  provinces  to  advance  the 
interests  of  their  respective  portions  were  enforced  separately  and  independ- 
ently of  each  other. 

The  trustees  of  Byllynge  effected  sales  of  land  to  two  companies  of 
Friends,  one  from  Yorkshire  and  the  other  from  London;  and  in  1677 
commissioners  were  sent  out  with  power  to  purchase  lands  of  the  natives, 
to  lay  out  the  various  patents  that  might  be  issued,  and  otherwise  administer 
the  government.  The  ship  "Kent"  was  sent  over  with  two  hundred  and 
thirty  passengers,  and  after  a  long  passage  she  arrived  in  the  Delaware  in 
August  (1677),  and  the  following  month  a  settlement  was  made  on  the  site 
of  the  present  Burlington. 

The  commissioners  came  in  the  *'  Kent,"  which,  on  her  way  to  the  Dela- 
ware, anchored  at  Sandy  Hook.  Thence  the  commissioners  proceeded  to 
New  York  to  inform  Governor  Andros  of  their  intentions;  and,  although 
they  failed  to  secure  an  absolute  surrender  of  his  authority  over  their  lands, 
he  promised  them  his  aid  in  getting  their  rights  acknowledged,  they  in  the 
mean  time  acting  as  magistrates  under  him,  and  being  permitted  to  carry 
out  the  views  of  the  Proprietors.  During  the  following  months  of  1677, 
and  in  1678,  several  hundred  more  immigrants  arrived  and  located  them- 
selves on  the  Yorkshire  and  London  tracts,  or  tenths  as  they  were  called. 

The  settlers  of  West  Jersey,  as  a  body,  were  too  intelligent  for  them  to 
remain  long  without  an  established  form  of  government,  and  on  March  3, 
1677,  a  code  of  laws  was  adopted  under  the  title  of  "  The  Concessions  and 
Agreements  of  the  Proprietors,  Freeholders,  and  Inhabitants  of  the  Province 
of  West  Jersey."  It  was  drawn  up,  as  is  presumed,  by  William  Penn  and 
his  immediate  coadjutors,  as  his  name  heads  the  list  of  signers,  of  whom 
there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty-one.  The  chief  or  executive  authority 
was  by  these  Concessions  lodged  in  the  hands  of  commissioners  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  then  Proprietors,  and  their  provisions  cannot  but  meet  with 
general  approval.  This  code  is  to  be  considered  as  the  first  example  of 
Quaker  legislation,  and  is  marked  by  great  liberality.  The  framers,  as  a 
proprietary  body,  retained  no  authority  exclusively  to  themselves,  but  placed 
all  power  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  The  document  was  to  be  read  at  the 
beginning  and  close  of  each  general  assembly;  and,  that  all  might  know  its 
provisions,  four  times  in  a  year  it  was  to  be  read  in  a  solemn  manner  in 
every  hall  of  justice  in  the  Province. 

The  settlers  on  Fenwicke's  tenth  did  not  participate  in  the  privileges  of 
these  Concessions.  On  returning  to  the  Province,  after  his  confinement  in 
New  York,  Fenwicke  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  officers  for  his  colony, 
demanding  in  the  name  of  the  King  the  submission  of  the  people,  and  di- 
rectly afterward  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  — as  ''Lord  and  Chief 
Proprietor  of  the  said  Province  [West  Jersey],  and  in  particular  Fenwicke's 
colony  within  the  same  "  — req^uired  all  persons  to  appear  before  him  within 
one  month  and  show  their  orders  or  warrants  for  "  their  pretended  titles," 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY.  433 

assuming  an  independent  authority  entirely  at  variance  with  the  proprietary 
directions. 

The  commissioners  of  the  Byllynge  tenths,  however,  do  not  appear  to 
have  made  any  attempt  to  interfere  with  him,  confining  their  authority  to 
the  Hmits  of  their  own  well  defined  tracts ;  but  if  Fenwicke  escaped  an- 
noyance from  his  near  neighbors  he  was  not  so  fortunate  in  his  relations 
with  his  former  persecutor,  Andros,  as  he  is  represented  as  being,  not  long 
after  his  return,  again  at  Newcastle  under  arrest,  waiting  for  some  opportu- 
nity to  be  sent  again  to  New  York. 

Although,  as  has  been  stated,  general  quietude  prevailed  in  East  Jersey 
for  some  years  after  Carteret's  return  from  England,  yet  it  must  be 'consid- 
ered as  resulting  less  from  the  desire  of  the  people  to  co-operate  with  him, 
than  from  the  want  of  leaders  willing  to  guide  and  uphold  them  in  ultra 
proceedings.  The  exaction  of  customs  in  New  York,  by  direction  of  the 
representatives  of  the  Duke  of  York,  operated  more  to  the  annoyance  of 
the  inhabitants  on  the  Delaware  than  to  those  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the 
Province,  and  it  was  with  great  anxiety  that  the  adventurers  to  West  Jersey 
regarded  the  course  of  Andros  in  relation  thereto ;  but  in  East  Jersey,  the 
proximity  to  New  York  rendered  a  direct  trade  with  foreign  lands  less  nec- 
essary. Andros  steadily  opposed  all  projects  of  the  Governor  to  render 
East  Jersey  more  independent  of  New  York,  and  the  death  of  Sir  George 
Carteret  in  January,  1680,  seems  to  have  inspired  him  with  fresh  vigor  in 
asserting  the  claims  of  the  Duke  of  York.  Recalling  to  mind  that  New 
Jersey  was  within  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction -according  to  his  commission, 
he  addressed  a  letter  to  Governor  Carteret  in  March,  1679/80,  informing 
him  that,  being  advised  of  his  acting  without  legal  authority  to  the  great 
disturbance  of  His  Majesty's  subjects,  he  required  him  to  cease  exercising 
any  authority  whatever  within  the  limits  of  the  Duke  of  York's  patent, 
unless  his  lawful  power  so  to  do  was  first  recorded  in  New  York.  To  this 
unlooked  for  and  unwarranted  communication,  Governor  Carteret  replied 
on  March  20,  two  days  after  its  receipt,  informing  his  indignant  correspon- 
dent that  after  consultation  with  his  council  he  and  they  were  prepared  to 
defend  themselves  and  families  against  any  and  all  aggressions,  having  a 
perfect  conviction  of  the  validity  of  the  authority  they  exercised.  Before 
this  letter  was  received  by  Andros,  or  even  written,  he  had  issued  a  procla- 
mation abrogating  the  government  of  Carteret  and  requiring  all  persons  to 
submit  to  the  King's  authority  as  embodied  in  himself  Emissaries  were 
despatched  to  East  Jersey  to  undermine  the  authority  of  Carteret,  and  every 
other  means  adopted  to  estrange  the  people  from  their  adhesion  to  the  Pro- 
prietary government. 

On  April  7  Andros,  accompanied  by  his  council,  presented  himself  at 
Elizabethtown,  and  Carteret,  finding  that  they  were  unattended  by  any  mil- 
itary force,  dismissed  a  body  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  gathered  for  his 
defence ;  and,  receiving  his  visitors  with  civility,  a  mutual  exposition  was 
made  of  their  respective  claims  to  the  government  of  East  Jersey.  The 
VOL.  iir.  —  55. 


434 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


conference  ended  as  it  had  begun.  Andros  having  now,  as  he  said,  per- 
formed his  duty  by  fully  presenting  his  authority  and  demanding  the  gov- 
ernment in  behalf  of  His  Majesty,  cautioned  them  against  .refusal.  ''  Then 
we  went  to  dinner,"  says  Carteret  in  his  account  of  the  interview,  *'  and  that 
done  we  accompanied  him  to  the  ship,  and  so  parted." 

Carteret's  hospitality,  however,  was  lost  upon  Andros.  On  April  30  a 
party  of  soldiers,  sent  by  him,  dragged  the  Governor  from  his  bed  and  car- 
ried him  to  New  York,  bruised  and  maltreated,  where  he  was  kept  in  prison 
until  May  27,  when  a  special  court  was  convened  for  his  trial  for  having 
"  persisted  and  riotously  and  routously  endeavored  to  maintain  the  exercise 
of  jurisdiction  and  government  over  His  Majesty's  subjects  within  the 
bounds  of  His  Majesty's  letters-patent  to  His  Royal  Highness." 

Carteret  boldly  maintained  his  independence' under  these  trying  circum- 
stances. He  fully  acknowledged  before  the  court  his  refusal  to  surrender 
his  government  to  Andros  without  the  special  command  of  the  King,  sub- 
mitted the  various  documents  bearing  upon  the  subject,  and  protested 
against  the  jurisdiction  of  a  court  where  his  accuser  and  imprisoner  was 
also  his  judge. 

The  jury  brought  in  a  verdict  of  "  not  guilty,"  which  Andros  would  not 
receive,  obliging  them  to  reconsider  their  action, two  or  three  times;  and  it 
is  somewhat  singular  that  they  should  have  held  firm  to  their  first  decision. 
They,  however,  gave  in  so  far  as  to  require  Governor  Carteret  to  give  se- 
curity not  to  exercise  any  authority  on  his  return  to  East  Jersey,  until  the 
matter  could  be  referred  to  the  authorities  in  England. 

Andros  lost  no  time  in  profiting  by  Carteret's  violent  deposition,  for 
although  it  is  said  that,  attended  by  his  whole  retinue  of  ladies  and  gentle- 
men, he  escorted  Carteret  to  his  home  in  Elizabethtown,  yet  on  June  2 
Andros  met  the  Assembly  at  that  place,  presented  again  his  credentials, 
and  recommended  such  enactments  as  would  confirm  all  past  judicial  pro- 
ceedings, and  the  adoption  of  the  laws  in  force  in  New  York.  The  repre- 
sentatives, while  they  treated  Andros  with  respect,  were  not  unmindful  of 
what  was  due  to  themselves  as  freemen.  They  were  not  prepared  to  bow  in 
submission  even  to  His  Majesty's  Letters  Patent,  whenever  at  variance  with 
their  true  rights.  "What  we  have  formerly  done,"  said  they,  *'we  did  in 
obedience  to  the  authority  that  was  then  established  in  this  Province :  these 
things,  which  have  been  done  according  to  law,  require  no  confirmation." 
They  presented  for  the  approval  of  Andros  the  laws  already  in  force  as 
adapted  to  their  circumstances,  and  expressed  their  expectations  that  the 
privileges  conferred  by  the  Concessions  would  be  confirmed.  It  does  not 
appear  that  their  views  were  dissented  from  by  Andros,  or  that  his  visit  was 
productive  of  either  good  or  evil  results. 

In  consequence  of  the  dilatoriness  of  the  Proprietary  in  England,  Car- 
teret was  kept  in  suspense  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  year;  but  on 
March  2,  1 681,  he  issued  a  proclamation  announcing  the  receipt  by  him  of 
the  gratifying  intelligence  that  the  Duke  of  York  had  disavowed  the  acts 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY.  435 

of  Andros  and  denied  having  conferred  upon  him  any  authority  that  could 
in  the  least  have  derogated  from  that  vested  in  the  Proprietary ;  and  a  letter 
from  the  Duke's  secretary,  to  Andros  himself,  notified  him  that  His  Royal 
Highness  had  relinquished  all  right  or  claim  to  the  Province,  except  the 
reserved  rent. 

About  this  time  Andros  returned  to  England,  leaving  Anthony  Broc- 
holst,  president  of  the  council,  as  his  representative.  There  is  some  mys- 
tery about  his  conduct  towards  New  Jersey.  He  may  have  thought  that 
the  party  in  East  Jersey,  inimical  to  the  proprietary  government,  might 
enable  him  to  regain  possession  of  it  for  the  Duke,  and  thereby  increase 
the  estimation  in  which  he  might  be  held  by  him.  For  Andros  had  ene- 
mies in  New  York  who  had  interested  themselves  adversely  to  his  interests, 
making  such  an  impression  upon  the  Duke  that  his  voyage  to  England  at 
this  time  was  taken  in  accordance  with  the  express  command  of  his  su- 
perior, to  answer  certain  charges  preferred  against  him. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  common  enemy  soon  reproduced  the  bickerings 
and  disputings  which  had  characterized  much  of  Carteret's  administration. 
He  convened  an  Assembly  at  Elizabethtown  in  October,  1681,  at  which  such 
violent  altercations  took  place  that  the  Governor,  for  the  first  time  in  the  his- 
tory of  New  Jersey,  dissolved  the  Assembly,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the 
representatives.  This  was  the  last  Assembly  during  the  administration  of 
Carteret,  for  the  ensuing  year  he  resigned  the  government  into  other  hands. 

Sir  George  Carteret  died,  as  has  been  stated,  in  1680,  leaving  his  widow, 
Lady  Elizabeth,  his  executrix.  He  devised  his  interest  in  New  Jersey  to 
eight  trustees  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  his  creditors ;  and  their  attention 
was  immediately  given  to  finding  a  purchaser,  by  private  application  or  pub- 
lic advertisement.  These  modes  of  proceeding  proving  unsuccessful  it 
was  offered  at  public  sale  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  William  Penn  and 
eleven  associates,  all  thought  to  have  been  Quakers,  and  some  of  whom 
were  already  interested  in  West  Jersey,  became  the  purchasers  for  ^3,400. 
Their  deeds  of  lease  and  release  were  dated  Feb.  i  and  2,  168 1/2,  and  sub- 
sequently each  one  sold  one  half  of  his  interest  to  a  new  associate,  making 
in  all  twenty-four  proprietors.  On  March  14,  168 1/2,  the  Duke  of  York 
confirmed  the  sale  of  the  Province  to  the  Twenty-four  by  giving  a  new  grant 
more  full  and  expHcit  than  any  previous  one,  in  which  their  names  are  in- 
serted in  the  following  order:  James,  Earl  of  Perth,  John  Drummond,  Rob- 
ert Barclay,  David  Barclay,  Robert  Gordon,  Arent  Sonmans,  William  Pen?i, 
Robert  West,  Thomas  Riidyard,  Samuel  Groom,  Thomas  Hart,  Richard  Mew, 
Ambrose  Rigg,  John  Hey  wood,  Hugh  Harts  home,  Clemefit  Plumstead, 
Thomas  Cooper,  Gawen  Lawrie,  Edward  Byllynge,  James  Brain,  William 
Gibson,  Thomas  Barker,  Robert  Turner,  and  Thomas  Warne,  —  those  in 
italics  being  the  names  of  eleven  of  the  first  twelve,  Thomas  Wilcox,  the 
twelfth,  having  parted  with  his  entire  interest. 

There  was  a  strange  commingling  of  religions,  professions,  and  characters 
in  these  Proprietors,  among  them  being,  as  the  historian  Wynne  observes. 


436  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

"High  Prerogative  men  (especially  those  from  Scotland),  Dissenters,  Pa- 
pists, and  Quakers."  This  bringing  together  such  a  diversity  of  political  and 
relio-ious  ideas  and  habits  was  doubtless  with  a  view  to  harmonize  any  outside 
influences  that  it  might  be  deemed  advisable  to  secure,  in  order  to  advance  the 
interests  of  the  Province.  A  government  composed  entirely  of  Quakers  or 
Dissenters  or  Royalists  might  have  failed  to  meet  the  co-operation  desired, 
whereas  a  combination  of  all  might  have  been  expected  to  unite  all  parties. 

Robert  Barclay  of  Urie,  a  Scottish  gentleman,  a  Quaker,  and  a  personal 
friend  of  William  Penn,  was  selected  to  be  governor.      He  occupied  a  high 

position  among  those  of  his  religion  for  the  influ- 
v^^w"^  /?  ence  exerted  in  their  behalf,  and  for  the  numerous 

f/j\J]/y7/\/JA^-^    works  written  by  him  in  defence  of  their  principles, 
y7^  — the  most  celebrated  being  An  Apology  for  the 

^  True  Christian  Divinity  as  the  same  is  preached 

and  held  forth  by  the  people,  in  scorn,  called  Quakers,  — and  moreover  he 
was  equally  capable  of  excelling  in  worldly  matters.  He  was  subse- 
quently commissioned  governor  for  life ;  and,  as  if  his  name  alone  were 
sufficient  to  insure  a  successful  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Province, 
he  was  not  required  to  visit  East  Jersey  in  person,  but  might  exercise  his 
authority  there  by  deputy.  He  selected  for  that  position  Thomas  Rud- 
yard,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  London,  originally  from  the  town  of  Rudyard 
in  Staffordshire.  It  was  probably  from  his  connection  with  the  trials  of 
prominent  Quakers,  in  1670,  that  he  became  interested  in  the  East  Jersey 
project.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  preliminary  measures  for  advancing 
the  designs  of  the  Proprietors.  The  Concessions,  their  plans  for  one  or 
more  towns,  a  map  of  the  country,  and  other  documents  were  deposited  at 
his  residence  in  London  for  the  inspection  of  all  adventurers. 

The  entire  population  of  East  Jersey  at  this  time  was  estimated  at  about 
five  thousand,  occupying  Shrewsbury,  Middletown,  Piscataway,  Wood- 
bridge,  Elizabethtown,  Newark,  Bergen,  and  the  country  in  their  respec- 
tive vicinities. 

Deputy-Governor  Rudyard,  accompanied  by  Samuel  Groom  as  receiver 
and  surveyor-general,  arrived  in  the  Province  in  November  1682,  and  both 
were  favorably  impressed  by  the  condition  and  advantages  of  the  country. 
On  December  10  following  the  council  was  appointed,  consisting  of  Colonel 
Lewis  Morris,  Captain  John  Berry,  Captain  William  Sandford,  Lawrence  An- 
dress,  and  Benjamin  Price,  before  whom,  on  December  20,  the  deputy-gov- 
ernor took  his  oath  of  office,  having  previously  on  the  ist  been  sworn  as  chief 
register  of  the  Proprietors.  The  instructions  with  which  Rudyard  was  fur- 
nished by  the  Proprietors  or  Governor  Barclay  are  not  on  record,  but  they 
are  presumed  to  have  been  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  a  letter  to  the 
planters  and  inhabitants,  with  which  he  was  furnished,  inculcating  harmony 
and  earnest  endeavors  to  advance  their  joint  interests.  The  previous  Con- 
cessions being  confirmed,  Rudyard  convened  an  Assembly  at  Elizabethtown, 
March  i,  1683  ;   and  during  the  year  two  additional  sessions  were  held  and 


THE    ENGLISH    IN   EAST  AND   WEST  JERSEY.  437 

several  acts  of  importance  passed.  Among  them  was  one  establishing  the 
bounds  of  four  counties  into  which  the  Province  was  divided.  **  Bergen  " 
included  the  settlements  between  the  Hudson  and  Hackensack  rivers,  and 
extended  to  the  northern  bounds  of  the  Province;  **  Essex"  included  all 
the  country  north  of  the  dividing  line  between  Woodbridge  and  Elizabeth- 
town,  and  west  of  the  Hackensack ;  "  Middlesex  "  took  in  all  the  lands  from 
the  Woodbridge  line  on  the  north  to  Chesapeake  Harbor  on  the  southeast, 
and  back  southwest  and  northwest  to  the  Province  bounds ;  and  **  Mon- 
mouth" comprised  the  residue. 

Although  the  administration  of  Rudyard  appears  to  have  been  productive 
of  beneficial  results,  securing  a  great  degree  of  harmony  among  the  varied 
interests  prevailing  in  the  Province,  yet,  differing  from  him  in  opinion  as  to 
the  policy  of  certain  measures,  the  Proprietors,  while  their  confidence  in 
him  seems  to  have  been  unimpaired,  thought  proper  to  put  another  in  his 
place.  The  principal  reason,  therefore,  appears  to  have  been  that  Rud- 
yard and  the  surveyor-general  Groom  differed  as  to  the  mode  of  laying  out 
lands.  The  Concessions  contemplated  the  division  of  all  large  tracts  into 
seven  parts,  one  of  which  was  to  be  for  the  Proprietors  and  their  heirs. 
Groom  refused  to  obey  the  warrants  of  survey  for  such  tracts  unless  such 
an  interest  of  the  Proprietors  therein  was  recognized,  but  the  governor  and 
his  council  took  the  position  that  the  patents,  not  the  surveys,  determined 
the  rights  of  the  parties ;  and,  to  have  their  views  carried  out.  Groom  was 
dismissed  and  Philip  Wells  appointed  to  be  his  successor.  The  Proprie- 
tors in  England,  regarding  this  measure  as  probably  in  some  way  lessening 
their  profits  in  the  Province,  sustained  the  surveyor-general's  views  and 
annulled  all  grants  not  made  in  accordance  therewith,  and  appointed  as 
Rudyard's  successor  Gawen  Lawrie,  a  merchant  of  London,  —  the  same  in- 
fluential Quaker  whom  we  have  seen  deeply  interested  already  in  West  Jer- 
sey as  one  of  Byllynge's  trustees,  and  whose  intelligence  and  active  business 
qualifications  made  his  administration  of  affairs  conspicuous. 

His  commission  was  dated  at  London  in  July  1683,  but  he  did  not  take 
his  oath  of  office  until  February  28  following.  Rudyard  retained  the  offices 
of  secretary  and  register  and  performed  their  duties  until  the  close  of  1685, 
when  he  left  for  Barbadoes,  being  succeeded  as  secretary  by  James  Emott. 
Lawrie  retained  Messrs.  Morris,  Berry,  Sandford,  and  Price  of  Rudyard's 
council,  and  appointed  four  others,  Richard  Hartshorne  of  Monmouth, 
Isaac  Kingsland  of  New  Barbadoes,  Thomas  Codrington  of  Middlesex, 
Henry  Lyon  of  Elizabeth,  and  Samuel  Dennis  of  Woodbridge. 

The  new  deputy-governor  brought  out  with  him  a  code  of  general  laws  — 
or  fundamental  constitutions  as  they  were  called,  consisting  of  twenty-four 
chapters,  or  articles,  adopted  by  the  Proprietors  in  England— which  was  con- 
sidered by  its  framers,  for  reasons  not  apparent,  as  so  superior  to  the  Con- 
cessions, that  only  those  who  would  submit  to  a  resurvey  and  approval  of 
their  several  grants,  arrange  for  the  payment  of  quit-rents,  and  agree  to  pass 
an  act  for  the  permanent  support  of  the  government  should  enjoy  its  pro- 


438  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

tection  and  privileges.  All  others  were  to  be  ruled  in  accordance  with  the 
Concessions.  This  virtually  established  two  codes  of  laws  for  the  Province. 
Lawrie,  however,  seems  to  have  been  convinced  of  the  impropriety  of  put- 
ing  the  new  code  in  force,  although  in  his  instructions  he  was  directed  as 
soon  as  possible  to  ''  order  it  to  be  passed  in  an  assembly  and  settle  the 
country  according  thereto."  Through  his  discretion,  therefore,  the  civil 
policy  of  the  Province  remained  unchanged. 

The  country  made  a  most  favorable  impression  upon  Lawrie.  "  There  is 
not  a  poor  body  in  all  the  Province,  nor  that  wants,"  wrote  he  to  the  Pro- 
prietors in  England  ;  and  he  urged  them  to  hasten  emigration  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  —  discovering  in  the  sparseness  of  the  population  one  great  cause 
of  the  difficulties  his  predecessors  had  encountered,  an  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  favorable  to  the  Proprietors'  interests  being  essential. 

The  Proprietors,  however,  had  not  been  so  unmindful  of  their  interests 
as  not  to  exert  themselves  to  induce  emigration  to  their  newly  acquired 
territory.  The  first  twelve  associates  directly  after  receiving  the  deed  for  the 
Province  published  a  Brief  Account  of  the  Province  of  East  Jersey,  present- 
ing it  in  a  very  favorable  light,  and  in  1683  the  Scotch  Proprietors  issued 
a  publication  of  a  similar  character.  These  publications,  aided  by  the 
personal  influence  of  Governor  Barclay  over  their  countrymen,  who  at  that 
time  were  greatly  dissatisfied  with  their  political  condition,  and  suffering 
under  religious  persecution,  excited  considerable  interest  for  the  Province, 
and  a  number  of  emigrants  were  soon  on  their  way  across  the  Atlantic. 
Many  of  them  were  sent  out  in  the  employ  of  different  Proprietors,  or 
under  such  agreements  as  would  afford  their  principals  the  benefits  of 
headland  grants,  fifty  acres  being  allowed  to  each  master  of  a  family  and 
twenty-five  for  each  person  composing  it,  whether  wife,  child,  or  servant,  — 
each  servant  to  be  bound  three  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  he  or 
she  was  to  be  allowed  to  take  up  thirty  acres  on  separate  account. 

Only  a  limited  success,  however,  attended  these  exertions ;  national  and 
religious  ties  were  not  so  easily  severed.  Notwithstanding  the  ills  that 
pressed  so  heavily  upon  them  and  their  countrymen,  the  voluntary  and 
perpetual  exile  which  they  were  asked  to  take  upon  them  required  more 
earnest  and  pertinent  appeals;  and  therefore,  in  1685,  a  work  appeared  en- 
titled The  Model  of  the  Gove?mmeTit  of  the  Provi^tce  of  East  New  Jersey  in 
America,  written  by  George  Scot  of  Pitlochie  at  the  request  of  the  Propri- 
etors, in  which  the  objections  to  emigration  were  refuted,  and  the  condition 
of  the  new  country  stated  at  length.  Further  reference  to  this  publication 
will  be  made  hereafter;  it  is  sufficient  to  state  at  present  that  it  led  to 
the  embarkation  of  nearly  two  hundred  persons  for  East  Jersey  on  board 
a  vessel  named  the  "  Henry  and  Francis,"  —  a  name  which  deserves  as  per- 
manent a  position  in  the  annals  of  New  Jersey  as  does  that  of  the  ''  May- 
flower" in  those  of  Massachusetts. 

The  instructions  of  the  Proprietors  to  Deputy-Governor  Lawrie  —  while 
firm  in  their  requirements  for  the  execution  of  all  engagements  which  justice 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY.  439 

to  themselves  and  other  settlers  called  upon  them  to  enforce  —  were  calcu- 
lated to  restore  tranquillity,  and  to  quiet,  for  a  time  at  least,  the  opposition 
to  their  government.  The  claims  under  the  Indian  purchases  having  been 
brought  to  their  notice,  and  relief  sought  from  the  evils  to  which  the  claim- 
ants had  been  subjected,  elicited  a  dignified  letter  in  reply,  upholding  the 
proprietary  authority,  and  presenting  in  a  forcible  manner  the  difficuhies 
which  would  inevitably  arise  should  that  authority  be  subverted.  In  order 
to  prevent  further  difficulties  from  the  acquisition  of  Indian  titles  by  indi- 
viduals the  right  to  purchase  was  continued  in  the  deputy-governor,  and 
he  was  directed  to  make  a  requisition  upon  the  Proprietors  for  the  neces- 
sary funds,  as  had  been  done  in  1682,  by  shipping  a  cargo  of  goods  valued 
at  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  and  expending  the  amount  for 
that  purpose. 

The  necessity  for  the  cultivation  of  good  feelings  with  the  Province  of 
New  York  was  manifest.  Having  for  its  chief  executive  one  whose  arbi- 
trary temper  and  disposition  led  him  to  disregard  solemn  engagements,  the 
relations  between  the  provinces  were  not  likely  to  be  made  more  harmoni- 
ous because  he  was  heir-apparent  to  the  throne  of  England ;  and  it  was  con- 
sequently in  accordance  both  with  the  principles  of  the  Friends  and  the 
promptings  of  sound  judgment  and  discretion,  that  the  Proprietors  urged 
upon  Lawrie  the  propriety  of  fostering  a  friendly  correspondence  with  New 
York,  and  avoiding  everything  that  might  occasion  misapprehension  or 
cause  aggressions  upon  their  rights. 

Lawrie  conformed  himself  to  the  tenor  of  his  instructions.  He  visited 
Governor  Dongan  and  remained  with  him  two  or  three  days,  discussing  their 
mutual  rights  and  privileges,  and  was  treated  by  him  with  kindness  and 
respect;  and  being  of  a  less  grasping  disposition  than  his  predecessor,  there 
were  no  open  acts  of  hostility  to  the  proprietary  government  manifested  by 
him. 

Immigration  and  a  transfer  of  rights  soon  brought  into  the  Province  a 
sufficient  number  of  Proprietors  to  allow  of  the  establishment  of  a  board 
of  commissioners  within  its  limits,  authorized  to  act  with  the  deputy- 
governor  in  the  temporary  approval  of  laws  passed  by  the  Assembly,  the 
purchasing  and  laying  out  of  lands,  and  other  matters,  —  thus  avoiding  the 
necessary  and  consequent  unpleasant  delay  attendant  upon  the  transmission 
of  such  business  details  to  the  Proprietors  in  England  before  putting  them 
in  operation.  This  body  was  formed  August  i,  1684, 
and  became  known  as  the  "  Board  of  Proprietors." 
To  this  board  was  intrusted  the  advancement  of  a 
new  town  to  be  called  Perth,  —  in  honor  of  the  Earl 
of  Perth,  one  of  the  Proprietors,  —  for  the  settlement 
of  which  proposals  had  been  issued  in  1682,  immediately  on  their  obtaining 
possession  of  the  Province. 

The  advancement  of  this  town  was  a  favorite  project,  and  at  the  time  of 
Lawrie's  arrival  several  houses  were  already  erected,  and  others  in  progress 


440  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

(Samuel  Groom  having  surveyed  and  laid  out  the  site)  ;  and  attention 
was  immediately  given  to  the  execution  of  the  plans  of  the  projectors, 
based  upon  the  expectation  that  it  would  become  the  chief  town  and  sea- 
port of  the  Province.  Lawrie  was  particularly  cautious,  in  carrying  out 
their  views  as  regarded  the  seaport,  not  to  infringe  any  of  the  navigation 
laws  respecting  the  payment  of  duties,  or  otherwise,  —  going  so  far  as  to 
admit  William  Dyre,  in  April,  1685,  to  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  collec- 
tor of  the  customs  in  New  Jersey,  which  naturally  led  to  difficulties.  Pre- 
viously vessels  had  been  permitted  by  Lawrie  to  proceed  directly  to  and  from 
the  Province,  and  the  inhabitants  valued  the  privilege ;  but  Dyre  had  not  been 
in  execution  of  his  office  more  than  two  or  three  months  before  he  com- 
plained to  the  commissioners  of  the  customs  of  the  opposition  encountered 
in  enforcing  the  regulations  he  had  established  for  entering  at  New  York  the 
vessels  destined  to  East  Jersey,  and  receiving  there  the  duti-es  upon  their 
cargoes.  This  state  of  affairs  continued  for  some  months ;  for,  although  the 
authorities  in  England  took  the  subject  into  consideration,  it  was  not  until 
April,  1686,  that  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  was  issued  against  the  Proprietors, — 
it  being  thought  of  great  prejudice  to  the  country  and  His  Majesty's  interest 
that  such  rights  as  they  claimed  should  be  longer  exercised. 

James,  Duke  of  York,  by  the  death  of  Charles  II.  in  May,  1685,  ^^id  been 
raised  to  the  throne  of  England,  and  his  assumption  of  royalty  simplified 
considerably  the  powers  for  ignoring  all  measures  conflicting  with  his  pri- 
vate interests ;  and  although  he  had  thrice  as  Duke  of  York,  by  different 
patents  and  by  numerous  other  documents,  confirmed  to  others  all  the 
rights,  powers,  and  privileges  which  he  himself  had  obtained,  the  increased 
revenue  which  was  promised  him  from  the  reacquisition  of  New  Jersey 
could  not  admit  of  any  hesitancy  in  adopting  measures  to  effect  it.  The 
Proprietors,  however,  were  firm  in  their  expostulations,  and  made  many 
suggestions  calculated  to  remove  the  pending  difficulties  ;  but  all  were  of  no 
avail  except  one,  looking  to  the  appointment  of  a  collector  of  the  cus- 
toms to  reside  at  Perth,  —  or  Perth  Amboy  as  it  began  to  be  called,  by  the 
addition  of  Amboy,  from  ainbo,  an  Indian  appellation  for  point.  The  first 
session  of  the  Assembly  was  held  there  as  the  seat  of  government,  April 
6,  1686. 

The  establishment  of  a  local  government  in  West  Jersey  in  1677  has  been 
noticed.  The  next  step  toward  rendering  it  more  perfect  was  the  election, 
by  the  Proprietors  in  England,  of  Edward  Byllynge  as  governor  of  the 
Province,  and  the  appointment  by  him  of  Samuel  Jenings  as  his  deputy. 
These  events  took  place  in  1680  and  1681,  and  Jenings  arrived  in  the  Pro- 
vmce  to  assume  the  government  in  September  of  the  latter  year,  the  first 
West  Jersey  Assembly  meeting  at  Burlington  in  November.  The  represen- 
tatives seem  to  have  had  a  full  sense  of  the  responsibilities  resting  upon 
them,  and  at  once  adopted  such  measures  as  were  deemed  essential  under 
the  altered  condition  of  affairs,  acknowledging  the  authority  of  the  deputy- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   EAST  AND   WEST  JERSEY.  441 

governor  on  condition  that  he  should  accept  certain  proposals  or  fundamen- 
tals of  government  affixed  to  the  laws  they  enacted.  This  Jenings  did, 
putting  his  hand  and  seal  thereto ;  as  did  also  Thomas  Olive,  the  Speaker,  by 
order  and  in  the  name  of  the  Assembly. 

Burlington  was  made  the  chief  town  of  the  Province,  and  the  method  of 
settling  and  regulating  the  lands  was  relegated  to  the  governor  and  eight 
individuals.  For  greater  convenience  the  Province  was  divided  into  two 
districts,  the  courts  of  each  to  be  held  at  Burlington  and  Salem.  The  second 
Assembly  met  May  2,  1682,  and  a  four  days'  session  seems  to  have  been 
sufficient  to  establish  the  affairs  of  the  Province  on  a  firm  basis.  Thomas 
Olive,  Robert  Stacy,  Mahlon  Stacy,  William  Biddle,  Thomas  Budd,  John 
Chaffin,  James  Nevill,  Daniel  Wills,  Mark  Newbie,  and  Elias  Farre  being 
chosen  as  the  council. 

Subsequent  meetings  of  the  Assembly  were  held  in  September,  and  in 
May,  1683.  At  this  last  some  important  measures  were  enacted  contributing 
to  good  government.  For  the  despatch  of  business  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil were  authorized  to  prepare  bills  for  the  consideration  of  the  Assembly, 
which  were  to  be  promulgated  twenty  days  before  the  meetings  of  that  body. 
The  governor,  council,  and  assembly  were  to  constitute  the  General  Assem- 
bly, and  have  definite  and  decisive  action  upon  all  bills  so  prepared.  As 
John  Fenwicke  was  one  of  the  representatives  to  this  Assembly,  it  is  evident 
that  he  recognized  for  his  Tenth  the  general  jurisdiction  which  had  been 
established.  It  is  understood  that  Byllynge  at  this  time  had  resolved  to 
relieve  Jenings  from  his  position,  as  his  own  independent  authority  was 
thought  to  be  endangered  by  Jenings's  continuance  in  office. 

At  this  Assembly  the  question  was  discussed  whether  the  purchase  at 
first  made  was  of  land  only  or  of  land  and  government  combined,  and  the 
conclusion  arrived  at  was  that  both  were  purchased ;  and  also  that  an  in- 
strument should  be  prepared  and  sent  to  London,  there  to  be  signed  by 
Byllynge,  confirmatory  of  this  view ;  and,  carrying  out  a  suggestion  of  Wil- 
liam Penn,  Samuel  Jenings  .was  by  vote  of  the  Assembly  elected  governor 
of  the  Province,  —  a  proceeding  which  was  satisfactory  to  the  people,  as  they 
desired  a  continuance  of  his  administration.  Thus  again  did  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  people  assert  their  claim  to  entire  freedom  from  all  authority 
not  instituted  by  themselves. 

As  Byllynge  did  not  acquiesce  as  promptly  as  was  desired  with  the  views 
of  the  Assembly,  it  was  determined  at  a  session  held  in  March,  1684,  that, 
for  the  vindication  of  the  people's  right  to  government.  Governor  Jenings 
and  Thomas  Budd  (George  Hutchinson  subsequently  acted  with  them) 
should  go  to  England  and  discuss  the  matter  with  Byllynge  in  person, — 
Thomas  Olive  being  appointed  deputy-governor  until  the  next  Assembly 
should  meet.  This  was  in  the  May  following,  at  which  time  Olive  was 
elected  governor,  and  his  council  made  to  consist  of  Robert  Stacy,  William 
Biddle,  Robert  Dusdale,  John  Gosling,  Elias  Farre,  Daniel  Wills,  Richard 
Guy,  Robert  Turner,  William  Emley  and  Christopher  White. 
VOL.  III.  —  s6. 


442  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 

The  mission  of  Jenings  was  only  partially  successful.  The  differences  be- 
tween Byllynge  and  the  people  were  referred  to  the  ''judgment  and  deter- 
mination "  of  George  Fox,  George  Whitehead,  and  twelve  other  prominent 
Friends ;  whose  award  was  to  the  effect  that  the  government  was  rightfully 
in  Byllynge,  and  that  they  could  not  find  any  authority  for  a  governor 
chosen  by  the  people.  This  award  was  made  in  October,  1684,  but  was 
signed  by  only  eight  of  the  fourteen  referees,  George  Fox  not  being  one  of 
them.  The  document  subsequently  became  the  cause  of  much  discussion. 
As  late  as  1699  it  was  printed  with  the  addition  of  many  severe  reflections 
upon  the  action  of  Jenings  and  his  friends,  drawing  from  him  equally  harsh 
animadversions  upon  those  from  whom  they  emanated.  In  accordance  with 
this  award  Byllynge  asserted  his  claims  to  the  chief  authority  over  the 
Province,  and  no  important  concessions  appear  to  have  been  made  to  the 
people. 

In  1685  Byllynge  appointed  John  Skene  to  be  his  deputy-governor;  and 
on  September  25  the  Assembly,  expressly  reserving  **  their  just  rights  and 
privileges,"  recognized  him  as  such,  Olive  continuing  to  act  as  chairman,  01 
speaker,  of  the  Assembly. 

Harmony  to  a  great  extent  prevailed  for  some  time,  Skene  not  attempt 
ing  to  exercise  any  authority  not  generally  acknowledged  by  the  people ; 
but  in  1687  Byllynge  died,  and  Dr.  Daniel  Coxe  of  London,  already  a 
large  proprietor,  having  purchased  the  whole  of  Byllynge's  interest  from 
his  heirs,  after  consultation  with  the  principal  Proprietors  in  England,  de- 
cided to  assume  the  government  of  the  Province  himself.  But  while  he 
thus  assumed,  in  his  own  person,  rights  which  the  people  had  claimed  as 
theirs,  he  did  not  refrain  from  granting  to  them  a  liberal  exercise  of  power, 
giving  assurances  that  all  reasonable  expectations  and  requests  would  be 
complied  with,  and  that  the  officers  who  had  been  chosen  by  the  people 
should  be  continued  in  their  several  positions.  It  is  somewhat  more  than 
doubtful  if  Coxe  ever  visited  the  Province  at  all,  and  indeed  he  probably 
did  not;  meanwhile  Byllynge's  deputy,  John  Skene,  acted  for  him  till 
the  death  of  the  latter  in  December,  1687,  when  Coxe  appointed  Edward 
Hunloke  in  his  stead. 

It  was  during  Lawrie's  administration  in  East  Jersey  that  the  first  steps 
were  taken  to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  that  Province  and  New  York. 
The  subject  was  discussed  by  him  and  Governor  Dongan  at  an  early  date; 
and  on  June  30,  1686,  a  council  was  held,  composed  of  the  two  deputy-gov- 
ernors and  several  gentlemen  of  both  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  at  which 
the  course  to  be  pursued  in  running  the  line  was  agreed  upon.  The  points 
on  the  Hudson  and  Delaware  rivers  were  subsequently  determined;  but 
nothing  further  was  done  for  several  years,  and  nearly  a  century  elapsed 
before  the  line  was  definitely  settled. 

There  are  some  allusions  made  to  the  fact  that  Lawrie  was  much  inter- 
ested m  West  Jersey,  as  accounting  for  his  dismissal  by  the  Proprietors  from 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY.  443 

his  position  as  their  deputy-governor  in  East  Jersey ;  but  so  far  as  the  rec- 
ords of  the  period  give  an  insight  into  the  motives  actuating  him  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  affairs  of  the  Province,  there  is  no  evidence  afforded  of 
any  want  of  interest  in  its  prosperity.  As  the  resuh  of  his  administration  did 
not  meet  their  expectations  of  profit,  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  should  have 
regarded  it  as  due  to  some  mistaken  pohcy  on  his  part.  In  the  appointment 
of  a  successor  they  were  evidently  led  by  the  large  influx  of  population 
from  Scotland  to  look  among  the  Proprietors  residing  there  for  a  suitable 
person ;  and  they  therefore  selected  Lord  Neill  Campbell,  a  brother  of  the 
Earl  of  Argyle,  who  was  obliged  to  flee  from  Scotland  in  consequence  of 
his  connection  with  that  nobleman,  who  had  been  beheaded  June  30,  1685, 
after  the  unfortunate  termination  of  his  invasion  of  that  country.  He  left 
for  East  Jersey  with  a  large  number  of  emigrants  not  long  after  that  event, 
and  reached  the  Province  in  December  of  the  same  year. 

Lord  Neill  was  appointed  deputy-governor  June  2,  1686,  for  two  years, 
but  his  commission  did  not  reach  him  until  October,  on  the  5th  of  which 
month  it  was  published;  and  on  the  i8th  he  announced  as  his  council 
Gawen  Lawrie,  John  Berry  of  Bergen,  Isaac  Kingsland  of  New  Barbadoes, 
Andrew  Hamilton  of  Amboy,  Richard  Townley  of  Elizabethtown,  Samuel 
Winder  of  Cheesequakes,  David  Mudie  and  John  Johnstone  of  Amboy,  and 
Thomas  Codrington  of  Raritan. 

It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance  that  the  great  diversity  existing  in  the 
characters,  religions,  pursuits,  and  political  relations  of  the  Proprietors  of 
East  Jersey  should  have  been  overcome  to  such  an  extent  as  to  allow  of 
harmonious  action  in  the  appointment  of  Lord  Neill  Campbell.  The  Earl 
of  Perth,  a  prominent  member  of  the  body,  was  one  of  the  jury  that  found 
the  Earl  of  Argyle  guilty  of  high  treason ;  and  yet,  stanch  adherent  as  he 
was  of  James,  he  could  consent  to  have  his  interests  in  East  Jersey  taken 
cfare  of  by  that  earl's  brother.  Robert  Barclay,  with  all  the  peculiarities 
of  his  peaceful  sect,  the  advocate  of  gentleness  and  non-resistance,  was 
wiUing  to  be  associated  with  a  stanch  Scotch  Presbyterian  soldier,  and  join 
in  commissioning  him  as  his  subordinate.  It  is  evident  that  private  preju- 
dices and  feelings  were  not  allowed  to  interfere  with  whatever  was  thought 
likely  to  conduce  to  the  advancement  of  their  pecuniary  interests  in  East 
Jersey. 

Lord  Neill's  administration,  however,  was  very  brief  On  December  10 
of  the  same  year,  "  urgent  necessity  of  some  weighty  matters  "  calling  him 
to  England,  he  appointed  Andrew  Hamilton  to  be  his  substitute,  and  sailed, 
it  is  presumed,  the  March  following,  Hamilton's  commission  being  pub- 
lished on  the  1 2th  of  that  month. 

Andrew  Hamilton  had  been  a  merchant  in  London,  and  came  to  the 
Province  with  his  family  in  June,  1686,  as  an  agent  of  the  Proprietors  in 
London.  He  at  first  declined  accepting  the  position  tendered  him,  and 
Lawrie,  who  was  one  of  the  council,  openly  protested  against  his  appoint- 
ment, because  of  his  unpopularity  with  the  planters  ;  but  his  authority  having 


444  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

been  confirmed  by  a  commission  from  Governor  Barclay  in  August,  1687, 
all  open  opposition  thereto  seems  to  have  ceased.  Hamilton  appears  to 
have  been  a  man  of  intelligence,  and  to  have  acted  in  a  manner  which  he 
conceived  to  be  calculated  to  advance  the  best  interests  of  the  Proprietors 
without  involving  them  with  the  people,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  any  great  cor- 
diality existed  between  the  governor  and  the  governed  at  that  period. 

Before  his  death  Charles  II.  had  been  led  to  call  for  a  surrender  of  the 
charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and,  meeting  with  a  refusal  from  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  was  issued  in  1684.  The  death  of 
the  King  left  the  proceedings  to  be  consummated  by  his  successor,  whose 
rapacity  prompted  him  to  subvert  the  liberties  of  all  the  colonies ;  and  his 
pliant  servant  Andros,  whom  he  had  knighted,  was  sent  over  with  a  com- 
mission that  covered  all  New  England.  Sir  Edmund  took  up  his  residence 
in  Boston,  assumed  the  supreme  authority  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  fol- 
lowing year  dissolved  in  succession  the  governments  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut,  taking  to  himself  all  power  and  dominion,  even  beyond  the 
limits  granted  by  his  royal  master.^ 

The  Proprietors,  finding  it  impossible  to  overcome  the  determination  of 
James  to  unite  New  York  and  New  Jersey  to  New  England  under  the  same 
government,  deemed  it  advisable  to  abandon  the  unavailing  contest,  and 
by  acceding  to  the  King's  design  to  obtain  from  him  an  efficient  guarantee 
that  he  would  respect  their  rights  to  the  soil.  A  surrender  of  their  patent, 
so  far  as  the  government  was  concerned,  was  therefore  made  in  April,  1688, 
James  having  agreed  to  accept  it ;  and,  the  Proprietors  of  West  Jersey  hav- 
ing acceded  also  to  the  arrangement,  a  new  commission  was  issued  to  Sir 
Edmund  Andros,  annexing  both  provinces  and  New  York  to  his  govern- 
ment, and  Francis  Nicholson  was  appointed  his  lieutenant-governor. 

The  course  of  Andros  in  accepting  the  simple  acknowledgment  of  his 
authority  as  sufficient,  without  revolutionizing  the  government  and  dismiss- 
ing the  functionaries  in  office  in  New  Jersey,  was  doubtless  in  a  great  meas- 
ure owing  to  the  fact  that  the  surrender  by  the  Proprietors  of  their  right 
to  govern  rendered  necessary  the  issuing  of  a  new  grant  to  them  from  the 
Crown,  confirmatory  of  all  the  immunities  of  the  soil ;  and  until  that  could 
be  perfected,  it  may  have  been  considered  expedient  not  to  disturb  the  ex- 
isting regulations.  It  is  nevertheless  remarkable  that  any  considerations  of 
the  kind  should  have  had  so  mollifying  an  effect  upon  one  whose  arrogance, 
disregard  of  the  rights  of  others,  and  impetuosity  of  temper  were  so  intru- 
sively manifest  as  in  Edmund  Andros. 

By  the  seizure  of  Andros  in  New  England  in  April,  1689,  in  anticipation 
of  the  successful  revolution  in  England  in  favor  of  William  and  Mary,  which 
promised  the  subversion  of  his  authority  not  only  there  but  also  in  the 
other  colonies  that  had  been  placed  within  his  jurisdiction,  an  opportunity 
was  afforded  the  Proprietors  of  New  Jersey  to  resume  all  the  rights  and 

[See  chapter  ix.;  and  the  full  treatment  of  the  struggle  to  maintain  the  charter,  given  by  Mr 
Deane.  in  the  Metnorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  329. Ed.] 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY.  445 

privileges  of  which  they  had  been  despoiled.  But  there  were  impediments 
in  the  way.  They  were  not  sure  of  the  support  of  the  people,  and  being 
separated,  —  some  in  England,  some  in  Scotland,  and  some  in  New  Jersey, 
—  it  was  not  possible  that  unanimity  of  action  could  be  secured.  Many  of 
them,  having  been  closely  allied  to  King  James,  were  probably  disposed  to 
cling  to  him  in  his  misfortunes,  and  had  the  deputy-governor  thrown  off 
the  responsibilities  he  had  so  recently  resumed  as  the  representative  of  the 
Crown,  for  the  purpose  of  re-establishing  the  authority  of  the  Proprietors, 
it  would  have  been  attended  with  great  doubt  and  uncertainty  as  to  his  suc- 
cess, the  people  having  so  definitely  manifested  their  preference  for  a  royal 
government. 

In  April  Hamilton  received  a  summons  from  the  mayor  of  New  York, 
acting  as  lieutenant  of  Andros ;  and,  attended  by  the  justices  of  Bergen, 
repaired  thither  to  consult  upon  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued  in  the 
peculiar  situation  of  affairs  prevailing  in  the  two  colonies,  but  nothing  of 
consequence  resulted  from  the  conference.  The  deputy-governor  on  sub- 
sequent occasions  was  invited  to  similar  consultations  in  New  York,  but 
does  not  seem  to  have  compromised  himself  in  any  way  with  any  party; 
and,  as  so  much  doubt  existed  as  to  what  was  the  proper  course  for  him 
to  pursue,  he  resolved  in  August  to  proceed  to  England  in  person  to  advise 
with  the  Proprietors  there.  On  his  way  thither  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  French,  and  appears  to  have  been  detained  in  France  until  the  May 
following,  when  he,  being  then  in  England,  resigned  his  position  as  the 
deputy-governor.  From  the  time  of  Hamilton's  departure  for  England 
until  1692  the  inhabitants  of  East  Jersey  were  left  to  the  guardianship  of 
their  county  and  town  officers,  who  seemed  to  have  possessed  all  necessary 
powers  to  preserve  the  peace.  So  also  in  West  Jersey.  The  course  of 
events  caused  but  little  alteration  in  the  general  condition  of  the  Province 
after  the  surrender  of  the  government  to  Andros  in  April,  1688,  and  the 
subsequent  suspension  of  his  authority. 

In  1687  George  Keith,  surveyor-general  of  East  Jersey,  under  orders 
from  the  Proprietors  there,  attempted  to  run  the  dividing  line  between  the 
two  provinces,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Quintipartite  deed  of 
1676;  but  the  result  was  unsatisfactory  to  West  Jersey,  as  it  was  thought 
too  great  a  quantity  of  the  best  lands  came  thereby  within  the  bounds  of 
East  Jersey.  In  September,  1688,  however,  a  consultation  took  place  in 
London,  between  Governor  Coxe  of  West  Jersey  and  Governor  Barclay  of 
East  Jersey,  with  the  view  of  perfecting  a  settlement  of  Keith's  line,  result- 
ing in  a  written  agreement  signed  and  sealed  by  the  two  parties ;  but  never- 
theless no  satisfactory  termination  of  the  matter  was  arrived  at  for  many 
years.  It  was  in  1688  that  the  ''Board  of  Proprietors  of  West  Jersey" 
was  regularly  organized. 

It  would  be  very  gratifying  to  be  able  to  state  clearly,  upon  good  author- 
ity, the  condition  of  New  Jersey  at  this  eventful  period  in  its  history,  and 


446  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

note  its  progress  since  its  surrender  to  the  English  in  1664,  but  from  the 
imperfection  of  the  details,  the  information  obtainable  is  not  sufficiently 
definite  to  give  satisfactory  results. 

That  the  population  of  East  Jersey  had  largely  increased  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  It  was  a  constant  cause  of  complaint  by  the  government  of  New 
York  that  the  freedom  from  taxation  and  various  mercantile  restrictions  had 
tended  greatly  to  increase  emigration  to  East  Jersey,  much  to  the  detriment 
of  New  York;  and  the  first  towns,  Newark,  Elizabethtown,  and  Middle- 
town,  drew  large  numbers  from  New  England  and  Long  Island,  leading  to 
their  becoming  centres  for  the  development  of  other  towns  and  villages. 
The  new  capital,  Perth  Amboy,  became  in  a  very  few  years  an  important 
settlement,  and  both  from  Scotland  and  England  numerous  famihes  had 
already  arrived  and  settled  in  various  parts  of  the  Province ;  so  that  it  is 
probable  the  increase  during  the  quarter  of  a  century  had  been  more  than 
a  hundred-fold,  making  the  total  number  of  souls  in  East  Jersey  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  ten  thousand.  There  are  no  figures  upon  which  any  correct 
estimate  can  be  based  of  the  increase  in  West  Jersey,  but  it  may  be  safely 
considered  as  coming  far  short  of  the  eastern  Province. 

Of  the  five  counties  recognized  in  1670  Monmouth  was  the  most  pop- 
ulous ;  and  of  its  three  towns,  Shrewsbury,  Middletown,  and  Freehold,  the 
first  was  the  most  important.  Essex  County  came  next;  Elizabethtown 
Newark,  Acquackanock,  and  New  Barbadoes  being  its  towns,  ranking  in  the 
order  in  which  they  are  named.  Middlesex  followed,  with  Woodbridge, 
Piscataway,  and  Perth  Amboy  as  its  towns.  Bergen  stood  fourth,  with 
its  towns  of  Bergen  and  Hackensack;  and  Somerset  came  last,  having 
no  specific  townships.  There  were,  of  course,  in  all  the  counties  small 
settlements  not  yet  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  recognized  as  separate 
organizations.  In  1683  Bergen  County  was  third  in  importance,  and  Mid- 
dlesex fourth. 

One  great  hindrance  to  the  development  of  the  agricultural  and  mineral 
resources  of  the  two  provinces  was  the  want  of  roads  and  conveniences  to 
promote  intercourse  between  the  different  sections.  The  only  Indian  path 
ran  from  Shrewsbury  River  to  the  northwest  limits  of  the  Province,  and  the 
only  road  opened  by  the  Dutch  appears  to  have  been  that  by  which  inter- 
course was  kept  up  with  the  settlements  on  the  Delaware,  in  what  is  now 
Maryland.  From  New  Amsterdam  a  direct  water  communication  was  had 
with  Elizabethtown  Point  (now  Elizabethport),  and  thence  by  land  to  the 
Raritan  River  which  was  crossed  by  fording  at  Inian's  Ferry,  now  New 
Brunswick.  Thence  the  road  ran  in  almost  a  straight  course  to  the  Dela- 
ware River,  above  the  site  of  the  present  Trenton,  where  there  was  another 
ford.  This  was  called  the  Upper  Road ;  another,  called  the  Lower  Road, 
branched  off  from  the  first  about  five  or  six  miles  from  the  Raritan,  and  by 
a  circuitous  route  reached  the  Delaware  at  the  site  of  what  is  now  Burling- 
ton ;  but  the  whole  country  was  a  wilderness  between  the  towns  in  Men* 
mouth  County  and  the  Delaware  River  as  late  as  1675. 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY.  447 

The  first  public  measures  for  the  establishment  of  roads  was  in  1675  i 
two  men  in  each  town  being  clothed  with  authority  to  lay  out  the  common 
highways;  and  in  March,  1683,  boards  were  created  in  the  different  coun- 
ties to  lay  out  all  necessary  highways,  bridges,  landings,  ferries,  etc.,  and  by 
these  boards  the  first  effective  intercommunication  was  established.  The 
present  generation  have  in  constant  use  many  of  the  roads  laid  out  by  them. 
In  July,  1683,  instructions  were  given  to  Deputy-Governor  Lawrie  to  open  a 
road  between  the  new  capital,  Perthtown,  and  Burlington ;  but,  although  his 
instructions  were  complied  with,  and  the  road  opened  in  connection  with 
water  communication  between  Perth  and  New  York,  the  route  by  way 
of  New  Brunswick  was  the  most  travelled. 

The  character  of  the  legislation  and  laws  for  the  punishment  and  sup- 
pression of  crime  was  very  different  in  the  two  provinces.  The  penal 
laws  in  East  Jersey  partook  more  of  the  severity  of  the  Levitical  law,  origi- 
nating as  they  did  with  the  settlers  coming  from  Puritan  countries,  while 
those  in  West  Jersey  were. exceedingly  humane  and  forbearing.  In  the  one 
there  were  thirteen  classes  of  offences  made  amenable  to  the  death  penalty, 
while  in  the  other  such  a  punishment  w^as  unknown  to  the  laws. 

As  might  reasonably  be  expected  from  its  proximity  to  New  Amster- 
dam, the  first  church  erected  in  New  Jersey  soil,  of  which  any  mention  is 
made,  was  at  Bergen.  This  was  in  1680,  the  congregation  having  been 
formed  in  1662.  The  first  clergyman  heard  of  in  Newark  was  in  1667,  a 
Congregationalist,  and  the  first  meeting-house  was  built  in  1669.  Elizabeth- 
town's  first  congregation  was  formed  in  1668.  Woodbridge  succeeded  in 
getting  one  established  in  1670,  and  its  first  church  was  built  in  1681.  The 
Quakers  immediately  after  their  arrival  in  West  Jersey,  in  1675,  organ- 
ized a  meeting  at  Salem  (probably  the  one  which  Edmondson  says  he 
attended),  and  in  1680  purchased  a  house  and  had  it  fitted  up  for  their 
religious  services.  It  is  said  that  the  first  religious  meetings  of  the  Quakers 
in  New  Jersey  were  held  at  Shrewsbury  as  early  as  1670,  the  settlers  there, 
about  1667,  being  principally  of  that  denomination.  Edmondson  mentions 
a  meeting  held  at  Middletown  in  1675.  The  first  General  Yearly  Meeting 
for  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  Society  was  held  at  Burlington  in  August, 
1 68 1.  Local  meetings  were  held  there  in  tents  before  a  house  was  erected. 
John  Woolston's  was  the  first,  and  its  walls  were  consecrated  by  having 
worship  within  them.  The  Friends  at  Cape  May  in  1676,  Cohansey  in  1683, 
and  Lower  Alloway  Creek  in  1685  secured  religious  services. 

Middletown,  in  Monmouth  County,  had  an  organized  Baptist  congrega- 
tion in  1688;   and  Piscataway  in  Middlesex  County  one  in  1689. 

To  what  extent  education  had  been  fostered  up  to  this  period  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  determine.  The  first  school-master  mentioned  in  Newark  was  there 
in  1676;  but  Bergen  h'ad  a  school  established  under  the  Dutch  adminis- 
tration in  1661.  The  first  general  law  providing  for  the  establishment  and 
support  of  school-masters  in  East  Jersey  was  not  passed  until  1693. 

The  currency  of  both  East  and  West  Jersey  during  the  whole  period  of 


448  NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

their  colonial  existence,  for  reasons  which  are  not  very  apparent,  was  more 
stable  than  that  of  the  neighboring  colonies.  The  coins  of  England  and 
Holland,  and  their  respective  moneys  of  account,  were  used,  and  Indian 
wampum  afforded  the  means  of  exchange  with  the  Aborigines.  Barter  was 
naturally  the  mode  of  traffic  most  followed,  and  tables  are  now  found  show- 
ing the  value  set  upon  the  different  productions  of  the  soil  that  were  used 
in  these  business  operations,  marking  the  diminution  in  value  from  year  to 
year  as  compared  with  ''old  England  money."  In  1681  an  act  was  passed 
in  West  Jersey  for  the  enhancing,  or  raising,  the  value  of  coins,  which  was 
extended  also  to  New  England  money.  About  that  time  an  individual, 
named  Mark  Newbie,  increased  the  circulating  medium  by  putting  into  circu- 
lation a  large  number  of  Irish  half-pence  of  less  value  than  the  standard  coin, 
which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Ireland  ;  and,  as  thought  by  some,  con- 
tinued the  manufacture  of  them  after  his  arrival.  The  act  of  1681,  however, 
was  repealed  the  following  year,  and  another  passed  making  Newbie's  half- 
pence equal  in  value  to  the  current  money  of  the  Province,  provided  he  gave 
security  to  exchange  them  "  for  pay  equivalent  on  demand,"  and  provided  also 
that  no  person  should  be  obliged  to  take  more  than  five  shillings  on  one  pay- 
ment.^ No  repeal  of  this  act  appears  in  the  records.  It  became  inoperative 
probably  in  1684,  when  Newbie  disappears  from  the  documentary  history  of 
the  period.  This  supposition  is  in  some  measure  confirmed  by  the  passage 
of  an  act  in  May  of  that  year,  making  three  farthings  ''  of  the  King's  coin  to 
go  current  for  one  penny,"  in  sums  not  exceeding  five  shillings.^ 

The  only  attempt  to  regulate  the  value  of  gold  and  silver  in  East  Jersey 
was  in  1686.  Its  object  was  to  prevent  the  transportation  of  silver  from  the 
Province  by  raising  it  above  its  true  value  in  all  business  transactions.  Its 
evil  tendencies,  however,  were  soon  developed,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
year,  at  a  subsequent  session  of  the  same  Assembly,  it  was  repealed. 

The  first  grist-mill  is  mentioned  in  167 1,  and  was  followed  by  another  in 
1679,  hand-mills  being  generally  used.  The  first  saw-mill  was  erected  in 
1682.  In  1683  Deputy-Governor  Rudyard,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  says 
thai;  at  that  time  there  were  two  saw-mills  at  work,  and  five  or  six  more 
projected,  abating  "  the  price  of  boards  half  in  half,  and  all  other  timber 
for  building;  for  altho'  timber  cost  nothing,  yet  workmanship  by  hand 
was  London  price  or  near  upon  it,^and  sometimes  more,  which  these  mills 
abate." 

The  cider  produced  at  Newark  was  awarded  the  preference  over  that 
brought  from  New  England,  Rhode  Island,  or  Long  Island.  Clams,  oys- 
ters, and  fish  received  well  merited  commendation  for  their  plentifulness 
and  good  qualities. 

In  1685  the  iron-mills  in  Monmouth  County,  belonging  to  Lewis 
Morris,  were  in  full  operation ;  but  it  was  not  until  some  years  had  elapsed 
that  "  the  hills  up  in  the  country,"  which  were  "  said  to  be  stony,"  were 

J  East  Jersey  under  the  Proprietary  Govern-  2  Learning  and  Spicer's  Grants  and  Conces 

vtmts,  pp.  250.  251.  ,,V;«x,  p.  493. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   EAST  AND   WEST  JERSEY.  449 

-explored,  and  the  mineral  treasures  of  Morris  County  revealed.  Gabriel 
Thomas,  in  1698,  mentions  rice  among  the  products  of  West  Jersey,  adding 
that  large  quantities  of  pitch,  tar,  and  turpentine  were  secured  from  the 
pine  forests,  and  that  the  number  of  whales  caught  yearly  gave  the  set- 
tlers abundance  of  oil  and  whalebone. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

'T^HE  relations  existing  between  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  during  the  era  of  discovery 
-L  and  settlement,  necessarily  led  to  their  being  jointly  noticed  by  all  the  early  writers, 
and  as  they  have  been  referred  to  in  what  has  preceded  this  chapter,!  it  is  thought  unnec- 
essary to  comment  further  upon  their  revelations.  Attention  will  therefore  be  given  to 
those  whose  object  was  the  making  known  the  peculiarities,  the  advantages,  and  attractions 
of  New  Jersey  independent  of  New  York. 

The  first  of  these  was  an  issue  by  John  Fenwicke  of  a  single  folio  leaf,  in  1675,  con- 
taining his  proposals  for  planting  his  colony  of  New  Caesarea,  or  New  Jersey.  A  copy 
was  for  sale  in  London  in  1853,  —  perhaps  the  same  copy  sold  at  the  Brinley  sale  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society.     It  is  printed  in  Penn.  Mag.  of  Hist.  ^  vi. 

In  1682  the  Proprietors  of  East  Jersey  published  a  small  quarto  of  eight  pages,  giving 
an  account  of  their  recently  acquired  province. ^  This  publicadon  is  not  now  obtainable, 
and  it  is  doubtful  if  any  copies  have  been  seen  for  several  generations.  It  is  the  basis  of 
all  the  information  respecting  East  Jersey  contained  in  The  Present  State  of  His  Majesty's 
Isles  and  Territories  in  America^  etc.,  by  Richard  Blome  (London,  1687),  which  is  fre- 
-q.uently  quoted,  though  abounding  in  errors.  Although  the  original  edition  may  not  now 
be  met  with,  the  Brief  Account  may  be  found  reprinted  in  Smith's  History  of  New  fersey, 
and  in  East  fersey  under  the  Proprietary  Governments.  It  gives  a  very  fair  and  interest- 
ing account  of  the  Province,  and  doubtless  aided  in  inducing  adventurers  to  embark  for 
the  new  Eldorado. 

In  1683  a  small  quarto  of  fifteen  pages,  including  the  titlepage,  was  published  in  Edin- 
burgh for  the  Scotch  Proprietors,  of  similar  purport  to  the  foregoing.^  The  only  copy  of 
the  original,  known,  is  in  the  possession  of  Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  Esq.,  of  New  York.  This 
was  used  when  the  work  was  reproduced  in  the  New  York  Historical  Magazine.,  second 
series,  vol.  i.* 

In  1684  a  work  of  greater  pretensions,  comprising  73  pages,  i2mo,  was  published  in 
London,  entitled  The  Planter'' s  Speech  to  his  neighbours  and  countryitten  of  Pennsylvania., 
East  and  West  fersey;  and  to  all  such  as  have  transported  themselves  into  new  Colonies 
for  the  sake  of  a  quiet,  retired  life.  To  which  is  added  the  complaints  of  our  Supra- 
interior  ijihabitants.  The  title  and  introduction  of  this  volume  are  all  that  have  been  met 
with.  They  will  be  found  in  Proud's  History  of  Pennsylvania.^  The  author's  name  is 
not  known,  but  it  would  seem  that  his  object  was  more  to  impress  upon  his  "dear  friends 

1  [See  chapter  X. —  Ed,]  the  information  of  such  as  may  have  a  desire  to 

2  It  was  entitled  A  Brief  Account  of  the  Transport  themselves  or  their  Families  thither ; 
Province  of  East  fersey  in  America,  pnblished  by  wherein  the  Nature  and  Advantage  of,  and  Inter- 
■the  present  Proprietors,  for  information  of  all  such  est  in,  a  Forraign  Plantation  to  this  Country  is 
persons  who  are  or  may  be  inclined  to  settle  them-  Demonstrated.     Printed  by  John  Reid. 

selves,  families^  and  servants  in  that  country.  *  Twenty-five  copies  were  printed  separately, 

^  lt.vi2i.s  sty\ed  A  Brief  A ccotmt  of  the  Frov-  bearing    date    1867.       Sabin's    Dictionary, 

■ince  of  East  Neiu  fersey  in  America.     Published  53,079.     Alofsen   Catalogue,  No.  823. 
by  the  Scots'  Proprietors  having  interest  there,  For  ^  Vol.  I.  p.  226. 

VOL.   III.  —  ^T. 


XI 1 1. 


450 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


and  countrymen  "  their  moral  and  religious  duties  as  immigrants,  than  to  portray  the  ad- 
vantages of  the  section  of  country  particularly  referred  to. 

The  purport  of  the  treatise  is  thus  summarized  by  Proud :  "  Divers  particulars  are 
proposed  as  fundamentals  for  future  laws  and  customs,  tending  principally  to  establish  a 
higher  degree  of  temperance  and  original  simplicity  of  manners,  —  more  particularly  against 
the  use  of  spirituous  liquors,  —  than  had  been  usual  before.  Everything  of  a  military  na- 
ture, even  the  use  of  the  instruments  thereof,  is  not  only  disapproved,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  human  species  thereby  condemned  in  this  Speech,  but  likewise  all  violence  or  cruelty 
towards,  and  the  wanton  killing  of,  the  inferior  living  creatures,  and  the  eating  of  animal 
food  are  also  strongly  advised  against  in  those  proposed  regulations,  customs,  or  laws,  with 
the  reasons  given,  etc.,  to  the  end  that  a  higher  degree  of  love,  perfection,  and  happiness 
might  more  universally  be  introduced  and  preserved  among  mankind." 

In  1685  the  most  interesting  and  valuable  of  all  the  early  publications  was  issued  in 
Edinburgh,!  reference  to  which  has  been  made  on  a  preceding  page.  The  author,  George 
Scot,  of  Pitlochie,  was  connected  by  descent  and  marriage  with  many  distinguished  fami- 
lies in  Scotland,  which  connection  probably  led  the  Proprietors  to  confide  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  work  to  him,  as  his  extensive  circle  of  friends  and  acquaintances  would  be  likely 
to  insure  for  it  a  more  general  acceptance,  particularly  as  he  was  ready  to  add  example  to 
precept  by  embarking  himself  and  family  for  East  Jersey.  Accompanied  by  nearly  two 
hundred  persons,  he  sailed  from  Scotland  about  Aug.  i,  1685,  but  before  the  vessel  reached 
her  destination  Scot  and  his  wife  and  many  of  their  fellow-passengers  were  no  longer 
living.  One  daughter,  Eupham,  became  the  wife  of  John  Johnstone  the  ensuing  year. 
Mr.  Johnstone  was  one  of  her  fellow-passengers.  Their  descendants  became  numerous, 
and  for  years  before  the  war  of  Independence,  and  since  that  period,  they  filled  high  civil 
and  military  stations  in  East  Jersey. 

The  author  of  The  Model  begins  his  work  with  a  learned  disquisition  upon  the  manner 
in  which  America  was  first  peopled,  and  then  proceeds  to  meet  and  overcome  the  various 
scruples  that  were  presumed  to  operate  against  its  further  settlement  from  Scotland,  by 
arguments  drawn  from  sacred  and  profane  history  and  from  the  consideration  due  their 
families  and  the  country ;  concluding  with  a  portrayal  of  the  advantages  to  be  secured  by 
a  residence  in  East  Jersey,  and  the  superiority  of  that  colony  over  others  in  America  and 
the  West  Indies.  In  this  respect  the  value  of  the  work  to  the  historian  is  very  great,  as 
numerous  letters  are  given  from  the  early  settlers,  presenting  minute  descriptions  of  va- 
rious locahties  and  their  individual  experiences  in  a  manner  calculated  to  produce  a  cor- 
rect and,  at  the  same  time,  a  favorable  impression  upon  their  readers.  The  original  edition 
is  exceedingly  rare,  only  ten  copies  being  known,  but  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society 
has  caused  it  to  be  reprinted  as  an  appendix  to  the  first  volume  of  its  Collections^  thus 
placing  it  within  the  reach  of  all.2 

The  year  1685  gave  also  to  the  world  the  interesting  book  of  Thomas  Budd,  entitled 
Good  Order  established  in  Pennsilvania  a?td  New  Jersey.^     Mr.  Budd  arrived  at  Burling- 

!  It  was  entitled   Tlie  Model  of  the  Govern-  ^  xhe  title,  in  full,  is  quite  a  correct  table  of 

ntent  of  the  Province  of  East  New  Jersey  in  contents,  and  under  the  several  headings  is  given 

America  ;  And  Encouragements  for  such  as  De-  very  excellent  advice  as  to  the  course  to  be  fol- 

signs.to  be  concerned  there.     Published  for  In-  lowed  to  insure  success  in  the  new  settlements. 

formation  of  such  as  are  desirous  to  be  Interested  It  is  as  follows  :  Good  Order  Established  in  Penn- 

tn  that  place.  silvania  and  New  Jersey  in  America.     Being  a 

'  [The  copies  known  are  these:  i.  New  Jer-  true  Account  of  the  Country,   With  its  Produce 

sey  Historical  Society.     2.  Harvard  College  Li-  and  Commodities  there  made,  And  the  great  Im- 

Jjrary.     3.  John  Carter  Brown    Library,   Provi-  provements  that  may  be  made  by  means  of  Publick 

dencc.     4.  William  A.  Whitehead,  Newark.     5.  Store-houses  for  Hemp,  Flax,  and  Linnen-Cloth  ; 

J    A.  Kmg,  Long  Island.     6.  British   Museum,  also,  the  Advantages  of  a  Publick  School,  the  prof- 

7.   Huth   Library,   London.     8.   Advocates'   Li-  its  of  a  Publick  Bank,  and  the  Probability  of  its 

brary,  Edinburgh.    9.  Gottingen  University.    10.  arising,  if  those  directions  here  laid  dawn  are  fol 

Lenox  Library,  New  York.  —  Ed.]  lowed;  With  the  advantages  of  pjiblick  Granaries. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY.  451 

ton,  in  West  Jersey,  in  1678,  and  during  his  residence  there  held  many  important  offices  ; 
was  associated  with  Jenings  on  the  committee  appointed  in  1684  to  confer  with  Edward 
Byllynge,  and  it  was  while  he  was  in  England  that  his  book  was  printed.  He  probably 
removed  to  Philadelphia  after  his  return  to  New  Jersey.  He  made  another  brief  visit  to 
England  in  1689,  but  continued  to  consider  Philadelphia  as  his  residence  until  his  death 
in  1698.  Mr.  Budd's  work  exhibits  the  possession  of  intelligence  and  public  spirit  to  a 
remarkable  degree.  Some  of  his  suggestions  as  to  the  education  which  should  be  given 
to  the  young  in  various  pursuits  show  him  to  have  been  an  early  advocate  of  what  are  now 
termed  Technical  Schools,  and  are  deserving  of  consideration  even  at  this  late  day.  The 
original  work  is  seldom  seen,  but  in  1865  a  reprint  was  given  to  the  public  by  William 
Gowans,  of  New  York,  having  an  introduction  and  copious  notes  by  Mr.  Edward  Arm- 
strong, of  Philadelphia. 

In  1698  Gabriel  Thomas  published  a  small  octavo  of  forty-six  pages  on  West  Jersey,  in 
connection  with  a  similar  work  on  Pennsylvania,  with  a  map  of  both  colonies.  He  was 
then,  it  is  thought,  a  resident  of  London,  but  he  had  resided  in  America  about  fifteen 
years,  the  information  contained  in  the  book  being  the  result  of  his  own  experiences  and 
observation.!  The  book  was  dedicated  to  the  West  Jersey  Proprietors,  and  its  intent  was 
to  induce  emigration  of  all  who  wished  to  better  their  worldly  condition,  especially  the 
poor,  who  might  in  West  Jersey  "  subsist  very  well  without  either  begging  or  stealing." 
French  refugees  or  Protestants  would  find  it  also  to  their  interest  to  remove  thither  where 
they  might  live  "far  better  than  in  Germany,  Holland,  Ireland,  or  England."  The  modes 
of  life  among  the  Indians,  and  the  prevailing  intercourse  between  them  and  the  settlers 
were  fully  discussed,  as  well  as  the  natural  productions  of  the  country  and  the  improve- 
ments already  introduced  or  in  progress. 

In  1699  two  pamphlets  were  published  in  Philadelphia,  referring  to  the  difficulties  in 
West  Jersey  between  the  people  of  the  Province  and  Edward  Byllynge  in  1684,  which  led 
to  the  despatch,  by  the  Assembly,  of  Samuel  Jenings  and  Thomas  Budd  to  confer  in  per- 
son with  Byllynge.  The  first  of  these  publications  was  aimed  at  Jenings,  who  was  accused 
of  being  the  head  of  "  some  West  Jersians  "  opposed  to  Byllynge,  and  emanated  from 
John  Tatham,  Thomas  Revell,  and  Nathaniel  Westland,  although  published  anonymously. - 

Likewise,  several  other  things  needfitl  to  be  under-  found,   $200.     Copies    have    brought,    however, 

stood  by  those  that  are  or  do  intend  to  be  concerned  $300  within  ten  years.     Griswold  Catalogue,  Part 

in  planting  in  the  said  Countries.     All  which  is  I.  No.  851.     It  was  reprinted  in  lithographic  fac- 

laid  down  very  plain  in  this  small  Treatise;   it  simile  in  New  York  in   1848  for  Henry  Austin 

being  easie  to  be  tender  stood  by  any  ordinary  Ca-  Brady.     One  copy,  on  blue  writing  paper  and 

pacity.     To  which  the  Reader  is  referred  for  his  illustrated,  was  in  the  Griswold  sale,  No.  852. — 

further  satisfaction.   By  Thomas  Budd.   Printed  Ed.] 
7«  the  year  1685.  'It  was  entitled  The  Case  put  and  decided. 

1  The  title,  which  may  also  be  considered  a  By  George  Fox,  George  Whitehead,  Stephen  Crispy 

table  of  contents,  was  as  follows  :  An  Historical  and  other  the  most  Antietit  and  Eminent  Quakers. 

Description  of  the  Province  and  Country  of  West  Betzveen   Edward  Billing,  on  the  one  part,  and 

New  Jersey  in  America.     A  short  View  of  their  some   West  Jersians,  headed  by  Samuell  Jenings, 

Laws,  Customs,  and  Religions.     As  also  the  Tern-  on  the  other  part.  In  an  Award  relating  to  the  Go7>' 

peratnent  of  the  Air  and  Climate ;   The  fatness  of  ernment  of  their  Province,   wherein,  because  not 

the  Soil,  with  the  vast  Produce  of  Rice,  etc.,  the  irn-  moulded  to  the  Pallate  of  the  said  Samuell,  the 

prcrvement  of  the  Lands  as  in  England  to  Pasture,  Light,  the  Tricth,  the  Justice,  and  Infallibility  of 

Meadows,  etc.      Their  making  gi-eat  quaiitities  of  these  great  Friends  are  arreigned  by  him  and  his 

Pitch  and  Tar,  as  also  Turpentine,  which  proceeds  Accomplices.    Also  Several  Remarks  and  Anniver- 

from  the  Pine  Trees,  with  Rosen  as  clear  as  Gum  sations  on  the  same  Award,  setting  forth  the  Prem- 

Arabick,   with   particular    Remarks    upon    their  ises.      With  some  Reflections  on  the  Sensless  Oppo- 

Towns,  Fairs,  and  Markets  ;  with  the  great  Plenty  sition  of  these  Men  against  the  present  Governour, 

of  Oyl  and    Whale-Bone,    made  from   the  great  and  their  daring  Atidatiousness  in  their  presump- 

number  of  whales  they  yearly  take :  As  also  many  tuous  asserting  an  Authority  here  over  the  Parlia- 

other  Profitable  and  New  Improvements.     Never  ment  of  England.    Published  for  the  Informaticn 

made  Publick  till  now.     By  Gabriel  Thomas.  of  the  Impartial  and  Considerate,   particularly 

[This  book  is  rare,  and  may  be  worth,  when  such   as   Worship   God  and  irofess   Christianity^ 


452 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Jenings  took  exceptions  to  many  of  its  statements  and  answered  it  under  his  own  name  in 
a  small  quarto,  boldly  asserting  his  innocence  of  the  serious  charges  made  against  him.i 
These  publications  throw  considerable  light  upon  a  portion  of  West  Jersey  history  which  is 
very  obscure,  and  have  been  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  foregoing  narrative.  They  are 
both  exceedingly  rare,  and  historians  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Brinton  Coxe,  of  Philadelphia, 
for  having  them  reprinted  in  1881. 

The  Journal  of  William  Edmundson  has  been  referred  to  as  furnishing  some  interest- 
ing items  respecting  New  Jersey  during  the  period  we  have  had  under  review.^  He  vis- 
ited the  Province  in  1676,  and  his  statements  respecting  the  condition  of  the  country  and 
his  interviews  with  prominent  Friends  are  valuable. 

In  addition  to  these  publications,  there  are  in  the  Secretary  of  State's  office  at  Trenton 
the  original  records  of  both  the  East  Jersey  and  West  Jersey  Proprietors,  which  were 
transferred  from  Perth  Amboy  and  Burlington  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  copies 
only  being  left  in  the  original  places  of  deposit. 

The  foregoing  references  include  all  the  works  published,  prior  to  the  surrender  of  the 
government  of  New  Jersey  to  the  Crown  in  1703,  relating  to  the  history  of  the  Province, 
previous  to  its  separation  from  New  York  :  but  others  were  published  subsequently  which 
throw  much  light  upon  that  early  period,  although  not  written  for  that  purpose  exclusively. 
Thus  in  1747  the  renowned  Elizabethtown  Bill  in  Chancery  was  drawn  and  put  in  print  by 
subscription  the  same  year,^  which  will  ever  be  acknowledged  as  a  structure  of  valuable 
materials  illustrative  of  the  conflicts  between  the  Proprietors  and  their  government  and 
the  discontented  settlers.  The  bill  was  principally  drawn  by  James  Alexander,  who  dur- 
ing a  long  period  was  a  prominent  lawyer  in  both  provinces.  A  Scotchman  by  birth  he 
came  to  America  in  1715,  and  shortly  after  his  arrival  entered  the  Secretary's  office,  New 
York,  and  was  deputy-clerk  of  the  Court  in  17 19.  Throughout  his  life,  which  did  not 
terminate  until  April  2,  1756,  he  held  very  highly  important  positions  in  both  New  York 
and  New  Jersey,  and  was  the  owner  of  large  land  tracts  in  both  provinces.'*  This  bill, 
notwithstanding  its  great  length  and  complicated  nature,  is  drawn  with  much  ability  and 
makes  out  a  very  strong  case  for  the  plaintiffs.  The  defendants'  claims  would  seem  to  be, 
beyond  controversy,  invalid ;  but  other  matters  were  introduced  rendering  the  case  one 
not  easily  disposed  of. 

The  answer  to  the  Bill  in  Chancery  was  filed  in  1751  and  printed  in  1752,  —  the  counsel 

not  in  Faction  and  Hypocrisie,  hut  in  Truth  and  Proprietors  of  East  New  Jersey,  and  Mr.  Nevilles 

Sincerity.      Ending  with  the  texts   Isa.  xxx.   I,  Speeches  to  the  General  Assembly,  Concerning  the 

Isa.  xlvii.  10,  and  [no  hook  given]  v.  11.  Riots  committed  in  N'ew  Jersey,  and  the  Pretences 

*  He  entitled  it  Truth  Rescued  from  Forgery  of  the  Rioters,  and  their  Seducers.  These  Papers 
and  Falshood.  Being  An  Anszver  to  a  late  Scur-  will  give  a  better  Light  into  the  History  and  Con- 
ralous  piece,  Entittded  The  Case  put  and  Decided,  stitution  of  New  Jersey  than  any  Thing  hitherto 
etc. ;  Which  Stole  into  the  World  without  any  piddished,  the  Matters  whereof  have  been  chiefly 
known  Author's  name  affixed  thereto.  And  ren-  collected  from  Records.  Published  by  Subscript 
ders  it  the  more  like  its  Father,  Who  was  a  Lyer  tion :  Printed  by  James  Parker,  in  New  York, 
and  Murtherer  from  the  Beginning.  By  Samuel  1747,  and  a  few  Copies  are  to  be  Sold  by  him  and 
JFAINGS.  Benjamin    Frafiklin,    in    Philadelphia.       Price, 

"^  A  Journal  of  the  Life,  Travels,  Sufferings,  bound,  and  Maps  coloured,  Three  Pounds;  plain 

and  labour  of  Loz'e  in  the  Work  of  the  Ministry  and  stitcht  only.    Fifty   Shillings,    Proclamation 

of  that   Worthy  Elder   and  faithful  Servant  of  Money. 

fesus  Christ,  William  Edmtmdson,  Who  departed  4  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  one  who  is  styled 

this  Life  the  thirty-first  of  the  sixth  Month,  17 12.  by  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  "  a  gentle- 

*  It  received  the  following  title:  A  Bill  in  man  eminent  in  the  law,  and  equally  distinguished 
the  Chancery  of  New  Jersey,  at  the  Suit  of  John,  for  his  humanity,  generosity,  great  ability,  and 
Earl  of  Stair,  and  others.  Proprietors  of  the  East-  honorable  stations,"  should  never  have  had  his 
ern-Dwision  of  Nnu  Jersey,  against  Benjamin  biography  written.  [Alexander's  own  copv  of 
Bond,  and  some  other  Persons  of  Elizabeth- Town,  the  bill  was  sold  in  the  Brinley  sale,  1880,  No. 
distinguished  as  Chnker  Lot  Right  Men ;  With  3591,  and  contained  considerable  manuscript 
three  large  Maps,  done  from   Copper  Plates.     To  additions  in  his  handwriting. —  Ed.] 

which  is  added  The  Publications  of  the  Council  of 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


453 


for  the  defendants  being  William  Livingston,  afterward  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  and  Wil- 
liam Smith,  Jr.,  who  became  Chief-Justice  of  New  York,  and  subsequently,  after  the  war 
of  Independence,  Chief-Justice  of  Canada.  The  copies  now  extant  are  very  rare.i  Al- 
though not  as  voluminous  it  was  fully  as  prolix  as  the  document  which  prompted  it.  Not- 
withstanding the  great  amount  of  labor  which  this  case  required  both  in  its  preparation 
and  argument,  it  was  never  brought  to  a  conclusion.  The  Revolution  of  1776  effectually 
interrupted  the  progress  of  the  suit,  and  it  was  never  afterward  revived.  Both  bill  and 
answer,  however,  and  other  smaller  publications  which  resulted  from  the  trial  of  the  case, 
must  ever  be  considered  as  valuable  historical  documents,  emanating  as  they  all  did  from 
parties  more  or  less  interested  in  the  questions  involved,  and  consequently  earnestly  de- 
sirous of  eliciting  every  fact  that  could  throw  any  light  upon  them. 2 

The  first  general  history  of  New  Jersey  was  that  of  Samuel  Smith,  published  in  1765.* 
It  is  valuable  to  all  examining  the  early  history  of  the  State,  from  the  author's  having  had 
access  to,  and  judiciously  used,  information  obtained  from  various  sources  not  now  acces- 
sible. He  gives  some  interesting  letters  from  early  settlers,  elucidating  the  events  com- 
prehended in  the  period  we  have  had  under  review;  and  although,  as  might  naturally  be 
expected,  errors  are  occasionally  found  in  it.  Smith's  History  of  New  Jersey  has  ever 


1  The  following  is  the  title  of  the  publica- 
tion: An  Ajtswer  to  a  Bill  in  the  Chancery  of 
New  Jersey,  at  the  suit  of  fohn.  Earl  of  Stair, 
and  others,  commonly  called  Proprietors  of  the 
Eastern  Division  of  New  Jersey,  against  Ben- 
j'amin  Bond  and  others,  claimi?tg  under  the  orig- 
inal Proprietors  and  Associates,  of  Elizabeth-  Tozvn. 
To  which  is  added:  Nothing  either  of  The  Pub- 
lications of  The  Council  of  Proprietors  of  East 
New-Jersey,  or  of  The  Pretences  of  the  Rioters 
and  their  Seducers  ;  Except,  so  far  as  the  Persons 
meant  by  Rioters  Pretend  Title  against  the  Par- 
ties to  the  above  Answer  ;  but  a  Great  Deal  of  the 
Controversy,  Though  Much  Less  of  the  History 
and  Constitution  of  New  Jersey  than  the  said 
Bill.  Audi  Alteram  Partem.  Published  by 
Subscription.  New  York :.  Printed  and  Sold 
by  James  Parker  at  the  New  Printing  Office  in 
Beaver  Street.     1752,  pp.  218,  folio. 

2  Of  the  minor  publications  meriting  atten- 
tion the  following  are  thought  worthy  of  notice 
here:  — 

A  Brief  Viiidication  of  the  Purchassors  Against 
the  Proprietors  in  a  Christian  Manner.  48  pages 
lomo.     New  York,  1746. 

An  Answer  to  the  Council  of  Proprietors'  two 
Publications,  set  forth  at  Perth  Am  boy  the  2<^th 
of  March,  1746,  and  the  2^th  of  March,  1747. 
As  also  some  observations  on  Mr.  Nevill's  Speech 
to  the  House  of  Assembly  in  relatio7i  to  a  Petitiott 
presented  to  the  House  of  Assembly,  met  at  Tren- 
town,  in  the  Province  of  New  Jersey,  in  May, 
1746.  New  York  :  Printed  and  sold  by  the  Widoiu 
Catharine  Zenger,  1747.  Folio,  pp.  13.  This  is 
very  rare,  only  two  copies  known. 

A  Pocket  Commentary  of  the  first  settling  of 
New  Jersey  by  the  Europeans  ;  and  an  Account 
or  faiy  detail  of  the  original  Indian  East  Jersey 
Grants,  and  .other  rights  of  the  like  lector  in  East 
New  Jersey. .  Digested  in  order.  New  York  : 
Printed  by  Samuel  Parker.     1759.     ^vo. 


To  these  may  be  added  the  following  of  an 
earlier  date  :  — 

A  further  account  of  Nezu  Jersey  in  an  Ab- 
stract of  Letters  lately  writ  from  thence  by  several 
inhabitants  there  resident,  1676.  This  has  been 
reprinted  in  fac-simile  by  Mr.  Brinton  Coxe. 

The  true  state  of  the  case  between  John  Fen- 
wick,  Esq.,  and  John  Eldridge  and  Edmund 
Warner,  concerning  Mr.  Fenwick's  Ten  Parts  of 
his  land  in  West  Nero  Jersey  in  America.  Lon- 
don, 1677  ;  Philadelphia,  reprinted  1765.  A  copy 
is  in  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society's  Li- 
brary, as  I  am  informed  by  Mr.  F.  D.  Stone,  the 
librarian. 

An  Abstract  or  Abbreviation  of  some  few  of  the 
many  {Later  and  Former)  Testimony  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Nezv  Jersey  and  other  eminent  per- 
sons who  have  wrote  particidarly  Concerning  that 
Place.  London,  1 681.  4mo.  32  pp.  Several  of 
these  letters,  between  1677  and  1680,  are  print- 
ed in  Smith's  History.  The  preface  and  whole 
tenor  of  the  publication  shows  that  rumors 
published  in  London  were  having  a  detrimental 
effect.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library. 

Proposals  by  the  Proprietors  of  East  New  Jer- 
sey in  America  for  the  building  of  a  toivn  on  Am- 
boy  Point,  and  for  the  disposition  of  Lands  in  that 
Province.     London,  1682,  4mo.  6  pp. 

<*  The  History  of  the  Colony  of  Nova-Ccesaria, 
or  New  Jersey  ;  containing  an  account  of  its  First 
Settlement,  progressi7fe  improz>ements,  the  original 
and  present  Coftstitution,  and  other  events,  to  the 
year  1 7  21,  with  some  particulars  since  ;  and  a 
short  view  of  its  present  state.  By  Samuel 
Smith,  Burlittgton,  in  New  Jersey.  Printed  and 
sold  by  James  Parker.  Sold  also  by  David  Hall, 
in  Philadelphia,  MDCCLXV.  %vo.  [Smith 
was  born  in  1720,  and  died  in  1776.  This  edition 
is  a  rare  book,  and  may  be  worth  $25.00.  Copies 
have  brought  much  higher  sums.  —  Ed.] 


454  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

been  deservedly  considered  a  standard  work.^  Proud,  whose  History  of  Pennsylvania 
contains  much  matter  referring  to  West  Jersey  that  is  usefully  arranged,  acknowledges  his 
indebtedness  to  Smith,  and  gives  him  the  credit  of  being  "the  person  who  took  the  most 
pains  to  adjust  and  reduce  these  materials  into  nice  order,  as  might  be  proper  for  the 
public  view,"  previous  to  his  own  undertaking ;  and  the  old  historian,  if  cognizant  of  what 
is  taking  place  in  his  native  State  at  this  late  day,  must  be  gratified  to  find  how  freely  mod- 
ern writers  have  transferred  his  pages  to  their  books,  even  though  no  acknowledgment  of 
indebtedness  to  him  has  been  made. 

In  1748  the  acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of  New  Jersey,  from  the  time  of  the  surren- 
der of  the  government  to  the  Crown  in  the  second  year  of  Queen  Anne,  were  published 
under  the  supervision  of  Samuel  Nevill,  second  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Prov- 
ince, and,  in  consequence,  the  popular  party  were  aroused  into  having  the  early  grants  and 
concessions  also  arranged  and  pubHshed.  About  1750  a  committee  was  appointed  to  col- 
late the  early  manuscripts  connected  with  the  proprietary  grants,  and  subsequently  Aaron 
Learning  and  Jacob  Spicer  were  empowered  to  have  them  printed,  and  to  them  does  the 
credit  belong  of  giving  to  their  fellow-citizens  the  admirable  compilation  that  is  generally 
quoted  under  their  names. ^  It  contains  all  the  agreements,  deeds,  concessions,  and  pubhc 
acts  from  1664  to  1702,  and  the  object  in  view  by  their  compilation  and  the  estimate  in 
which  they  were  held  are  apparent  from  a  remark  of  the  compilers  in  their  preface.  "  If 
our  present  system  of  government,"  say  they,  "  should  not  be  judged  so  equal  to  the  natu- 
ral rights  of  a  reasonable  creature  as  the  one  that  raised  us  to  the  dignity  of  a  colony,  let 
it  serve  as  a  caution  to  guard  the  cause  of  liberty." 

This  volume  has  been  of  great  value  to  members  of  the  Bar  and  of  the  Legislature,  as 
well  as  to  the  historian,  as  it  has  preserved  many  documents  the  original  depository  of 
which  is  not  now  to  be  found.^  At  the  present  time,  however,  the  State  of  New  Jersey  is 
publishing,  under  the  direction  of  a  committee  of  the  Historical  Society,  a  series  of  vol- 
umes entitled  the  New  Jersey  Archives,  which  is  intended  to  include  all  important  docu- 
ments referring  to  the  colonial  history  of  the  State,  however  widely  the  originals  may  be 
scattered  in  other  depositories,  —  including  all  of  interest  now  preserved  in  the  Public  Rec- 
ord Office  of  England,  —  and  will  probably  be  the  authoritative  reference  hereafter  for 
documentary  evidence  relating  to  the  whole  colonial  period.* 

The  first  volume  issued  by  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society  as  their  Collections  was 
published  in  1846,  and  contained  "East  Jersey  under  the  Proprietary  Governments."^ 

^  As  late  as  1877,  a  second  edition  was  pub-  Most  Excellent  Majesty  for  the  Province  of  New 
lished  without  any  alteration,  —  a  questionable  fo-sey.  Small  folio,  pp.  763.  The  date  of  print- 
proceeding,  but  evincing  the  estimation  in  which  ing  does  not  appear  upon  the  titlepage;  but  it 
the  work  is  held  at  the  present  day.  [It  was  is-  is  presumed  to  have  been  in  1758. 
sued  by  William  S.  Sharp  at  Trenton,  and  con-  ^  Since  this  notice  of  the  book  was  written 
tains  a  brief  memoir  of  the  author  by  his  nephew,  a  new  edition  of  it  has  unexpectedly  appeared, 
the  late  John  Jay  Smith,  of  Germantown,  Penn-  printed  by  Honeyman  &  Co.,  Somerville,  New 
sylvania.  —  Ed.]  Jersey. 

2  It  is  entitled  The  Grants,  Concessions,  and  ^  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History 
Original  Constitutions  of  the  Province  of  New  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  {First  Series.']  Ed- 
Jerscy  ;  The  Acts  Passed  during  the  Proprietary  ited  by  WiLLlAM  A.  WHITEHEAD.  Vol.  I.  1631- 
Governments,  and  other  material  Transactions  1687.  Newark:  Daily  Journal  EstablisJiment. 
before  the  Surrender  thereof  to  Queen  Anne  ;  The  1880.  ^vo.  Succeeding  volumes  cover  a  period 
Instrument  of  Surrender,  and  Her  formal  accept-  later  than  that  which  now  occupies  us. 
ance  thereof;  Lord  Cornbury's  Commission  and  ^^  jtg  f^ji  ^{^\q  ^^s  East  Jersey  under  the  Pro- 
Instructions  consequent  thereon.  Collected  by  some  prietary  Governments ;  a  Narrative  of  Events 
Gentlemen  employed  by  the  General  Assembly,  connected  with  the  settlement  and  progress  of  the 
And  afterwards  Published  by  Vertue  of  an  Act  Province,  ufttil  the  Surrender  of  the  Government 
of  the  legislature  of  the  said  Province.  With  to  the  Crmvn  in  1702.  Drawn  principally  from 
proper  Tables,  alphabetically  digested,  contaifiing  original  sources,  ^j/ WiLLlAM  A.  WHITEHEAD. 
the  principal  Matters  in  the  Book.  By  Aaron  With  an  appendix  containing  The  Model  of  the 
LEAMING  and  Jacob  Spicer.  Philadelphia:  Gm>ernment  of  East  New  Jersey  in  America, 
Printed  by  W.  Bradford,  Printer  to  the  Icing's  By  George    Scot,  of  Pitlochie.     Now  first  re. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY. 


455 


The  author  wrote  his  work  fully  sensible  of  the  necessity  for  verifying  much  that  had  been 
allowed  to  pass  as  history,  by  seeking  for  and  using  original  sources  of  information;  and 
the  volume  elucidates  many  events  that  are  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  chapter. 


^-^4^:.^t^.^r^CJ^:.^^c..^^ 


printed  from  the  original  edition  ^1685.  "^vo. 
pp.  341.  A  second  edition,  revised  and  en- 
larged, making  a  volume  of  486  pages,  with  a 
large  number  of  fac-simile  autographs,  was  pub- 
lished in  1875.      [It  was  also   published  sepa- 


rate from  the  Collections.  It  contained  a  map 
of  New  Jersey,  1656,  following  Vanderdonck's, 
and  another  of  East  Jersey,  with  the  settle- 
ments of  about  1682,  marked  by  Mr.  White- 
head.—Ed.] 


Editorial  Note.  —  The  Neiv  Jersey  Ar- 
chives will  contain  every  essential  document 
noted  in  An  Analytical  Index  to  the  Colonial  Docu- 
ments of  New  Jersey  in  the  state-paper  ofUces  of 
England ^  compiled  by  Henry  Stevens,  edited  with 
notes  and  references  to  printed  luorks  atid  manu- 
scripts in  other  depositories,  by  William  A.  White- 
head, New  York,  1858. 

In  1843  a  movement  was  made  in  the  State 
Legislature  to  emulate  the  action  of  New  York 
in  securing  from  the  English  Archives  copies 
of  its  early  historical  documents ;  and  in  the  next 
year  the  judiciary  committee  made  a  report  on 
the  subject,  which  is  printed  in  the  preface  of 
this  Index,  p.  vii.  This,  however,  failed  of  effect, 
as  did  a  movement  in  1845;  ^^^  it  made  manifest 
the  necessity  of  an  historical  society,  as  a  source 
of  influence  for  such  end ;  and  the  same  year  the 
New  Jersey  Historical  Society  was  formed,  of 
which  Mr.  Whitehead  has  been  the  correspond- 
ing secretary  from  the  start.  This  society  rein- 
forced the  movement  in  the  State  Legislature; 
but  no  result  being  reached,  it  undertook  of  its 
own  action  the  desired  work,  and  in  1849  gave  a 
commission  to  Mr.  Henry  Stevens  to  make  an  an- 
alytical index  of  the  documents  relating  to  New 
Jersey  to  be  found  in  England.  This  being  fur- 
nished, the  State  legislature  failing  to  respond  in 
any  co-operative  measures  for  the  enlargement 
of  it  from  the  domestic  records  of  the  State,  Mr. 
Whitehead  undertook  the  editing,  as  explained 
in  the  title,  and  appended  to  the  volume  a  bibliog- 
raphy of  all  the  principal  printed  works  relating  to 
Nev;  Jersey  up  to  1857.  Mr.  Stevens's  enumer- 
ation began  with  1663-64,  the  editor  adding  two 
earlier  ones  of  1649  ^"^  ^^S^-  ^"^  a  small  part 
of  the  list,  however  (13  pp.  out  of  470),  refers 
to  the  period  covered  by  the  present  chapter. 


and  many  of  those  mentioned  had  already  been 
printed. 

The  Sparks  Catalogue  shows  "  Papers  relat- 
ing to  New  Jersey,  1683-177  5,"  collected  by 
George  Chalmers,  which  are  now  in  Harvard 
College  Library. 

Some  of  the  later  general  histories  of  the 
State  may  be  mentioned  :  — 

The  History  of  Nezu  Jersey  from  its  Discovery 
to  the  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  by 
Thomas  F.  Gordon,  Trenton,  1834.  There  is  a 
companion  volume,  a  Gazetteer. 

Civil  and  Political  History  of  Nezv  Jersey,  by 
Isaac  S.  Mulford,  Camden,  1848.  The  author 
says  "no  claim  is  advanced  for  originality  or 
learning,"  his  object  being  to  make  accessible 
scattered  information  in  a  "simple  and  compen 
dious  narrative,"  which  is  not  altogether  care- 
fully set  forth.  A  new  edition  was  issued  in 
1851  in  Philadelphia. 

The  History  of  Neio  Jersey,  by  John  O.  Raum, 
2  vols.  Philadelphia,  1877,  is  simply,  so  far  as 
the  early  chronicles  are  concerned,  a  repetition 
mostly  of  Smith  and  Gordon,  though  no  credit 
is  given  to  those  authorities. 

A  few  of  the  local  histories  also  deserve  some 
notice :  — 

Contributions  to  the  Early  History  of  Perth 
Amboy  and  adjoining  Country,  by  William  A. 
Whitehead,  New  York,  1856.  The  author  says, 
"  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  clothe  with  the 
importance  of  history  these  desultory  gleanings." 
It  has  a  map  of  the  original  laying-out,  following 
what  is  presumed  to  have  been  an  original  sur- 
vey of  1684. 

An  Historical  Account  of  the  First  Settle fnent 
at  Saletn  in  West  Jersey,  by  John  Fenwicke,  Esq., 
chief  proprietor  of  the  same ;  with  [continuation] 


456 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


by  R.  S.  Johnson,  Philadelphia,  1839,  24mo.  pp. 
173.  Mr.  Johnson's  memoir  of  Fenwicke  is  in 
the  New  Jersey  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  iv. 

The  Hon.  John  Clement,  of  Haddonfield,  has 
prepared  a  History  of  Fenwicke' s  Colony. 

The  two  hundredth  anniversary 
of  the  settlement  of  Burlington  was 
celebrated  Dec.  6,  1877,  when  the 
late  Henry  Armitt  Brown  delivered 


COLONIAL    BOUNDS,    1 65 6. 


an  oration,  presenting 
the  early  history  in   a 
rhetorical  way. 
Reminiscences  of  Old  Glouces- 
ter, .  .  .  New  Jersey,   by  Isaac 
Mickle,  Philadelphia,  1845. 

History  of  Elizabeth,  New  Jer- 
sey, i7icliiding  the  Early  History 
of  Union  County,  by  the  Rev. 
Edwin  F.  Hatfield,  New  York, 
1868.  The  author  differs  from 
the  writer  of  the  present  chap- 
ter with  respect  to  the  merits  of  the  conflict        , 

between  the  Proprietors  and  the  people.     The     existence  but  in  Smith's  map,  which  the  "royal 
foot-note  references  are  ample.  geographer  seems  to  have  fallen  in  with. 


History  of  the  County  of  Hudson  from  its  Ear- 
liest Settlement,  by  Charles  H.  Winfield,  New 
York,  1874. 

Historical  Sketch   of  the  County  of  Passaic, 
especially  of  the  First  Settlements  and  Settlers. 
Privately  printed,  by  Wil- 
liam    Nelson,     Paterson^ 
1877. 

The  History  of  Newark, 
New  Jersey,  being  a  Narra- 
tive of  its  Rise  and  Progress 
from  May,  1666,  by  Joseph 
Atkinson,  Newark,  1878;  a 
book  giving,  however,  only 
in  a  new  garb,  the  older 
chronicles  of  the  place.  It 
gives  a  map  of  the  town  as 
laid  out  in  1666. 

The    annexed    sketch- 
map  is  an  extract  from  a 
map  entitled,  Le  Canada^ 
ou    Nouvelle    France,    etc.y 
par  N.  Sanson  d'' Abbeville y. 
geog7'aphe  ordinaire  du  Royy 
Paris,  1656,  and  by  its  dotted  lines 
shows  the  limits  conceded  by  the 
French  to  the  different  colonies  ot 
the  northern  seaboard  of  the  pres- 
ent  United    States,    a   few    years 
before  the  establishment   of   New 
Caesaria.      New  England  was  de- 
fined on  the  east  by  the  height  of 
land    between    the   waters    of   the 
Penobscot  and  the  Kennebec,  and 
on  the  northwest  by  a  similar  ele- 
vation that  turned  the .  rainfall  to 
the    St.   Lawrence.      New  Nether- 
land  stretched  from  Cape  Cod  to  the  Delaware,., 
where  it  met  New  Sweden,  which  lay  between 
it  and  Virginia,  —  the  Maryland  charter  not  be- 
ing recognized ;  nor  was  the  absorption  of  the 
territory  of  the  Swedes  the  year  before  (1655), 
by  the  Dutch,  made  note  of.     The  map-maker, 
in  defining  these  limits,  pretends  to  have  worked 
on  English  and  Dutch  authorities ;  but  the  Ply- 
mouth colonists  would  have  hardly  allowed  the 
annihilation  to  which  they  were  subjected,  and 
the   settlers    of    Massachusetts   would    scarcely 
have  recognized   the   names   attached   to   their 
headlands  and  harbors,  and  never  having  any 


NOTE    ON    NEW   ALBION. 

BY  GREGORY  B.  KEEN, 

Late  Professor  of  Mathematics  in  the  Theological  Seminary  of  St.  Charles  Borromeo,  Corresponding  Secretary  of 

the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

THE  English  did  not  attain  supreme  dominion  in  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, or  Delaware  until  the  grant  of  King  Charles  II.  to  his  royal  brother,  the  Duke 
of  York,  in  1664;  yet  the  history  of  these  States  and  that  of  Maryland  would  not  be  com- 
plete without  specific  mention  of  the  antecedent  attempt  to  settle  this  part  of  America, 
made  by  the  unsuccessful  colonist  Sir  Edmund  Plowden. 

This  person  was  a  member  of  a  Saxon  family  of  Shropshire,  England,  whose  antiquity 
is  sufficiently  intimated  by  the  meaning  of  its  surname,  "  Kill-Dane,"  —  being  the  second 
son  of  Francis  Plowden,  Esq.,  of  Plowden,  Salop,  and  grandson  of  the  celebrated  lawyer 
and  author  of  the  Cofnmeittaries,  Serjeant  Edmund  Plowden,  a  Catholic,  who  declined 
the  Lord-Chancellorship  of  England,  offered  him  by  Queen  EHzabeth,  lest  he  should  be 
forced  to  countenance  her  Majesty's  persecutions  of  his  Church. 1  In  1632,  this  gentleman, 
who  like  his  ancestors  and  other  relatives  was  a  Catholic,^  and  at  that  time  resided  in 
Ireland, 3  in  company  with  "  Sir  John  Lawrence,  Kt.  and  Bart.,  Sir  Boyer  Worsley,  Kt., 
John  Trusler,  Roger  Pack,  William  Inwood,  Thomas  Ryebread,  Charles  Barret,  and 
George  Noble,  adventurers,"  petitioned  King  Charles  I.  for  a  patent,  under  his  Majesty's 
seal  of  Ireland,  for  "  Manitie,  or  Long  Isle,"  and  "  thirty  miles  square  of  the  coast  next 
adjoining,  to  be  erected  into  a  County  Palatine  called  Syon,  to  be  held  of  "  his  "  Majesty's 
Crown  of  Ireland,  without  appeal  or  subjection  to  the  Governor  or  Company  of  Virginia, 
and  reserving  the  fifth  of  all  royal  mines,  and  with  the  like  title,  dignity,  and  privileges  to 
Sir  Edmund  Plowden  there  as  was  granted  to  Sir  George  Calvert'  Kt.,  in  New  Foundland 
by  "  his  "  Majesty's  royal  father,  and  with  the  usual  grants  and  privileges  to  other  colo- 

1  On  the  family  of  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  1635  he  is  said  (temporarily,  at  least)  to  have 
see  Burke's  Commoners  and  Landed  Gentry  of  counterfeited  conformity  in  religion.  See  "  Sir 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  under  "  Plowden ; "  Edmund  Plowden  in  the  Fleet,"  by  the  Rev.  Ed- 
Baker's  N^orthamptonshire,  under  "Fermor;"  \N2iX(}i  T>.^€\\\\xi  t\\Q  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  v. 
the  Visitation  of  Oxfordshire,  published  by  the  424  et  seq.,  an  article  which  '•  furnishes  some 
Harleian  Society,  and  other  works  cited  below,  facts  relative  to  the  career  of  Sir  Edmund 
particularly  Records  of  the  English  Province  Plowden  just  before  he  left  England  for  Vir- 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  by  Henry  Foley,  S.  J.  ginia,"  from  "  the  calendars  of  British  State 
(London,   1875-1882),  especially  vol.  iv.  pp.  537  papers  during  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First." 


it  seq. 


3  See  "  Sir  Edmund  Plowden  or  Ployden,' 


2  On  this  point,  see  Father  Foley's  Records,  by  "Albion,"  ni  Notes  and  Queries,  iv.  319  et  seq. 

just  mentioned,  and  "  A  Missing  Page  of  Cath-  (London,  1852),  containing  so  many  statements 

olic  American  History,  —  New  Jersey  colonized  not  elsewhere  met  with  as  to  have  provoked  a 

by  Catholics,"  by  the  Rev.  R.  L.  Burtsell,  D.D.,  series  of  pertinent  queries  from  the  late  Sebas- 

in  the  Catholic  World  for  November,  1880  (xxxii.  tian  F.  Streeter,  Secretary  of  the  Maryland  His- 

204  ^/j^<7..  New  York,  1881).     Sir  Edmund  Plow-  torical    Society,  Ibid.,  ix.  301-2  (London,  1854), 

den  was  not  so  stanch  in  his  adherence  to  his  several  of  which,  unfortunately,  are  still  unan- 

faith  as  was  his  illustrious  grandfather,  for  in  swered. 
VOL.   III. —  58. 


458  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

nies,"  etc.  And  a  modified  form  of  this  prayer  was  subsequently  presented  to  the  mon- 
arch, in  which  the  island  spoken  of  is  called  "  Isle  Plowden,"  and  the  county  palatine 
"  New  Albion,"  and  the  latter  is  enlarged  to  include  "  forty  leagues  square  of  the  adjoining 
continent,"  the  supplicants  "  promising  therein  to  settle  five  hundred  inhabitants  for  the 
planting  and  civilizing  thereof."  The  favor  sought  was  immediately  conceded,  and  the 
King's  warrant,  authorizing  the  issue  of  a  patent  to  the  petitioners,  and  appointing  Sir 
Edmund  Plowden  "  first  Governor  of  the  Premises,"  was  given  at  Oatlands,  July  24,  the 
same  year ;  ^  in  accordance  with  which,  a  charter  was  granted  to  Plowden  and  his  associates 
above  mentioned,  by  writ  of  Privy  Seal,  witnessed  by  the  Deputy-General  of  Ireland,  at 
Dublin,  June  21,  1634.2  In  this  document  the  boundaries  of  New  Albion  are  so  defined 
as  to  include  all  of  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania  embraced  in  a 
square,  the  eastern  side  of  which,  forty  leagues  in  length,  extended  (along  the  coast)  from 
Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  May,  together  with  Long  Island,  and  all  other  "isles  and  islands  in 
the  sea  within  ten  leagues  of  the  shores  of  the  said  region."  The  province  is  expressly 
erected  into  a  county  palatine,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Sir  Edmund  Plowden  as  earl, 
depending  upon  his  Majesty's  '-royal  person  and  imperial  crown,  as  King  of  Ireland:  " 
and  the  same  extraordinary  privileges  are  conferred  upon  the  patentee  as  had  been 
bestowed  two  years  before  upon  Lord  Baltimore,  to  whose  charter  for  Maryland  that 
for  New  Albion  bears  very  close  resemblance. 

Two  of  the  petitioners,  Worsley  and  Barret,  afterward  dying,  "the  whole  estate  and 
interest "  in  the  grant  became  vested  in  the  seven  survivors,  and  of  these,  Ryebread,  Pack, 
In  wood,  and  Trusier,  in  consideration  of  gifts  of  five  hundred  acres  of  land  in  the  prov- 
ince, abandoned  their  claims,  Dec.  20,  1634,  in  favor  of  "  Francis,  Lord  Plowden,  son  and 
heir  of  Sir  Edmund,  Earl  Palatine,"  and  George  and  Thomas  Plowden,  two  other  of  his 
sons,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  forever.  The  same  year,  apparently,^  Plowden  granted  to 
Sir  Thomas  Danby  a  lease  of  ten  thousand  acres  of  land,  one  hundred  of  which  were  "  on 
the  northeast  end  or  cape  of  Long  Island,"  and  the  rest  in  the  vicinity  of  Watsessett,  pre- 
sumed to  be  near  the  present  Salem,  New  Jersey,  with  "  full  liberty  and  jurisdiction  of  a 
court  baron  and  court  leet,"  and  other  privileges  for  a  "  Town  and  Manor  of  Danby  Fort," 
conditioned  on  the  settlement  of  one  hundred  "  resident  planters  in  the  province,"  not 

suffering  "any  to  live  therein  not  believing  or  profess- 
ing the  three  Christian  creeds  commonly  called  the 
Apostolical,  Athanasian,  and  Nicene." 

The  plans  of  the  Earl  Palatine  were  simultane- 
ously advanced  by  the  independent  voyages  of  Cap- 
tain Thomas  Yong,  of  a  Yorkshire  family,  and  his 
nephew  and  lieutenant,  Robert  Evelin,  of  Wotton,  Surrey,  undertaken  in  virtue  of  a 
special  commission  from  the  King,  dated  Sept.  23,  1633,  to  discover  parts  of  America  not 

1  The  petitions  and  warrant  mentioned,  with  50 ;  Captain  Balls ;  and  amounting  in  all  to 
a  paper  entitled  "  The  Commodities  of  the  Island  540  colonizers,  beside  others  in  Maryland,  Vir- 
called  Manati  ore  Long  Isle  wthin  the  Continent,  ginia,  and  New  England."  The  same  persons, 
of  Virginia,"  extracted  from  Strafford's  Letters  with  "  Lord  Sherrard  "  and  "  Mr.  Heltonhead  " 
and  Despatches  (i.  72)  and  Colonial  Papers  (vol.  vi.  and  his  brother,  are  named  as  lessees  under  the 
nos.6o,6i),in  the  Public  Record  Office  at  London,  charter  of  New  Albion,  in  Varlo's  Floating  Ideas 
arc  given  in  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  1869,  pp.  213  of  Nature,  ii.  13,  hereafter  spoken  of. 
et  seq.  (New  York,  1870).  "  P>etween  this  period  2  «  Confirmed,"  savs  "  Albion,"  "  24th  July, 
and  1634,"  according  to  "  Albion,"  "  Sir  Edmund  1634."  The  Latin  original  of  this  charter  may 
was  engaged  in  fulfilling  the  conditions  of  the  be  seen  in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  vol.  vii. 
warrant  by  carrying  out  the  colonization  by  in-  p.  50  et  seq.  (Philadelphia,  1883),  with  an  Intro- 
dentures,  which  were  executed  and  enrolled  in  ductory  Note  by  the  writer,  embracing  Printz's 
Dublin,  and  St.  Mark's,  in  Maryland,  in  Amer-  account  of  Plowden,  extracts  from  the  wills 
ica.  In  Dublin  the  parties  were  Viscount  of  Sir  Edmund  and  Thomas  Plowden,  and 
Muskerry,  100  planters;  Lord  Monson,  100  a  portion  of  Vario's  pamphlet,  hereafter  re- 
planters ;  Sir  Thomas  Denby,  100  planters ;  ferred  to. 
Captain  Claybome    (of    American    notoriety),          »  So  « Albion." 


NOTE   ON    NEW   ALBION. 


459 


"actuaUy  in  the  possession  of  any  Christian  Prince."  i  These  persons  sailed  from  Fal- 
mouth, Friday,  May  i6,  1634,  and  arriving  between  Capes  Charies  and  Henry  the  3d  of 
July,  left  Virginia  on  the  20th  to  explore  the  Delaware  for  a  "Mediterranean  Sea," 
said  by  the  Indians  **  to  be  four  days'  journey  beyond  the  mountains,"  from  which  they 
hoped  to  find  an  outlet  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  affording  a  short  passage  to  China  and  the 
East  Indies.  On  the  25th  they  entered  Delaware  Bay  and  proceeded  leisurely  up  the 
river  (which  Yong  named  "  Charles,'  in  honor  of  his  sovereign),  conversing  and  trading 
with  the  savages,  as  far  as  the  present  Trenton  Falls,  which  they  reached  the  29th  of 
August,  and  where  they  were  obliged  to  stop,  on  account  of  the  roclcs  and  the  shallowness 
of  the  water.  On  the  ist  of  September  they  were  overtaken  here  by  some  "  Hollanders 
of  Hudson's  River,'!  whom  Yong  entertained  for  a  few  days,  but  finally  required  to  depart 
under  the  escort  of  Evelin,  who  afterward  explored  the  coast  from  Cape  May  to  Man- 
hattan, and  on  his  return  made  a  second  ineffectual  attempt  to  pass  beyond  the  rocks  in 
the  Delaware.2  Both  Yong  and  Evelin  "  resided  several  years"  on  this  river,  and  under- 
took to  build  a  fort  there  at  '•  Kriwomeck,"'  in  the  present  State  of  New  Jersey.  Tidings 
of  their  actions  were  frequently  reported  to  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  and  in  1641  was  printed 
a  Direction  for  Adventurers  and  Description  of  New  Albion,^  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
Lady  Plowden,  written  by  Evelin.  Books  concerning  the  province  were  likewise  published, 
it  is  said,*  in  1637  and  1642. 

About  the  close  of  1641,  the  Earl  Palatine  at  length  visited  America  in  person,  and, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  Lord  Baltimore,'  "in  1642  sailed  up  Delaware  River,"  one 
of  his  men,  named  by  Plantagenet  "  Master  Miles,"  either  then  or  about  that  time 
"swearing  the  officers'"  of  an  English  settlement  of  seventy  persons,  at  "Watcessit" 
(doubtless  the  New  Haven  colonists  at  Varkens  Kil,  now  Salem  Creek,  New  Jersey''),  to 
"obedience'''  to  him  ''as  governor."  Plowden's  residence  was  chiefly  in  Virginia,  where< 
it  is  recorded,  he  bought  a  half-interest  in  a  barque  in  1643;"'  and  it  is  probable  that  he 
had  communication  with  Governor  Leonard  Calvert,  of  Maryland,  since  a  maid-servant 
belonging  to  him  accompanied  Margaret  Brent,  the  intimate  friend  of  the  latter,  on  a  visit 
to  the  Isle  of  Kent,  in  Chesapeake  Bay.^  The  longest  notice  of  him  during  his  sojourn  on 
our  continent  occurs  in  a  report  of  Johan  Printz,  Governor  of  New  Sweden,  to  the  Swedish 
West  India  Company,  dated  at  Christina  (now  Wilmington,  Delaware),  June  20,  1644,®  the 
importance  of  which  induces  the  writer  to  translate  the  whole  of  it.     Says  Printz,— 

"In  my  former  communications  concerning  the  English  knight,  I  have  mentioned  how  last 
year,  in  Vkginia,  he  desired  to  sail  with  his  people,  sixteen  in  number,  in  a  barque,  from  Hecke- 

1  Printed  in  Kymtx's  Fa:dera,x\x.  ^-2  et  seq.,  Allibone.)  It  was  reprinted  in  chapter  iii.  of 
A.D.  1633,  and  reprinted  in  Ehenezer  Hazard's  Plantagenet's  Description  of  Nevj  Alhiott,  here- 
Historical  Collections,  i.  338  et  seq.,  Philadelphia,     after  mentioned. 

1792.     For  biographical  accounts  of  Yong  and  *  So  Beauchamp  Plantagenet. 

Evelin,  see  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Captain   W.  ■'  Before  the  Committee  of  Trade.    See  Sam- 

Glamille  Ez'elyn  (Oxford,  1S79),  and   The  Eze-  uel  Hazard's  A7tnals  of  Pennsylvania,  p.  109. 

lyris  in  America  (Ibid.,  1881),  both  edited   and  «  With  regard  to  whom  see  Vol.  IV.,  chapter 

annotated  bv   G.  D.   Scull ;    cf   also   "  Robert  on  "  New  Sweden." 

Eveh-n,  Explorer  of  the  Delaware,"  by  the  Rev.  ^  Jlazard's  Annals,  pp.  J09,  no,  citing  "  Al- 

E.  D.  Neill,  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  second  bany  Records,"  iii.  224. 

series,  vol.  iv.  pp.  75,  76;  and  Xeill's  Founders  '"-  "  Sir  lidmund  Plowden,"  by  the  Rev.  Ed- 

of  Maryland,  p.  54,  note.  ward  D.  Neill,  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  //is- 

2  These  facts  are  stated  in  letters  from  Yong  tory,  v.  206  et  seq.,  citing  "Manuscript  records 
to  Sir  Tobie  Matthew,  referred  to  in  the  chapter  of  Mar)-land,  at  Annapolis." 

on  Maryland,  which  also  contains  a  fac-simile  of  «  Printed  at  the  end  of  Kolomen  Aya  Svenges 

the  sigT^ature  of  Thomas  Yong.  Grundldggning,    1637-1642,    af    C.    I .  Odhner 

»  Direction  for  Adventurers,  and  true  d^scrip-  ( Stockholm,  1876),  referred  to  m  Vol.  IV.,  chap- 

Hon  of  th€  healthiest,  pleasantest,  and  riclust  Plan-  ter   on    "  New   Sweden."      1  he   "  former   com- 

tation  of  New  Albion,  tn  North  Virginia,  in  a  munications  "  spoken  of  m  it  cannot  be  found, 

Utter  from  May ster  Robert  Evelim,  thai  Ined  there  although  they  have  been  diligently  sought  for. 

many  years.     Small  4to.      ("  Liber  rarissimus,"  on  behalf  of  the  writer,  in  Sweden. 


460  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

mak  to  Kikathans  ;  ^  and  when  they  came  to  the  Bay  of  Virginia,  the  captain  (who  had  previously 
conspired  with  the  knight's  people  to  kill  him)  directed  his  course  not  to  Kikethan,  but  to  Cape 
Henry,  passing  which,  they  came  to  an  isle  in  the  high  sea  called  Smith's  Island,  when  they 
took  counsel  in  what  way  they  should  put  him  to  death,  and  thought  it  best  not  to  slay  him  with 
their  hands,  but  to  set  him,  without  food,  clothes,  or  arms,  on  the  above-named  island,  which  was 
inhabited  by  no  man  or  other  animal  save  wolves  and  bears ;  and  this  they  did.  Nevertheless, 
two  young  noble  retainers,  who  had  been  brought  up  by  the  knight,  and  who  knew  nothing  of  that 
plot,  when  they  beheld  this  evil  fortune  of  their  lord,  leaped  from  the  barque  into  the  ocean,  swam 
ashore,  and  remained  with  their  master.  The  fourth  day  following,  an  English  sloop  sailed  by 
Smith's  Island,  coming  so  close  that  the  young  men  were  able  to  hail  her,  when  the  knight  was 
taken  aboard  (half  dead,  and  as  black  as  the  ground),  and  conveyed  to  Hackemak,  where  he  re- 
covered. The  knight's  people,  however,  arrived  with  the  barque  May  6, 1643,  ^t  our  Fort  Elfsborg, 
and  asked  after  ships  to  Old  England.  Hereupon  I  demanded  their  pass,  and  inquired  from 
whence  they  came  ;  and  as  soon  as  I  perceived  that  they  were  not  on  a  proper  errand,  I  took  them 
with  me  (though  with  their  consent)  to  Christina,  to  bargain  about  flour  and  other  provisions,  and 
questioned  them  until  a  maid-servant  (who  had  been  the  knight's  washerwoman)  confessed  the 
truth  and  betrayed  them.  I  at  once  caused  an  inventory  to  be  taken  of  their  goods,  in  their  pres- 
ence, and  held  the  people  prisoners,  until  the  very  English  sloop  which  had  rescued  the  knight 
arrived  with  a  letter  from  him  concerning  the  matter,  addressed  not  alone  to  me,  but  to  all  the 
governors  and  commandants  of  the  whole  coast  of  Florida.  Thereupon  I  surrendered  to  him  the 
people,  barque,  and  goods  (in  precise  accordance  with  the  inventory),  and  he  paid  me  425  riksdaler 
for  my  expenses.  The  chief  of  these  traitors  the  knight  has  had  executed.  He  himself  is  still  in 
Virginia,  and  (as  he  constantly  professes)  expects  vessels  and  people  from  Ireland  and  England. 
To  all  ships  and  barques  that  come  from  thence  he  grants  free  commission  to  trade  here  in  the  river 
with  the  savages  ;  but  I  have  not  yet  permitted  any  of  them  to  pass,  nor  shall  I  do  so  until  I 
receive  order  and  command  to  that  effect  from  my  most  gracious  queen,  her  Royal  Majesty  of 
k  Sweden." 

Printz's  opposition  to  Plowden's  encroachment  within  his  territory  was  never  relaxed, 
and  was  entirely  successful.  In  the  course  of  his  residence  in  America,  the  Earl  Palatine 
of  New  Albion  visited  New  Amsterdam,  "  both  in  the  time  of  Director  Kieft  and  in  that 
of  General  Stuyvesant,"  and,  according  to  the  Vertoogh  van  Nieu  Nederland^"^  "  claimed 
that  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  North  River  to  Virginia  was  his  by  gift  of  King 
James  [Charles]  of  England,  but  said  he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  strife  with  the  Dutch, 
though  he  was  very  much  piqued  at  the  Swedish  governor,  John  Printz,  at  the  South 
River,  on  account  of  some  affront  given  him,  too  long  to  relate;  adding  that  when  an 
opportunity  should  offer,  he  would  go  there  and  take  possession  of  the  river."  Before 
re -crossing  the  ocean,  he  went  to  Boston,  his  arrival  being  recorded  in  the  Journal  of  Gov- 
ernor John  Winthrop,  under  date  of  June  4,  1648,  having  "been  in  Virginia  about  seven 
years.  He  came  first,"  says  the  Governor,  "with  a  patent  of  a  County  Palatine  for  Dela- 
ware Bay,  but  wanting  a  pilot  for  that  place,  went  to  Virginia,  and  there  having  lost  the 
estate  he  brought  over,  and  all  his  people  scattered  from  him,  he  came  hither  to  return  to 
England  for  supply,  intending  to  return  and  plant  Delaware,  if  he  could  get  sufficient 
strength  to  dispossess  the  Swedes." 

Immediately  on  reaching  Europe,  Plowden  set  about  this  task,  and,  to  obtain  the 
greater  credit  for  his  title  as  "  Earl  Palatine  of  New  Albion,"  both  in  and  out  of  that 
province,  as  well  as  recognition  of  the  legality  and  completeness  of  his  charter,  submitted 
a  copy  of  the  latter  to  Edward  Bysshe,  "  Garter  Principal  King  of  Arms  of  Englishmen," 
who  received  favorable  written  opinions  on  the  subject  from  several  Serjeants  and  doctors 
of  laws,  which,  with  the  letters  patent,  were  recorded  by  him  Jan.  23,  1648/9,  "in  the 

1  Accomack  and  Kecoughtan  (as  it  is  usually  "^  Cited  in  Vol.  IV.,  chapter  on  "New  Swe- 

spelled  by  English  writers),  the  present  Hamp-  den."    John  Romeyn   Brodhead,  in  his  History 

ton.     The  diverse  orthography  of  the  text  con-  of  the  State  of  New  York,  i.  381,  484,  mentions 

forms  to  the  original.     The  places  are  noted  on  Plowden's  visits  to  Manhattan  as  occurring  in 

contemporary  maps.  1643  ^"^  1648. 


NOTE    ON    NEW   ALBION. 


461 


ofBce  of  arms,  there  to  remain  in  perpetual  memory."  1  At  the  same  time  (December, 
1648)  there  was  pubHshed  another  advertisement  of  Plovvden's  enterprise,  entitled  A 
Description  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion,^  by  "  Beauchamp  Plantagenet,  of  Belvil,  in 
New  Albion,  Esquire,"  purporting  to  contain  "  a  full  abstract  and  collection  "  of  what  had 
already  been  written  on  the  theme,  with  additional  information  acquired  by  the  Earl  Pala- 
tine during  his  residence  in  America.  The  work  is  dedicated  "  To  the  Right  Honourable 
and  mighty  Lord  Edmund,  by  Divine  Providence  Lord  Proprietor,  Earl  Palatine,  Gover- 
nour,  and  Captain-Generall  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion,  and  to  the  Right  Honourable 
the  Lord  Vicount  Monson  of  Castlemain,  the  Lord  Sherard,  Baron  of  Letrim,  and  to  all 


1  Scull's  Evelyns  in  America,  p.  361  et  scq. 
The  lawyers  referred  to  were  Henry  Clerk  and 
Arthur  Turner,  serjeants-at-law,  and  Arthur 
Ducke,  Thomas  Ryves,  Robert  Mason,  William 
Merricke,  Giles  Sweit,  Robert  King,  and  Wil- 
liam Turner,  doctors  of  laws ;  of  whom,  says 
the  editor,  two  at  least,  Ducke  and  Ryves,  are 
"  recognized  as  very  able  and  learned  lawyers 
in  their  day."  The  rest,  as  well  as  Bysshe,  speak 
of  the  letters  patent  as  "  under  the  Great  Seal 
of  Ireland."  I  am  informed  by  Mr.  Scull  that 
the  documents  mentioned  constitute  a  manu- 
script folio  volume  now  in  the  Bodleian  Library, 
Oxford. 

2  A  Description  of  the  Province  of  New  At- 
bion.  And  a  Direction  for  Adventurers  ivitJi  smalt 
stock  to  get  two  for  one,  and  good  land  freely  :  And 
for  Gentlemen,  and  all  Servattts,  Labourer's,  and 
Artificers  to  live  plentifully.  And  a  former  De- 
scription re-printed  of  tJie  Jiealt/iiest,  pleasantest, 
and  richest  Plaritation  of  New  Albion  in  North 
Virginia,  proved  by  tJiirteen  witnesses.  TogetJier 
witJi  a  Letter  from  Master  Robert  Evelin,  tJiat 
lived  tJiere  many  years,  sliewing  the  particulari- 
ties, and  excellency  thereof.  With  a  brief  of  tJie 
charge  of  victuall,  and  necessaries,  to  transport 
and  buy  stock  for  each  Planter,  or  Labourer, 
there  to  get  his  Master  £s°  P^^  Anmmt,  or 
more  in  twelve  trades,  at  £\o  c/iarges  onely  a 
man.  Printed  in  the  Year  1648.  Small  4to, 
32  pp.  (Sabin's  Dictionary,  vol.  v.  no.  19,724.)  On 
the  verso  of  the  titlepage  (reproduced  here  from 
the  copy  of  the  book  in  the  Philadelphia  Li- 
brary) appear  :  "  The  Order,  Medall,  and  Riban 
of  the  Albion  Knights,  of  the  Conversion  of 
23  Kings,  their  support ;  "  the  medal  (given 
also  in  Mickle's  Reminiscences  of  Old  Gloucester) 
bearing  on  its  face  a  coroneted  effigy  of  Sir 
Edmund  Plowden,  surrounded  by  the  legend, 
'  Edmundus  .  Comes  .  Palatinus  .  et  .  Guber  . 
N .  Albion,'  and  on  the  reverse  two  coats  of 
arms  impaled  ;  the  dexter,  those  of  the  Province 
of  New  Albion,  namely,  the  open  Gospel,  sur- 
mounted by  a  hand  dexter  issuing  from  the  parti- 
line  grasping  a  sword  erect,  surmounted  by  a 
crown ;  the  sinister,  those  of  Plowden  himself,  a 
fesse  dancettee  with  two  fleurs-de-lis  on  the  upper 
points ;  supporters,  two  bucks  rampant  gorged 
with  crowns, —  the  whole  surmounted  by  the 
coronet  of  an  Earl  Palatine,  and  encircled  with 


the  motto,  'Sic  suos  Virtus  beat;'  and  the 
order  consisting  of  this  achievement  encircled 
by  twenty-two  heads  couped  and  crowned,  held 
up  by  a  crowned  savage  kneeling,  —  the  whole 
surrounded  with  the  legend,  '  Docebo  iniquos 
viAs  tuas,  et  impii  ad  te  convertentur.'  " 
These  engravings  are  accompanied  by  Latin 
mottoes  and  English  verses  on  "  Ployden  "  and 
"  Albion's  Arms."  The  work  is  the  subject  of 
an  essay  entitled  "  An  Examination  of  Beau- 
champ  Plantagenet's  Description  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  New  Albion,"  by  John  Penington,  in  the 
Memoirs  of  t/ie  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
vol.  iv.  pt.  i.  pp.  133  et  scq.  (Philadelphia,  1840), 
for  which  the  writer  is  very  justly  censured  by  a 
reviewer  in  the  Ge7itleman''s  Magazine  for  Au- 
gust, 1840,  in  these  terms:  "  He  has  shown  him- 
self not  unskilful  in  throwing  ridicule  upon  the 
exaggerations  and  falsifications  with  which  (as 
unhappily  has  been  generally  the  case  with  such 
compositions  in  all  ages)  the  prospectus  of  Ploy- 
den, or  Plowden,  abounds ;  but  he  has  failed  in 
the  more  difficult  task  of  separating  truth  from 
falsehood."  The  same  critic  says  :  "  It  is  clear 
to  us  that  the  pamphlet  was  issued  with  the  con- 
sent, and  probably  at  the  procuration  and 
charges,  of  Sir  Edmund  Ployden ; "  and  he  at- 
tempts to  throw  some  light  upon  the  personality 
of  the  author,  whose  name  of  "  Plantagenet," 
undoubtedly,  is  fictitious.  Besides  the  copy  of 
the  Description  of  Nei.v  Albion  in  the  Philadelphia 
Library,  there  is  another  in  the  Carter-Brown  Li- 
brary [Catalogue,  vol.  ii.no.  649),  at  Providence; 
three  are  mentioned  by  Mr.  Penington  as  in- 
cluded in  private  libraries  ;  and  two,  says  the 
writer  in  the  Gentleman'' s  Magazine,  are  preserved 
in  the  British  Museum.  The  book  was  reprinted 
from  the  Philadelphia  copy  in  Tracts  and  Other 
Papers  collected  by  Peter  Force,  vol.  ii.  no.  7 
(Washington,  1838),  and  again  reprinted  from 
Force  in  Scull's  Evelyns  in  America,  p.  67  et 
seq.  The  citations  in  the  text  are  taken  directly 
from  the  Philadelphia  and  Carter-Brown  copies, 
which  will  account  for  some  variations  from 
these  occasionally  inaccurate  reprints.  A  sec- 
ond edition  of  the  original  is  mentioned  by 
Lowndes  as  published  in  1650.  See  the  Huth 
Catalogue,  which  says  :  **  The  original  edition 
was  doubtless  published  at  Middleburgh  in 
1641  or  1642." 


462 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


§ 


% 


J 

.5 


other  the  Vicounts,  Barons,  Baronets,  Knights,  Gentlemen,  Merchants,  Adventurers,  and 
Planters  of  the  hopefuU  Company  of  New  Albion,  in  all  44  undertakers  and  subscribers, 

bound  by  Indent- 
ure to  bring  and 
settle  3,000  able 
trained  men  in  our 
said  severall  Plan- 
tations in  the  said 
Province,"  —  the 
author,  himself 
"  one  of  the  Com- 
pany," professing 
to  "*  have  had  the 
honour  to  be  ad- 
mitted as  "  the 
"■  familiar  "  of 
Plowden,  and  to 
"  have  marched, 
lodged,  and  cab- 
bined  "  with  him, 
both  "among  the 
Indians  and  in 
Holland."!  It 
opens  with  a  short 
treatise  "of 
Counts  or  Earls 
created,  and  Coun- 
ty Palatines,"  fol- 
lowed by  an  adu- 
latory account  of 
the  family  of  the 
Proprietor,  and  a 
defence  of  his  title 
to  his  province, 
comprising    some 

sober,  adorned  with 
much  Learning,  en- 
riched with  sixe 
Languages,  most 
grounded  and  expe- 
rienced in  forain 
matters  of  State  pol- 
icy, and  govern- 
ment, trade,  and  sea 
voyages,  by  4  years 
travell  in  Germany, 
France,  Italy,  and 
Belgium,  by  5  years 
living  an  Officer  in 
Ireland,  and  this 
last  7  years  in  Amer- 
ica." "  Sir  Edmund 
'was  not  inferior  to 
posi- 


'«ts^m& 


Tmc  vinoe  mounted  alcft on Hontsw  hi^, 
*In  a  SexDC  Coniocms  tsdtar  as  skic. 

On  Gofpcb  Tnuh  &iii^  toooar  and  jleaoiS^ 


*4^^MidaSi'aid  lOlrat  »fibi  Albion  ^gbtS^tiit  Ctnvfffitn  #f  2: 


1  An  intimacy  which  authorized  Plantagenet 
to  speak  thus  of  the  Earl  Palatine :  ^  I  found  his 
conversation  as  sweet  and  winning,  as  grave  and 


Plowden,"  says  "  Albion, 

any  of  his  co-govemors  in  ability,  fortune 

tion,  or  family.** 


NOTE   ON    NEW   ALBION.  465 

original  statements  with  icgard  to  the  Dutch  '  and  Swedes.  Specific  mention  is  made  of 
several  tribes  of  Indians  dwelling  in  New  Albion,  and  of  numerous  "  choice  seats  for 
English,"  some  of  which  have  been  approximately  identified. *  "  For  the  Politique  and 
Civill  Government,  and  Justice,*'  says  the  writer,  •'  Virginia  and  New  England  is  our 
president :  first,  the  Lord  head  Govern  our,  a  Deputy  Govemour,  Secretary  of  Estate,  or 
Sealkeeper,  and  twelve  of  the  Councell  of  State  or  upper  House  ;  and  these,  or  five  of 
them,  is  also  a  Chancery  Court.  Next,  out  of  Counties  and  Towns,  at  a  free  election 
and  day  prefixed,  thirty  Burgesses,  or  Commons.  Once  yearly  these  meet,  as  at  a  Parlia- 
ment or  Grand  Assembly,  and  make  Laws,  .  .  .  and  without  full  consent  of  Lord,  upper 
and  lower  House,  nothing  is  done."  -  For  Religion,"  observes  the  author,  "  I  conceive 
the  Holland  way  now  practised  best  to  content  all  parties  :  first,  by  Act  of  Parliament 
or  Grand  Assembly,  to  setde  and  establish  all  the  Fundamentals  necessary  to  salvation. 
...  But  no  persecution  to  any  dissenting,  and  to  all  such,  as  to  the  Walloons,  free  Chap- 
els ;  and  to  pimish  all  as  seditious,  and  for  contempt,  as  bitterly  rail  and  condemn  others 
of  the  contrary:  for  this  argument  or  perswasion  of  Religion,  Ceremonies,  or  Church- 
Discipline,  should  be  acted  in  mildnesse.  love,  and  charity,  and  gentle  language,  not  to 
disturb  the  peace  or  quiet  of  the  Inhabitants,  but  therein  to  obey  the  Civill  Magistrate," 
—  the  latter  remarkable  programme  of  universal  tolerance  in  matters  of  faith  being  prob- 
ably designed  to  protect  Catholic  colonists  in  the  same  manner  as  the  famous  "  Act  con- 
cerning Religion"  passed  by  the  Maryland  Assembly  the  following  year.  The  book 
closes  with  some  practical  ad\-ice  to  "  Adventurers,"  and  promises  all  such  "  of  ;^5oo  to 
bring  fifty  men  shall  have  5.000  acres,  and  a  manor  with  Royalties,  at  ^s.  rent;  and 
whosoever  is  wiUing  so  to  transport  himself  or  ser\-ant  at  ;^  10  a  man  shall  for  each  man 
have  100  acres  freely  granted  forever." 

The  only  eWdence  we  possess  that  any  result  flowed  from  this  fresh  attempt  to  pro- 
mote emigration  to  New  Albion  is  derived  fi-om  documents  in  the  Public  Record  Office  at 
London,*  stating  that  March  21.  1649-50.  a  "Petition  of  the  Earl  of  New  Albion  relat- 
ing to  the  plantation  there"  was  -referred  to  the  consideration  of  the  Committee  of 
Council:  "  that  April  3.  1650,  it  was  -referred  to  the  Committee  for  Plantations,  or  any 

1  Reproduced  in    Heylin's  Cosmo-^raphu,  in  thirt\-eight  and  forty  minutes,  and  so  runneth 

Philips's  enlarged  edition  of  Speed's  Prospect  of  h\,  or  through,  or  including  Kent  Isle,  through 

tJu  Most  Famous  Parts  of  th^  World,  in  Stith's  Chisapeack  Bay  to  Pascatway,  including  the  fals 

Zr£rti?rr^F/'r^'««  (Williamsburg,  1747),  and  in  of   Pawtomecke  river  to  the  head  or  Norther- 

^^FockaOmnuniary  of  the  first' S€ttling  of  Xew  most  branch  of  that  river,  being  three  hundred 

fersey  by  th^  Europeans  (Xew  York,  1759).    Com-  miles  due  West ;  and  thence  Northward  to  the 

pare    "Coancells    Opinions     concerning    Coll.  head  of    Hudson's   river  fifty  leagues,  and   so 

NidioUs    pattern    and    Indian    purchases,*'    in  down  Hudson's  river  to  the  Ocean,  sixty  leagues ; 

Doc.   Col.  Hist.  X.    v.,  xiii.  4S6,   +S7   (Albany,  and  thence  b>-  the  Ocean  and  Isles  a  crosse  Dela- 

1881)-     On  certain  of  these  points,  see  "  Expe-  ware  Bay  to  the  South  Cape,  fift>'  leagues ;  in  all 

dition  of  Captain   .Samuel  Argall,"  bv  George  seven  hundred  and  eighty  miles.    Then  all  Hud- 

Folsom,  in  A'.  V.  Hht.  Soc.  Coll.,  second  series,  son's  river.  Isles,  Long  Isle,  or  Pamunke.  and  all 

L  333  rf^^  (New  York,  1841),  and  Brodhead's  Isles  within   ten  leagues  of  the  said   Province 

History  of  tJu  StaU  of  Xruy  York,  i-  54-  ?^  140.  being  ;  and  note  Long  Isle  alone  is  twenty  broad, 

and  notes  E  and  F.  ^nti  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  long,  so  that 

«  See  SkOclusofth^  Prtmiirte  Scttlermnts  on  alone  is  four  hundred  miles  compasse."     These 

tJu  Riz'^  Ddaioare,  bv  James  N.  Barker  iPhila-  limits  of  Xew  Albion,  as  given  m  Smith's  ///.- 

delphia,  iS-7),  Peningtons  work  alreadv  cited,  tory  ofXra^f^sey,  are  ated  by  the  Rev.  W  .1- 

and«An  Inquir>-  into  the  Location  of' Mount  liam    Smith,   D.D.,  in  An   Examtnatton   of  the 

PloTden,the  Seat  of  the  Raritan  King,"  V.- the  Conmcticut    Claim    to    Lands   tn    Pennsylvania 

Rev.  George  C.  Schanck,  in  AV^/^.n-^^.^.  (Philadelphia,  1774).  with  the  remark,  page83: 

Proc,  vL  25  ^  ^.  (Xewark,  N  T-  iSsS'-     Ac-  -  This  Grant,  which  was  intended  to  mclude  all 

cording  to  Planugenet,  -The  V.und^  is  a  thou-  the  Dutch  Claims,  was  the   Foundation  of  the 

sand  mfl«  compasse,  of  this  most  temperate,  rich  Duke  ot  \  ork's  Grant.  „     ,         •• 

Provmce,    for   our   South   bound    is   Maryland  »  Domestic  Interregnum,  Entry  Boo^  xai. 

Xorth  boonds,  and  b^inneth  at  Aquats  or  the  108,   159,  44i-     Reprinted   m  N.   Y.  Hut.  Soc. 

Soathennost  or  first  Cape  of  Delaware  Bay  in  CoU.  1S69,  pp.  221-22. 


464  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

three  of  them,  to  confer  with  the  Earl  of  Albion  concerning  the  giving  good  security  to 
Council,  that  the  men,  arms,  and  ammunition,  which  he  hath  now  shipped  in  order  to  his 
voyage  to  New  Albion,  shall  go  thither,  and  shall  not  be  employed  either  there  or  else- 
where to  the  disservice  of  the  public  ; "  and  that  June  11,  1650,  "a  pass"  was  "granted 
for  Mr.  Batt  and  Mr.  Danby,  themselves  and  seven  score  persons,  men,  women,  and 
children,  to  go  to  New  Albion."  We  have  no  other  proof  of  the  sailing  of  these  people,  • 
nor  any  knowledge  of  their  arrival  in  America. 

In  165 1,  there  was  offered  for  sale  in  London,  A  inapp  of  Virginia,  compiled  by 
"  Domina  Virginia  Farrer,"  1  designating  the  territory  on  the  Delaware  as  "  Nova  Albion," 
as  well  as  "  Sweeds'  Plantation,"  with  a  note  :  "  This  River  the  Lord  Ployden  hath  a 
Patten  of,  and  calls  it  New  Albion ;  but  the  Sweeds  are  planted,  in  it,  and  have  a  great 
trade  of  Furrs."  On  the  Jersey  side  of  the  stream  are  indicated  the  sites  of  "  Richnek 
Woods,"  "Raritans,"  "  Mont  Ployden,"  "  Eriwoms,"  and  "Axion,"  and  on  the  sea-coast 
^'  Egg  Bay,"  all  of  which  are  mentioned  in  Plantagenet's  New  Albion. 

At  that  time  Plowden  was  still  in  England,^  and  we  do  not  know  that  he  ever  returned 
to  his  province.  In  his  will,  dated  July  29,  1655,  he  styles  himself  "  Sir  Edmund  Plowden, 
of  Wansted,  in  the  County  of  Southton  [Southampton],  Knight,  Lord,  Earle  Palatine,  Gov- 
ernor and  Captain-Generall  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion  in  America,"  and  thinks  "it  fit 
that"  his  "  EngHsh  lands  and  estates  be  settled  and  united  to"  his  "  Honour,  County  Pal- 
atine, and  Province  of  New  Albion,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  same."  In  consequence 
•of  the  "sinister  and  undue  practises"  of  his  eldest  son,  Francis  Plowden,  by  whom,  he 
says,  "  he  had  been  damnified  and  hindered  these  eighteene  yeares,"  "  his  mother,  a  mutable 
woman,  being  by  him  perverted,"  he  bequeaths  all  his  titles  and  property  in  England  and 
America,  including  his  "  Peerage  of  Ireland,"  to  his  second  son,  Thomas  Plow^den,  speci- 
ally mentioning  "the  province  and  County  Palatine  of  New  Albion,"  whereof,  he  says, 
""  I  am  seized  as  of  free  principality,  and  held  of  the  Crowne  of  Ireland,  of  which  I  am  a 
Peere,  which  Honor  and  title  and  province  as  Arundell,  and  many  other  Earledomes  and 
Baronies,  is  assignable  and  saleable  with  the  province  and  County  Palatine  as  a  locall 
Earledome."  He  provides  for  the  occupation  and  cultivation  of  New  Albion  as  follows  : 
"  I  doe  order  and  will  that  my  sonne  Thomas  Plowden,  and  after  his  decease  his  eldest 
heire  male,  and  if  he  be  under  age,  then  his  guardian,  with  all  speed  after  my  decease,  doe 
imploy,  by  consent  of  Sir  William  Mason,  of  Greys  Inne,  Knt,  otherwise  William  Mason, 
Esquire,  whom  I  make  a  Trustee  for  this  my  Plantation,  all  the  cleare  rents  and  profits  of 
my  Lands,  underwoods,  tythes,  debts,  stocks,  and  moneys,  for  full  ten  yeares  (excepted  what 
is  beqeathed  aforesaid),  for  the  planting,  fortifying,  peopling,  and  stocking  of  my  province 
of  New  Albion  ;  and  to  summon  and  enforce,  according  to  Covenants  in  Indentures  and 
subscriptions,  all  my  undertakers  to  transplant  thither  and  there  to  settle  their  number  of 
men  with  such  as  my  estate  yearly  can  transplant,  —  namely.  Lord  Monson,  fifty  ;  Lord 
Sherrard,  a  hundred  ;  S""  Thomas  Danby,  a  hundred  ;  Captain  Batts,  his  heire,  a  hun- 
dred;  Mr.  Eltonhead,  a  Master  in  Chancery,  fifty;  his  eldest  brother  Eltonhead,  fifty; 
Mr.  Bowles,  late  Gierke  of  the  Crowne,  forty ;  Captain  Claybourne,  in  Virginia,  fifty  ; 
Viscount  Muskery,  fifty;  and  many  others  in  England,  Virginia,  and  New  England,  sub- 
scribed as  by  direction  in  my  manuscript  bookes  since  I  resided  six  yeares  there,  and  of 
policie  a  government  there,  and  of  the  best  seates,  profits,  mines,  rich  trade  of  furrs,  and 
wares,  and  fruites,  wine,  worme  silke  and  grasse  silke,  fish,  and  beasts  there,  rice,  and 
floatable  grounds  for  rice,  flax,  maples,  hempe,  barly,  and  corne,  two  crops  yearely  ;  to 
build  Churches  and  Schooles  there,  and  to  indeavour  to  convert  the  Indians  there  to 

1  Reproduced  herewith  from  a  copy  in  the  based  not  on  this,  but  on  a  similar  map  in  The 
possession  of  John  Cadwalader,  Esq.,  of  Phila-  Discovery  of  New  Britaine  (London,  1651),  in 
delphia.  It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Penington  was  the  British  Museum,  collated  by  "John  Farrer, 
correct  in  his  account  of  this  map,  op.  cit.,  not-  Esq."  Cf.  Editorial  Note  A,  following  chap- 
withstanding  the  criticisms  of  the  reviewer  of  ter  v. 
his  work  in  the  Gentleman! s  Magazine^  which  were  ^  Neill's  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  before  cited 


466  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Christianity,  and  to  settle  there  my  family,  kindred,  and  posterity."  To  each  of  eleven 
parishes  in  England,  where  he  owned  land,  he  left  forty  pounds  ;  and  directs  that  he  be 
buried  in  the  chapel  of  the  Plowdens  at  Ledbury,  in  Salop,  under  a  stone  monument,  with 
*'brasse  plates"  of  his  "eighteene  children  had  affixed  at  thirty  or  fourty  powndes  charges, 
together  with  "  his  "  perfect  pedigree  as  is  drawne  at"  his  "house."  He  "died,"  says 
"Albion,"  "  at  Wanstead,  county  of  Southampton,  in  1659,"  ^^^  will  being  admitted  to 
probate  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury,  July  27  of  that  year.^  Thomas  Plow- 
den  survived  his  father  forty  years,  but  what  benefit  he  derived  from  the  inheritance  of 
New  Albion  does  not  appear.  His  own  will  is  dated  May  16,  1698,  and  was  admitted  to 
probate  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury  the  loth  of  the  following  September.  In 
it  he  describes  himself  as  "  Thomas  Plowden,  of  Lasham,  in  the  county  of  Southton, 
Gent ;  "  and  after  leaving  all  his  children  and  grandchildren  "  ten  shillings  a  piece  of  law- 
full  English  money,"  proceeds  :  "  I  do  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  son  Francis  Plowden 
the  Letters  Pattent  and  Title,  with  all  advantages  and  profitts  thereunto  belonging,  And 
as  it  was  granted  by  our  late  Sovereign  Lord  King  Charles  the  first  over  England,  under 
the  great  Seal  of  England,  unto  my  ffather.  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  of  Wansted,  in  the 
County  of  Southton,  now  deceased,  The  province  and  County  palatine  of  New  Albion,  in 
America,  or  in  North  Virginia  and  America,  which  pattent  is  now  in  the  custody  of  my 
son-in-law,  Andrew  Wall,  of  Ludshott,  in  the  said  County  of  Southton,  who  has  these 
severall  years  wrongfully  detained  it,  to  my  great  Loss  and  hinderance.  And  all  the 
rest  and  residue  of  my  goods,  chatties,  and  personall  Estate,  after  my  debts  and  Legacies 
be  paid  and  funerall  discharged,  I  give  and  devise  unto  my  wife,  Thomazine  Plowden,  of 
Lasham."  ^ 

That  Plowden's  claim  to  the  territory  of  New  Albion  was  not  forgotten  in  America, 
appears  from  the  following  allusions  to  it.  In  a  conversation  recorded  by  the  Swedish 
engineer,  Peter  Lindstrom,^  as  occurring  in  New  Sweden,  June  18,  1654,  between  the 
Swedes  and  "  Lawrence  Lloyd,  the  English  Commandant  of  Virginia,"  concerning  the 
rights  of  their  respective  nations  to  jurisdiction  over  the  Delaware,  the  latter  laid  par- 
ticular stress  upon  the  fact  that  "  Sir  Edward  Ployde  and  Earl  of  Great  Albion  had  a 
special  grant  of  that  river  from  King  James."  On  the  other  hand,  on  occasion  of  the 
embassy  of  Augustine  Herman  and  Resolved  Waldron  on  behalf  of  the  Director-General 
of  New  Netherland  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland,  in  October,  1659,  Plowden's  title  was 
spoken  of  by  them  as  "subretively  and  fraudulently  obtained"  and  "invalid;"  while 
Secretary  Philip  Calvert  affirmed  that  "Ployten  had  had  no  commission,  and  lay  in  jail  in 
England  on  account  of  his  debts,  relating  that  he  had  solicited  a  patent  for  Novum 
Albium  from  the  King,  but  it  was  refused  him,  and  he  thereupon  applied  to  the  Viceroy 
of  Ireland,  from  whom  he  had  obtained  a  patent,  but  that  it  was  of  no  value,"  ^  —  allega- 
tions, it  is  understood,  of  interested  parties,  which  therefore  possess  less  weight  as  testi- 
mony against  the  rights  of  Plowden.  At  the  same  time  the  title  of  the  Earl  Palatine  to 
his  American  province  was  recognized  in  the  last  edition  of  Peter  Heylin's  Cosmographie^ 
which  was  revised  by  the  author,  and  published  in  London  in  1669,^  and  in   Philips's 

1  The  document  is  on  file  in  the  Preroga-  contrary,  the  will  contains  "  no  allusion  whatever 
tive  Court  of  Canterbury,  London,  and  has  two  to  the  death  of  anybody  at  the  hands  of  Amer- 
seals  attached  to  it,  —  described  by  "  Albion  "     ican  Indians." 

as  Sir  Edmund's  "  private  seal  of  the  Plowdens,  ^  In  his   manuscript  Journal,  preserved  in 

and  his  Earl's  with  supporters,  signed  *  Albion,'  Sweden. 

the  same  as  is  given  in  Beauchamp  Plantagenet's  *  See  Doc.  Col.  Hist.  N.  K,  ii.  82,  92. 

New  Albion'^     The  extracts  in  the  text  were  ^  In    these    terms :    "  A    Commission    was 

copied  from  the  original  will  by  a  London  cor-  granted  to  Sir  Edmund  Ploydon   for  planting 

respondent  of  the  writer.  and    possessing  the  more   Northern   parts  [of 

2  Extract  courteously  made  from  the  original  New  Netherland],  which  lie  towards  New  Eng- 
at  Somerset  House,  London,  by  the  same  corres-  land,  by  the  name  of  New  Albion."  Similarly 
pondent.  This  gentleman  assures  me  that,  not-  (following  Heylin)  the  Pocket  Commentary  of  the 
withstanding  the  declaration  of  *'  Albion  "  to  the  first  Settling  of  New  Jersey. 


NOTE   ON   NEW  ALBION. 


467 


enlarged  edition  of  John  Speed's  Theatre  of  the  Empire  of  Great  Britain  and  Prospect 
of  the  Most  Famous  Parts  of  the  World,  printed  in  London  in  1676.1 

From  this  period  the  history  of  New  Albion  is  more  obscure.  There  is  proof,  how- 
ever, of  the  residence  in  Maryland,  in  May,  1684,  of  certain  Thomas  and  George  Plowden, 
affirmed,  on  grounds  of  family  tradition,  by  persons  who  claim  to  be  descended  from  one  of 
them,  to  be  sons  of  a  son  of  the  original  patentee,  who  had  brought  his  wife  and  children 
to  America  to  take  possession  of  his  estates,  but  had  been  murdered  by  the  Indians. 
That  the  ancestral  jurisdiction  over  the  province  was  never  entirely  lost  sight  of,  is  shown 
by  the  circumstance  that  the  title  peculiar  to  it  was  constantly  retained  by  later  genera- 
tions of  this  race.2  Just  before  the  American  Revolution,  Charles  Varlo,  Esq.,  of  Eng- 
land, purchased  the  third  part  of  the  Charter  of  New  Albion,  and  in  1784  visited  thts 
country  with  his  family,  "  invested  with  proper  power  as  Governor  to  the  Province, 
not  doubting,"  as  he  says,  "  the  enjoyment  of  his  property."  He  made  an  extended 
tour  through  Long  Island,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  Maryland,  and  distri- 
buted among  the  inhabitants  a  pamphlet,^  comprising  a  translation  in  English  of  the  Latin 


1  Maps  of  "  New  England  and  New  York  " 
and  "  Virginia  and  Maryland,"  in  this  work, 
name  the  region  on  the  west  side  of  the  Dela- 
ware south  of  the  Schuylkill  "  Aromaninck," 
which  was  understood  by  Mr.  Neill  to  be  the 
"  Eriwomeck "  of  Yong  and  Evelin,  placed, 
therefore,  at  that  point  by  him  in  articles  in  the 
Historical  Magazine  and  the  Pennsylvania  Mag- 
azine of  History,  before  referred  to.  "  Aroman- 
ink"  is  given  on  another  map,  one  of  Visscher's 
(from  which  these  in  Speed's  work  were  partly 
derived),  agreeing  with  several  of  the  period  in 
assigning  "  Ermomex  "  (quite  as  likely  the  true 
"  Eriwomeck  "  )  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Dela- 
ware. Modern  historians  of  New  Jersey,  fol- 
lowing a  statement  of  Evelin,  place  Yong's 
Fort  near  Pensaukin  Creek. 

2  For  information  with  regard  to  this  family, 
see  Note  B  to  Mr.  Henry  C.  Murphy's  transla- 
tion of  "  The  Representation  of  New  Nether- 
land,"  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  second  series,  ii. 
323  et  seq.  (New  York,  1849),  ^r^d  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Burtsell's  article,  already  quoted.  The  latter 
lays  particular  stress  upon  the  devout  fidelity  to 
the  Catholic  Church  of  the  kinsfolk  of  the  Earl 
Palatine  of  New  Albion,  whether  in  England  or 
America,  and  intimates  the  Catholic  character 
of  Sir  Edmund  Plowden's  projected  colony. 

3  In  8vo,  30  pp.,  with  the  following  titlepage: 
The  Finest  Part  of  America.  To  be  Sold,  or  Lett, 
From,  Eight  Hundred  to  Four  Thousand  Acres,  iit 
a  Farm,  All  that  Entire  Estate,  called  Long  Island, 
in  New  Albion,  Lying  near  New  York :  Pelonging 
to  the  Earl  Palatine  of  Albion,  Granted  to  His  Pre- 
decessor, Earl  Palatine  of  Albion,  By  King  Charles 
the  First.  *^*  The  Situation  of  Long  Island  is 
well  known,  therefore  needs  no  Description  here. 
New  Albion  is  a  Part  of  the  Continent  of  Terra 
Firma,  described  in  the  Charter  to  begin  at  Cape 
May  ;  from  thence  Westward  1 20  Miles,  running 
by  the  River  Delaware,  closely  folloiving  its  Course 
by  the  North  Latitude,  to  a  certain  Rivulet  there 
arising  from  a  Spring  of  Lord  Baltimore's,  in 


Maryland;  to  the  South  from  thence,  taking  its 
Course  into  a  Square,  bending  to  the  North  by  a 
Right  Line  120  Miles ;  from  thence  also  into  a 
Square  inclining  to  the  East  in  a  right  Line  120 
Miles  to  the  River  and  Port  of  Readier  Cod,  and 
descends  to  a  Savannah  or  Meadow,  ttirning  and 
including  the  Top  of  Sandy  Hook ;  from  thence 
along  the  Shore  to  Cape  May,  where  it  began,  form- 
ing a  Square  of  120  Miles  of  good  Land.  Long 
Island  is  mostly  improved  and  ft  for  a  Course  of 
Husbandry.  N.B.  —  Great  Encouragement  will 
be  given  to  improving  Tenants,  by  letting  the  Lands 
very  cheap,  on  Leases  of  Lives,  renewable  for  ever. 
^^  Letters  {Post paid)  signed  with  real  Names, 
directed  for  F.  P.,  at  Mr.  ReyneWs  Printijtg-Ofice, 
No.  21,  Piccadilly,  near  the  Hay-Market,  will  be 
answered,  and  the  Writer  directed  where  he  may 
be  treated  with,  relative  to  the  Conditions  of  Sale, 
Charter,  Title  Deeds,  a  Map,  with  the  Farms 
allotted  thereon,  etc.,  etc.  fust  Published,  and 
may  be  had  as  above  {Price  One  Shilling),  A 
True  Copy  of  the  Above  Charter,  With  the  Condi- 
tions of  Letting,  or  Selling  the  Land,  and  other 
Articles  relating  t/iereto.  A  copy  of  this  rare 
tract  (that  collated  by  Sabin,  and  consulted  by 
the  writer)  is  owned  by  Mr.  Charles  H.  Kalb- 
fleisch,  of  New  York;  others  are  mentioned  in 
Mr.  Whitehead's  East  fersey  under  the  Propri- 
etors (2d  ed.),  p.  II,  note,  as  belonging  to  the 
late  John  Ruthurfurd,  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  and  the 
late  Henry  C.  Murphy,  of  New  York.  The  copy 
formerly  pertaining  to  Varlo's  counsellor,  Will- 
iam Rawle,  long  since  passed  out  of  the  posses- 
sion of  his  family.  Of  the  contents  of  the  book 
mentioned  in  the  text,  the  translation  of  the 
charter  and  the  lease  and  release  were  reprinted 
in  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  i.  160  et  seq.; 
the  address  is  given  (with  the  error  "  Sir 
Edward  "  for  "  Sir  Edmund  Plowden ")  in  a 
"parergon"  to  Penington's  essay  ;  and  the  con- 
ditions for  letting  or  selling  land  appear  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vii.  54,  as  be. 
fore  intimated. 


468 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


charter  enrolled  at  Dublin,  copies  of  the  lease  to  Danby,  and  the  release  of  Ryebread  and 
others,  before  referred  to,  an  address  of  the  "  Earl  Palatine  of  Albion  "  to  the  public,  and 
conditions  for  letting  or  seUing  land  in  New  Albion.  He  likewise  issued  "  a  proclamation, 
in  form  of  a  handbill,  addressed  to  the  people  of  New  Albion,  in  the  name  of  the  Earl  of 
Albion,"  1  and  published  in  the  papers  of  the  day  (July,  1785)  "A  Caution  to  the  Good 
People  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion,  alias  corruptly  called,  at  present,  The  Jerseys," 
not  to  buy  or  contract  with  any  person  for  any  land  in  said  province.^  He  formed  the 
acquaintance  of  Edmund  (called  by  him  Edward)  Plowden,  representative  of  St.  Mary's 
County  in  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  a  member  of  the  family  already  mentioned,  and 
endeavored  to  interest  that  gentleman  in  his  schemes.  Finding  his  land  settled  under  the 
grant  to  the  Duke  of  York,  he  also  sought  counsel  of  William  Rawle,  a  distinguished 
lawyer  of  Philadelphia,  and  "  took  every  step  possible,"  he  affirms,  "  to  recover  the  estate 
by  law  in  chancery,  but  in  vain,  because  judge  and  jury  were  landowners  therein,  con- 
sequently parties  concerned.  Therefore,  after  much  trouble  and  expense,"  he  "  returned 
to  Europe."  ^  Varlo's  last  act  was  to  indite  two  letters  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  reciting 
his  grievances  and  appealing  for  redress,  but  conceived  in  such  a  tone  as  would  seem  to 
have  precluded  a  response.'*  Thus  ended  this  curious  episode  in  the  history  of  Enghsh 
colonization  in  America.^ 


S^il-^trvw  ^     I'lsUU^ 


1  "The  Proclamation,"  says  Mr.  Murphy, 
*'  has  not  been  republished.  The  only  copy  which 
we  know  of  is  the  one  for  the  use  of  which  we 
are  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the  Hon.  Peter 
Force,  of  Washington." 

2  Notice  was  also  given  that  "  True  copies  in 
Latin  and  English  of  the  original  charter  regis- 
tered in  Dublin,  authenticated  under  the  hand 
and  seal  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin,  1784, 
may  be  seen,  by  applying  to  Captain  Cope,  at  the 
State  Arms  Tavern,  New  York." 

3  An  account  of  Varlo's  "  Tour  through  Am- 
erica "  was  given  in  his  Nature  Displayed,  p. 
116  et  seq.   (London,  1794),  and  was  reprinted 


(with  slight  variations  of  phrase)  in  his  Floating 
Ideas  of  Nature,  ii.  53  et  seq.,  London,  1796.  A 
copy  of  the  former  book  is  in  the  Mercantile 
Library  of  Philadelphia,  and  one  of  the  latter 
is  in  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania. 

4  The  letters  appear  in  the  Floating  Ideas  of 
Nature,  ii.  9  et  seq. 

5  The  authorities  cited  in  this  paper  contain, 
it  is  believed,  all  the  facts  in  print  concerning 
New  Albion,  although  the  subject  is  mentioned 
in  all  the  general  and  in  many  of  the  local  annals 
of  New  Jersey,  as  well  as  in  several  histories  of 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  New  York. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE  FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY  FREDERICK  D.   STONE, 

Librarian  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

THE  founding  of  Pennsylvania  was  one  of  the  immediate  results  of 
Penn's  connection  with  West  Jersey;  but  the  causes  which  led  to 
the  settlement  of  both  colonies  can  be  clearly  traced  to  the  rise  of  the 
religious  denomination  of  which  he  was  a  distinguished  member.  This 
occurred  in  one  of  the  most  exciting  periods  of  English  history.  The 
Long  Parliament  was  in  session.  Events  were  directly  leading  to  the 
execution  of  the  King.  All  vestiges  of  the  Church  of  Rome  had  been 
well-nigh  swept  away  in  a  country  in  which  that  Church  had  once  held 
undisputed  sway,  and  its  successor  was  faring  but  little  better  with  the 
armies  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  conflict  between  Presbyterians  and 
Churchmen,  —  in  the  efforts  of  the  former  to  change  the  Established 
Church,  and  of  the  latter  to  maintain  their  position, — was  scarcely  more 
bitter  in  spirit  than  the  temper  with  which  the  Independents  denounced 
all  connection  between  Church  and  State.  Other  dissenting  congrega- 
tions at  the  same  time  availed  themselves  of  a  season  of  unprecedented 
religious  liberty  to  express  their  views,  and  religious  discussions  became 
the  daily  talk  of  the  people. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  ministry  of  George  Fox 
began.  Born  in  the  year  1624,  a  native  of  Leicestershire,  he  was  from 
his  youth  noted  for  "  a  gravity  and  stayedness  of  mind  and  spirit  not 
usual  in  children."  As  he  approached  manhood,  he  became  troubled 
about  the  condition  of  his  soul,  and  passed  through  an  experience  similar 
to  that  which  tried  his  contemporary,  John  Bunyan,  when  he  imagined 
that  he  had  sinned  against  the  Holy  Ghost.  His  friends  had  advised  him 
to  marry  or  to  join  the  army;  but  his  immediate  recourse  was  rather  to 
spiritual  counsel.  He  naturally  sought  this  from  the  clergymen  of  the 
Established  Church,  in  which  he  had  been  bred ;  but  they  failed  to  satisfy 
his  mind.  The  first  whom  he  consulted  repeated  to  his  servants  what 
George  had    said,  until   the  young  man  was    distressed   to   find  that  his 


470 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


troubles  were  the  subjects  of  jests  with  the  milk-maids.     Another  told  him 
to  sing  psalms  and  smoke  a  pipe.      A  third   flew  into  a  violent  passion 

because,  as  the  talk 
turned  upon  the  birth 
of  Christ,  Fox  inadver- 
tently placed  his  foot 
upon  the  flower-bed. 
A  fourth  bled  and  phys- 
icked him.  Such  con- 
solations, presented 
while  he  was  earnestly 
seeking  to  comprehend 
the  greatest  question  of 
life,  disgusted  him.  He 
then  turned  for  comfort 
to  the  Dissenters ;  but 
they,  as  he  tells  us,  were 
unable  to  fathom  his 
condition.  From  this 
time  he  avoided  pro- 
fessors and  teachers  of 
all  kinds.  He  read  the 
Scriptures  diligently, 
and  strove,  by  the  use 
of  the  faculties  which 
God  had  given  him,  to 
understand  their  true 
meaning.  He  was  not 
a  man  of  learning,  and  was  obliged  to  settle  all  questions  as  they  arose  by 
such  reasonings  as  he  could  bring  to  bear  upon  them.  The  anguish  which 
he  experienced  was  terrible,  and  at  times  he  was  tempted  to  despair;  but 
his  strong  mind  held  him  to  the  truth,  and  his  wonderfully  clear  perception 
of  right  and  wrong  led  him  step  by  step  towards  the  goal  of  his  desires. 
By  degrees  the  ideas  which  had  been  taught  him  in  childhood  were  put 
aside.  It  became  evident  to  him  that  it  was  not  necessary  for  a  man  to  be 
bred  at  Oxford  or  Cambridge  to  become  a  minister  of  Christ;  and  he  felt 
as  never  before  the  meaning  of  the  words,  "  God  dwelleth  not  in  temples 
made  with  hands."  To  one  of  his  understanding  such  convictions  seemed 
as  revelations  from  Heaven.  That  all  men  are  capable  of  receiving  the 
same  Light  to  guide  them,  and  that  all  who  would  follow  this  Light  would 
be  guided  to  the  same  end,  became  his  belief;    and  to  preach  this  faith 

1  [This  follows  Holmes's  engraving  of   the  in  1660 ;  if  his  brother  William,  he  died  in  1683, 

portrait  of   Fox,  by  Honthorst,  in   1654,  when  aged  73.     The  original  canvas  was  recently  of- 

Fox  was  in  his  thirtieth  year.    This  Dutch  paint-  fered  for  sale  in  England.     A  view  of  Swarth- 

er,  if  Gerard  Honthorst,  was  born  in   Utrecht  more  Hall,  where  Fox  lived,  is  in  Gay's  Popular 

in  1592,  was  at  one  time  in  England,  and  died  History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  173.  —  Ed.] 


GEORGE    FOX. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA.  471 

constituted  his  mission.  He  also  felt  that  they  who  were  guided  by  this 
Inner  Light  should  be  known  by  the  simplicity  of  their  speech  and  man- 
ners ;  that  as  the  temples  of  the  Lord  were  the  hearts  of  his  people,  the 
ceremonies  of  the  prevaiHng  modes  of  worship  were  empty  forms;  that 
tithes  for  the  support  of  a  ministry,  and  taxes  for  the  promotion  of  war 
and  like  measures,  should  not  be  paid  by  persons  who  could  not  approve  of 
the  purposes  for  which  they  were  collected ;  and  that  the  taking  of  an 
oath,  even  to  add  weight  to  testimony,  was  contrary  to  the  teachings  of 
the  Scriptures. 

These,  in  brief,  were  the  views  of  the  people  called  Quakers.  That  a 
movement  so  purely  spiritual  in  its  aims  should  have  exercised  a  political 
influence  seems  remarkable.  But  the  principles  upon  which  the  movement 
was  founded  claimed  for  the  mind  a  perfect  freedom;  they  counted  as 
nought  the  privileges  of  rank,  and  demanded  an  entire  separation  of 
Church  and  State. 

The  first  followers  of  George  Fox  were  from  the  neighborhood  of  his 
own  home ;  but  his  views  soon  spread  among  the  yeomanry  of  the  adjoin- 
ing counties.  His  theology  may  have  been  crude,  his  grammar  faulty,  and 
his  appearance  ludicrous ;  yet  there  was  a  personal  magnetism  about  the 
man  which  drew  to  him  disciples  from  all  classes. 

Nothing  could  check  the  energy  with  which  he  labored,  or  silence  the 
voice  which  is  yet  spoken  of  as  that  of  a  prophet.  In  his  enthusiasm  the 
people  seemed  to  him  like  "  fallow  ground,"  and  the  priests  but  **  lumps 
of  clay,"  unable  to  furnish  the  seed  for  a  harvest.  Jeered  at  and  beaten  by 
cruel  mobs,  reviled  as  a  fanatic  and  denounced  as  an  impostor,  he  trav- 
elled from  place  to  place,  sometimes  to  be  driven  forth  to  sleep  under 
haystacks,  and  at  other  times  to  be  imprisoned  as  a  disturber  of  the 
peace.  But  through  all  trials  his  faith  remained  unshaken,  and  he  de- 
nounced what  he  believed  to  be  the  falsehoods  of  the  times,  until,  as  he 
says,  the  priests  fled  when  they  heard  that  *'  the  man  in  leathern  breeches 
is  come." 

In  1654,  but  ten  years  after  George  Fox  had  begun  to  preach,  his  fol- 
lowers were  to  be  found  in  most  parts  of  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland. 
Notwithstanding  the  persecutions  with  which  an  avowal  of  Quakerism  was 
met,  they  adhered  to  their  convictions  with  a  steadfastness  equal  to  that  of 
their  leader.  Imprisonment,  starvation,  and  the  lash,  as  the  penalties  of 
their  religion,  had  no  fears  for  them.  Their  estates  were  wasted  for  tithes 
and  taxes  which  they  felt  it  wrong  to  pay.  Their  meetings  were  dispersed 
by  armed  men,  and  all  laws  that  could  be  so  construed  were  interpreted 
against  them.  All  such  persecution,  however,  was  of  no  avail.  "They 
were  a  people  who  could  not  be  won  with  either  gifts,  honors,  offlces,  or 
place."  Nor  is  it  surprising  that  their  desire  to  share  equally  such  suffer- 
ings in  the  cause  of  truth  should  have  touched  the  heart  of  one  educated 
in  the  severe  school  of  the  Commonwealth.  When  Fox  lay  in  Lanceston 
jail,  one  of  his  people  called  upon  Cromwell  and  asked  to  be  imprisoned  in 


472  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

his  stead.     "  Which  of  you,"  said  Cromwell,  turning  to  his  Council,  *'  would 
do  so  much  for  me  if  I  were  in  the  same  condition?  " 

Satisfied  in  their  hearts  with  the  strength  which  their  faith  gave  them, 
the  Quakers  could  not  rest  until  they  had  carried  the  glad  tidings  to  others. 
In  1655,  Fox  tells  us,  "  many  went  beyond  the  sea,  where  truth  also  sprung 
up,  and  in  1656  it  broke  forth  in  America  and  many  other  places." 

It  has  ever  been  one  of  the  cardinal  principles  of  the  followers  of  Fox 
to  obey  the  laws  under  which  they  live,  when  doing  so  does  not  inter- 
fere with  their  consciences.  When  this  last  is  the  case,  their  convictions 
impel  them  to  treat  the  oppressive  measures  as  nullities,  not  even  so  far 
recognizing  the  existence  of  such  statutes  as  to  cover  their  violation  of  them 
with  a  shadow  of  secrecy.  It  was  against  what  Fox  considered  ecclesias- 
tical tyranny  that  the  weight  of  his  ministry  was  directed.  Those  who  lived 
under  church  government  he  believed  to  be  in  as  utter  spiritual  darkness  as 
it  is  the  custom  of  Christendom  to  regard  the  other  three-fourths  of  man- 
kind; and  it  was  with  a  feeling  akin  to  that  which  will  to-day  prompt 
a  missionary  to  carry  the  Bible  to  the  wildest  tribes  of  Africa,  that  the 
Quakers  of  1656  came  to  the  Puritan  commonwealths  of  America. 

The  record  of  the  first  landing  of  the  Quakers  in  this  country  belongs  to 
another  chapter,^  and  the  historians  of  New  England  must  tell  the  sad  story, 
which  began  in  1656,  of  the  intrusive  daring  for  conviction's  sake  which 
characterized  the  conduct  of  these  humble  preachers.  In  June,  1657,  six 
of  a  party  of  eight  Quakers  who  had  been  sent  back  to  England  the 
year  previous,  re-embarked  for  America.  They  were  accompanied  by  five 
others,  and  on  October  i  five  of  them  landed  at  New  Amsterdam.  The  rest 
remained  on  the  vessel,  and  on  the  3d  instant  arrived  at  Rhode  Island.  It 
was  chiefly  through  the  labors  of  this  little  band  that  the  doctrines  of  the 
Quakers  were  spread  through  the  British  colonies  of  North  America. 

It  was  in  1661  that  the  first  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  in  America  was 
established  in  Rhode  Island,  and  in  1672  the  government  of  the  colony 
was  in  their  hands.  The  Dutch  of  New  Amsterdam  did  not  hold  as  broad 
views  of  religious  liberty  as  were  entertained  by  their  kinsfolk  in  Holland ; 
but  while  the  Quakers  were  severely  dealt  with  in  that  city,  on  Long  Island 
they  were  allowed  to  live  in  comparative  peace.  In  Maryland  the  treat- 
ment of  the  Friends,  severe  at  times,  grew  more  and  more  tolerant,  and 
when  Fox  visited  them  in  1672  he  found  many  to  welcome  him;  and  prob- 
ably the  first  letter  from  a  Meeting  in  England  to  one  in  America  was 
directed  to  that  of  Maryland.  In  Virginia  the  Episcopalians  were  less 
liberal  than  their  neighbors  in  other  provinces.  The  intolerance  with  which 
Dissenters  were  met  drove  many  beyond  her  borders,  and  thus  it  was  that 
some  Friends  gathered  in  the  Carolinas. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men  in  1660,  immediately  after  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.,  dispelled  any  hopes  which  the  Quakers  might 
have   gathered  from  that  monarch's    proclamation   at   Breda,   since   they 

1  See  chapter  ix. 


THE    FOUNDING    OF   PENNSYLVANIA.  473 

were  suspected  of  being  connected  with  that  party.  It  is  at  this  time  that 
we  find  the  first  evidence  that  Fox  and  his  followers  wished  to  obtain 
a  spot  in  America  which  they  could  call  their  own;  and  the  desire  was 
obviously  the  result  of  the  troubles  which  they  encountered,  both  in  Eng- 
land and  America.  Before  this  was  accomplished,  however,  the  Quakers 
experienced  many  trials.  In  1661  Parliament  passed  an  Act  for  their 
punishment,  denouncing  them  as  a  mischievous  and  dangerous  people. 

In  1672  Charles  II.  issued  his  second  declaration  regarding  liberty  of 
conscience,  and  comparative  quiet  was  for  a  few  years  enjoyed  by  his  Dis- 
senting subjects.  In  1673  Parliament  censured  the  declaration  of  the  King 
as  an  undue  use  of  the  prerogative.  The  sufferings  of  the  Quakers  were 
then  renewed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  in  detail  the  penalties  inflicted 
under  the  various  Acts  of  Parliament.  Fox  was  repeatedly  imprisoned, 
and  many  of  his  followers  died  in  confinement  from  ill  usage.  In  1675 
West  Jersey  was  offered  for  sale.  The  advantages  its  possession  would 
afford  were  at  once  appreciated  by  the  men  of  broad  views  who  had  ob- 
tained control  of  the  Quaker  affairs.  Fox  favored  the  scheme.  Some  of 
his  followers  felt  that  to  emigrate  was  to  fly  from  persecution  and  to  desert 
a  cause;  but  Fox,  with  more  wisdom,  had  as  early  as  1660  proposed 
the  purchase  of  a  tract  of  land  in  America.  Between  1656  and  1675  he 
and  his  devoted  followers  were  from  time  to  time  braving  all  kinds  of 
danger  in  the  propagation  of  their  faith  throughout  the  English  colonies 
in  America.  Their  wanderings  often  brought  them  into  contact  with  the 
Indians,  and  this  almost  always  led  to  the  friendliest  of  relations. ^ 

William  Penn  possessed  more  influence  with  the  ruling  class  of  England 
than  did  any  other  of  the  followers  of  Fox.  His  joining  the  Friends  in 
1668  is  a  memorable  event  in  the  history  of  their  Society.  The  son  of 
Admiral  Sir  William  Penn,  the  conqueror  of  Jamaica,  and  of  his  wife  Mar- 
garet, daughter  of  John  Jasper,  of  Amsterdam,  he  was  born  in  London 
Oct.  14,  1644,  the  year  in  which  Fox  began  to  preach  to  his  neighbors  in 
Leicestershire.  The  Admiral  was  active  in  bringing  about  the  restoration 
of  the  Stuarts,  and  this,  together  with  his  naval  services,  gave  him  an  influ- 
ence at  Court  which  would  have  enabled  him  to  advance  the  interests  of  his 
son.  But  while  a  student  at  Oxford,  the  young  Penn  chanced  to  hear  the 
preaching  of  Thomas  Loe,  a  Quaker,  and  so  impressed  was  he  by  it  that  he 

1  As  early  as  1658  Josiah  Coale  and  Thomas  wrote  :  "  Therefore  shall   his  memorial   remain 

Thurston    visited    the    Susquehanna    Indians,  as  a  sweet  oyntment  with  the  Righteous,  and 

They  were  received  with  great  kindness,  and  time  shall  never  blot  him  out  of  their  remem- 

spent  some  weeks  with  the  red  men,  travelling  brance."     Fox   had   several   meetings  with  the 

over    two    hundred    miles    in    their    company.  Indians,  and  at  one  he  says,  "  They  sat  very 

Coale  also  visited  the  tribes  of  Martha's  Vine-  grave  and  sober,  and  were  all  very  attentive, 

yard  and  others  of  Massachusetts.    He  returned  beyond  many  called  Christians."     After  Fox's 

to  them  after  being  liberated  from  prison  at  Sand-  return  to  England,  his  interest  in  the  Indians 

wich,  and  was  told  by  a  chief:  "  The  Englishmen  continued,  and  in  168 1  he  wrote  to  the  Burling- 

do  not  love  Quakers,  but  the  Quakers  are  honest  ton  Meeting  to  invite  the  Indians  to  worship 

men  and  do  no  harm ;  and  this  is  no  English-  with  them.     It  was  thus  that  the  way  was  pr& 

man's  sea  or  land,  and  the  Quakers  shall  come  pared  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  West  Jet 

here  and  welcome."     Of  this  early  teacher  Penn  sey  and  Pennsylvania. 
VOL.  III.  —  60. 


474 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ceased  to  attend  the  religious  services  of  his  College.  For  this  he  was  ex- 
pelled from  the  University.  His  father,  after  a  brief  impulse  of  anger  which 
this  disgrace  caused,  sent  him  to  Paris,  and  in  that  gay  capital  the  impres- 
sions made  by  the  Quaker  preacher  were  nearly  effaced.     From  Paris  he 

went  to  Saumur  and 
became  a  pupil  of 
Moses  Amyrault,  a 
learned  professor  of 
the  French  Reformed 
Church.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  his  studies 
he  travelled  in  France 
and  Italy,  and  in  1664 
returned  to  England, 
—  a  fashionable  gen- 
tleman, with  an  "  af- 
fected manner  of 
speech  and  gait." 
The  dreadful  scenes 
which  occurred  the 
next  year  in  London 
during  the  Plague 
again  turned  his 
thoughts  from  world- 
ly affairs.  To  over- 
come this  seriousness 
his  father  sent  him  to 
Ireland.  While  there, 
an  insurrection  broke 
out  among  the  sol- 
diers at  Carrickfergus 
Castle,  and  he  served 
as  a  volunteer  under 
Lord  Arran  in  its  sup- 
pression. The  Vice- 
roy of  Ireland  was  willing  to  reward  this  service  by  giving  him  a  military 
command,  but  Admiral  Penn  refused  his  consent.     It  was  at  this  time  that 


1  [There  are  papers  on  the  portraits  of  Penn 
in  Scribner's  Monthly,  xii.  i,  by  F.  M.  Etting, 
and  in  the  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist,  October,  1882. 
Cf.  also  Penn.  Mag.  of  Hist.  vol.  vi.  pp.  174,  252. 
The  above  cut  represents  him  at  twenty-two.  It 
follows  a  large  private  steel  plate,  engraved  by 
S.  A.  Schoff,  of  Boston,  with  the  aid  of  a  crayon 
reduction  by  William  Hunt,  and  represents  an 
original  likeness  painted  in  oils  in  1666  by  an 
unknown  artist,  possibly  Sir  Peter  Lely.     It  was 


one  of  two  preserved  at  Stoke  Poges  for  a  long 
time,  and  this  one  was  given  in  1833  by  Penn's 
grandson,  Granville  Penn,  to  the  Historical  So- 
ciety of  Pennsylvania.  {Catalogue  of  Paintings, 
etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  Society,  1872,  no.  50.) 
There  are  other  engravings  of  it  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History,  i.  361 ;  in  Janney's  Life 
of  Penn  ;  in  Stoughton's  William  Penn  ;  and  in 
Watson's  ^^wa/j  of  Philadelphia.  A  portrait  by 
Francis  Place,  representing  Penn  at  fifty-two,  is 


THE    FOUNDING    OF    PENNSYLVANIA.  475 

the  accompanying  portrait  was  painted.  While  in  Ireland,  Penn  again  came 
under  the  influence  of  the  preaching  of  Loe,  and  in  his  heart  became  a 
Quaker.  He  was  shortly  afterwards  arrested  with  others  at  a  Quaker  meet- 
ing. His  conduct  alienated  his  father  from  him,  but  a  reconciliation  followed 
when  the  Admiral  learned  how  sincere  the  young  Quaker  was  in  his  views. 

Penn  wrote  industriously  in  the  cause,  and  endeavored  by  personal  soli- 
citation at  Court  to  obtain  for  the  Quakers  more  liberal  treatment.  Im- 
prisoned in  the  Tower  for  heresy,  he  passed  his  time  in  writing  No  Cross, 
No  Crown.  Released  through  his  father's  influence  with  the  Duke  of 
York,  he  was  soon  again  arrested  under  the  Conventicle  Act  for  having 
spoken  at  a  Quaker  meeting,  and  his  trial  for  this  off"ence  is  a  celebrated 
one  in  the  annals  of  English  law. 

In  September,  1670,  his  father  died,  leaving  him  an  ample  fortune,  be- 
sides large  claims  on  the  Government.  But  the  temptations  of  wealth  had 
no  influence  on  Penn.  He  continued  to  defend  the  faith  he  had  embraced, 
and  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  was  again  in  Newgate.  There  he  wrote 
The  Great  Case  of  Liberty  of  Conscience  debated.  Had  his  services  to 
humanity  been  no  greater  than  those  rendered  by  the  pen,  they  would  have 
secured  for  him  a  lasting  remembrance ;  but  the  experience  he  gained  in 
defending  the  principles  of  the  Friends  was  fitting  him  for  higher  responsi- 
bilities. His  mind,  which  was  naturally  bright,  had  been  improved  by 
study.  In  such  rough  schools  of  statesmanship  as  the  Old  Bailey,  New- 
gate, and  the  Tower,  he  imbibed  broad  and  liberal  views  of  what  was  neces- 
sary for  the  welfare  of  mankind,  which  in  the  end  prompted  him  to  attempt 

engraved  from  the  National  Museum  copy  of  the  John  Penn,  son  of  the   Proprietary,  bought  it 

original  in  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United  from  the  estate  of  Lord  Le  Despenser  at  High 

States,  ii.  487.     It  was  discovered  in  England  in  Wycombe,   and   gave  it  to  the  hospital.     The 

1874,  and  its  story  is  told  in  Mr.  Etting's  paper,  same  head  wtis  again  used  as  the  model  of  the 

There  is  another  engraving  of  it  in  Egle's  Penn-  wooden  bust  which  was  in  the  Loganian  Library, 

sylvania.     Maria  Webb's  Penns  and  Peningtons  but  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1831.      Proud's  His- 

(1867)  gives  an  account  of  a  recently  discovered  to7y  of  Pennsylvania  (1797)  gives  an  engraving  of 

crayon  likeness.     (Cf.  Catalogue  of  Paintings,  etc.,  it ;  and  the  likeness  in  Clarkson's  Life  of  Penn  is 

belonging  to  the  Historical  Society,  1872,  p.  27.)    A  also  credited  to  one  of  Bevan's  busts.     Inman's 

steel  engraving   was  issued   in   Germany  some  picture,  which  appears  in  Janney's  Penn  and  in 

years  since,  purporting  to  be  from  a  portrait  by  Armor's  Governors  of  Pennsylvania,\^  to  be  traced 

Kneller,  —  which  is  quite  possible,  —  and  this  to  the  same  source,  as  also  is  the  engraving  in 

engraving  is  reproduced  a  little  larger  than  the  the  Encyclopcedia  Londiniensis. 
German  one  in  the  Mag.  of  Anier,  Hist.,  October,  Penn  is  buried  in  the  graveyard  at  Jordan's, 

1882.     The  likeness  best  known  is  probably  the  twenty  miles  or  so  from  London  ;  and  the  story 

one  introduced  by  West  in  his  well-known  pic-  of  an  unsuccessful  effort  by  the  State  of  Penn- 

ture  of  the  making  of  the  Treaty.    In  this,  West,  sylvania  to   secure   his   remains,  encased  in   a 

who  never  saw  Penn,  seemingly  followed  one  of  leaden  casket,  is  told  in  The  Remains  of  William 

the  medallions  or  busts  made  by  Sylvanus  Sevan,  Penn,  by  George  L.  Harrison,  privately  printed, 

a  contemporary  of  Penn,  who  had  a  natural  skill  Philadelphia,  1882,  where  is  a  view  of  the  grave 

in  cutting  likenesses  in  ivory.    One  of  these  me-  and  an  account  of    the   neighborhood.     There 

dallions  is  given  in  Smith  and  Watson's  ^»?^r/^««  is  a  picture  of  the  grave  in  the   Pennsylvania 

Historical  and  Literary  Curiosities,  i.  pi.  xv.,  and  in  Historical  Society.     Cf.  Catalogue  of  Paintings, 

the  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist.,  October,  1882.    Bevan's  etc.,  belonging  to  the  LListorical  Society  (1872),  no. 

bust  was  also  the  original  of  the  head  of  the  151;  and  Mrs.  S.  C.  Halls  article  in  National 

statue,  with  a  broad-brim  hat,  which  has  stood  in  Magazine,  viii.  109;   and  Mag.  of  Amer,  Hist., 

the  grounds  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital  since  October,  1882,  p.  661.  — Ed.] 


476  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

a  practical  interpretation  of  the  philosophy  of  More  and  Harrington.  His 
interest  in  West  Jersey  ^  led  him  to  make  extensive  investments  in  the  enter- 
prise ;  but  notwithstanding  the  zeal  and  energy  with  which  it  was  pushed,  the 
result  was  far  from  satisfactory.  The  disputes  between  Fenwick  and  the 
creditors  of  Byllynge,  and  the  transfer  by  the  former  of  a  large  portion  of 
his  interest  to  Eldridge  and  Warner  in  security  for  a  debt,  left  a  cloud  upon 
the  title  of  land  purchased  there,  and  naturally  deterred  people  from  emi- 
grating. False  reports  detrimental  to  the  colony  were  also  circulated  in 
England,  while  the  claim  of  Byllynge,  that  his  parting  with  an  interest  in 
the  soil  did  not  affect  his  right  to  govern,  and  the  continued  assumption  of 
authority  by  Andros  over  East  Jersey  and  the  ports  on  the  Delaware,  added 
to  the  feeling  of  dissatisfaction.  This  is  clearly  shown  in  a  pamphlet  pub- 
lished in  1 68 1,  the  preface  of  which  says  it  was  put  forth  "  to  contradict  the 
Disingenuous  and  False  Reports  of  some  men  who  have  made  it  their  busi- 
ness to  speak  unjustly  of  New  Jersey  and  our  Proceedings  therein:  As 
though  the  Methods  of  Settlement  were  confused  and  Uncertain,  no  man 
Knowing  his  own  Land,  and  several  such  idle  Lying  Stories."  ^ 

It  was  in  this  condition  of  affairs  that  Penn  conceived  the  idea  of  obtain- 
ing a  grant  of  land  in  America  in  settlement  of  a  debt  of  ;^i 6,000  due  the 
estate  of  his  father  from  the  Crown.  We  have  no  evidence  showing  when 
this  thought  first  took  form  in  his  mind,  but  his  words  and  actions  prove 
that  it  was  not  prompted  in  order  to  better  his  worldly  condition.  Certain 
it  is  that  the  eyes  of  the  Friends  had  long  been  turned  to  what  is  now  Penn- 
sylvania as  a  spot  upon  which  they  might  find  a  refuge  from  persecution. 
In  1660,  when  George  Fox  first  thought  of  a  Quaker  settlement  in  America, 
he  wrote  on  this  subject  to  Josiah  Coale,  who  was  then  with  the  Sus- 
quehanna Indians  north  of  Maryland.  The  reply  from  Maryland  is  dated 
"eleventh  month,  1660,"  and  reads, — 

"  Dear  George,  —  As  concerning  Friends  buying  a  piece  of  Land  of  the  Susque- 
hanna Indians,  I  have  spoken  of  it  to  them,  and  told'them  what  thou  said  concerning 
it ;  but  their  answer  was  that  there  is  no  land  that  is  habitable  or  fit  for  situation  beyond 
Baltimore's  liberty  till  they  come  to  or  near  the  Susquehanna's  fort." 

In  1 68 1  Penn,  in  writing  about  his  province,  said  :  "  This  I  can  say,  that  I 
had  an  opening  of  joy  as  to  these  parts  in  the  yearT66i  at  Oxford  twenty 
years  since."  The  interest  which  centred  in  West  Jersey  caused  the 
scheme  to  slumber,  until  revived  by  Penn  in  1680. 

The  petition  to  the  King  was  presented  about  the  ist  of  June,  1680. 
It  asked  for  a  tract  of  land  "  lying  North  of  Maryland,  on  the  East  bounded 
with  Delaware  River,  on  the  West  limited  as  Maryland  is,  and  Northward  to 
extend  as  far  as  plantable,  which  is  altogether  Indian."  This,  "  his  Maj^y 
being  graciously  disposed  to  gratify,"  was  referred  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 

•  [See  Mr.  Whitehead's  chapter  in  the  pres-  0/  the  Many  [Latter  and  Former)  Testimony s 
ent  volume.  —  Ed.]  from  the  Inhabitants  of  New  Jersey,  etc.     Lon- 

^  An  Abstract  or  Abbreviation  of  some  Few     don,  1681. 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


477 


and  Plantations,  and  if  it  should  meet  with  their  approval,  they  were  to  con- 
sider "  such  restrictions,  limitations,  and  other  Clauses  as  were  fitting  to  be 
inserted  in  the  Grant." 

The  proceedings  which  followed  prevented  the  issue  of  the  charter  for 
some  time.  ''  A  caution  was  used,"  says  Chalmers,  **  in  proportion  to  the 
inattention  with  which  former  patents  had  been  given,  almost  to  every 
petitioner.  Twenty  years  had  now  taught  circumspection,  and  the  recent 
refractoriness  of  Massachusetts  had  impressed  the  ministers  with  a  proper 
sense  of  danger,  at  least  of  inconvenience."  The  agents  of  the  Duke  of 
York  and  of  Lord  Baltimore  were  consulted  about  the  proposed  boundaries, 
and  the  opinions  of  Chief-Justice  North  and  the  Attorney-General  were 
taken  on  the  same  subjects,  as  well  as  on  the  powers  that  were  to  be  con- 
ferred. The  charter  as  granted  gave  to  Penn  and  his  successors  all  the 
territory  between  the  fortieth  and  forty-second  degrees  of  latitude,  extend- 
ing through  five  degrees  of  longitude  west  from  the  Delaware  River,  with 
the  exception  of  that  part  which  would  fall  within  a  circle  drawn  twelve 
miles  around  New  Castle,  the  northern  segment  of  which  was  to  form  the 
boundary  between  Penn's  province  and  the  Duke  of  York's  colonies  of 
Delaware.  It  was  supposed  that  such  a  circle  would  be  intersected  on  the 
west  by  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  the  proposed  boundary  between 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.  This  erroneous  opinion  was  the  cause  of  a  pro- 
longed litigation.  The  allegiance  of  the  Proprietary  and  of  the  inhabitants 
was  reserved  to  the  Crown.  The  right  to  govern  was  vested  in  Penn.  He 
could  appoint  officers,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  people  make  such  laws 
as  were  necessary;  but  to  insure  their  unison  with  those  of  England  they 
were  to  be  submitted  to  the  Crown  within  five  years  for  approval.  He 
could  raise  troops  for  the  defence  of  his  province,  and  collect  taxes  and 
duties ;  but  the  latter  were  to  be  in  addition  to  those  ordered  by  Parliament. 
He  could  pardon  all  crimes  except  treason  and  wilful  murder,  and  grant  re- 
prieves in  such  cases  until  the  pleasure  of  the  King  should  be  known.  The 
Bishop  of  London  had  the  power  to  appoint  a  chaplain  on  the  petition  of 
twenty  of  the  inhabitants,  and  an  agent  was  to  reside  near  the  Court  to 
explain  any  misdemeanor  that  might  be  committed. 

The  charter  was  signed  March  4,  1681,  and  on  the  next  day  Penn  wrote 
to  Robert  Turner,  — 

"  After  many  waitings,  watchings,  solicitings,  and  disputes  in  Council,  this  day  my 
country  was  confirmed  to  me  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  with  large  powers  and 
privileges,  by  the  name  of  Pennsilvania,  a  name  the  King  would  have  given  in  honor 
of  my  father.  I  chose  New  Wales,  being  as  this  a  pretty  hilly  country,  ...  for  I 
feared  lest  it  should  be  looked  as  a  vanity  in  me  and  not  as  a  respect  in  the  King,  as 
it  truly  was,  to  my  father,  whom  he  often  mendons  with  praise.  Thou  mayst  com- 
municate my  graunt  to  friends,  and  expect  shortly  my  proposals  ;  't  is  a  clear  and  just 
thing ;  and  my  God,  that  has  given  it  me  through  many  difficulties,  will,  1  believe, 
bless  and  make  it  the  seed  of  a  nation.  I  shall  have  a  tender  care  to  the  government, 
that  it  will  be  well  laid  at  first." 


478  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

On  the  2d  of  April  a  royal  proclamation,  addressed  to  those  who  were 
already  settled  within  the  province,  informed  them  of  the  granting  of  the 
patent,  and  its  character.  Six  days  afterwards  Penn  prepared  a  letter  to 
be  read  to  the  settlers  by  his  representative,  couched  in  language  of  friend- 
ship and  affection.  He  told  them  frankly  that  government  was  a  business 
he  had  never  undertaken,  but  that  it  was  his  wish  to  do  it  uprightly.  You 
are  '*  at  the  mercy  of  no  governor,"  he  said,  **  who  comes  to  make  his  for- 
tune great;  you  shall  be  governed  by  laws  of  your  own  making,  and  live  a 
free  and,  if  you  will,  a  sober  and  industrious  people."  On  the  same  day  he 
gave  to  his  kinsman,  William  Markham,  whom  he  had  selected  to  be  his 
deputy-governor,  and  who  was  to  precede  him  to  Pennsylvania,  instructions 
regarding  the  first  business  to  be  transacted.  Two  days  afterwards  he  fur- 
nished him  with  his  commission  and  more  explicit  directions,  and  Markham 
shortly  afterwards  sailed  for  America,  and  probably  landed  in  Boston,  where 
his  commission  is  recorded.  By  the  15th  of  June  he  had  reached  New 
York,  and  Brockholls  on  the  21st  issued  an  order  addressed  to  the  civil 
officers  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  yielding  to  Markham  his  authority 
as  the  representative  of  the  Duke  of  York.  Markham  carried  letters  from 
the  King  and  from  Penn  to  Lord  Baltimore.  The  former  recommended  "the 
infant  colony  and  its  leader  to  his  friendly  aid."  He  also  required  the  pat- 
entee of  Maryland  "  to  make  a  true  division  of  the  two  provinces  according 
to  the  boundaries  and  degrees  ^expressed  in  their  patents."  The  letter  of 
Penn  authorized  Markham  to  settle  the  boundaries.  Markham  met  Lord 
Baltimore  in  August,  1681,  and  while  at  his  house  was  taken  so  ill  that 
nothing  w^as  decided  upon. 

Soon  after  the  confirmation  of  his  charter,  Penn  issued  a  pamphlet,  in 
which  the  essential  parts  of  that  instrument  were  given,  together  with  an 
account  of  the  country  and  the  views  he  entertained  for  its  government. 
The  conditions  on  which  he  proposed  to  dispose  of  land  were,  a  share  of 
five  thousand  acres  free  from  any  Indian  incumbrance  for  ;^ioo,  and  one 
shilling  English  quit-rent  for  one  hundred  acres,  the  quit-rent  not  to  begin 
until  after  1684.  Those  who  hired  were  to  pay  one  penny  per  acre  for  lots 
not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres.  Fifty  acres  per  head  were  allowed  to 
the  masters  of  servants,  and  the  same  quantity  was  given  to  every  servant 
when  his  time  should  expire.  A  plan  for  building  cities  was  also  suggested, 
in  which  all  should  receive  lots  in  proportion  to  their  investments. 

The  unselfishness  and  purity  of  Penn's  motives,  and  the  religious  feelings 
with  which  he  was  inspired,  are  evident  from  his  letters.  On  the  12th  of 
April,  1 68 1,  he  wrote  to  three  of  his  friends, — 

"  Having  published  a  paper  with  relation  to  my  province  in  America  (at  least  what 
I  thought  advisable  to  publish),  I  here  inclose  one  that  you  may  know  and  inform 
others  of  it.  I  have  been  these  thirteen  years  the  servant  of  truth  and  Friends,  and 
for  my  testimony  sake  lost  much,  not  only  the  greatness  and  preferments  of  this  world, 
but  ;£i 6,000  of  my  estate,  that  had  I  not  been  what  I  am  I  had  long  ago  obtained. 
But  I  murmur  not ;  the  Lord  is  good  to  me,  and  the  interest  his  truth  has  given  me 


THE    FOUNDING    OF   PENNSYLVANIA.  479 

with  his  people  may  more  than  repair  it ;  for  many  are  drawn  forth  to  be  concerned 
with  me  :  and  perhaps  this  way  of  satisfaction  has  more  the  hand  of  God  in  it  than  a 
downright  payment.  .  .  .  For  the  matter  of  hberty  and  privilege,  I  propose  that  which 
is  extraordinary,  and  to  leave  myself  and  successors  no  power  of  doing  mischief,  —  that 
the  will  of  one  man  may  not  hinder  the  good  of  an  whole  country.  But  to  publish 
those  things  now  and  here,  as  matters  stand,  would  not  be  wise,  and  I  was  advised 
to  reserve  that  until  I  came  there." 

To  another  he  wrote,  — • 

"  And  because  I  have  been  somewhat  exercised  at  times  about  the  nature  and  end 
of  government  among  men,  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  that  I  should  endeavor  to 
establish  a  just  and  righteous  one  in  this  province,  that  others  may  take  example  by 
it,  —  truly  this  my  heart  desires.  For  the  nations  want  a  precedent.  ...  I  do,  there- 
fore, desire  the  Lord's  wisdom  to  guide  me,  and  those  that  may  be  concerned  with 
me,  that  we  may  do  the  thing  that  is  truly  wise  and  just." 

And  again,  — 

"  For  my  country,  I  eyed  the  Lord  in  obtaining  it,  and  more  was  I  drawn  inward 
to  look  to  him,  and  to  owe  it  to  his  hand  and  power  than  to  any  other  way.  I  have 
so  obtained  it,  and  desire  to  keep  it  that  I  may  not  be  unworthy  of  his  love,  but  do 
that  which  may  answer  his  kind  Providence  and  serve  his  truth  and  people,  that  an 
example  may  be  set  up  to  the  nations.  There  may  be  room  there,  though  not  here, 
for  such  an  holy  experiment." 

The  scheme  grew  apace,  and,  as  Penn  says,  "  many  were  drawn  forth  to 
be  concerned  with  him."  His  prominence  as  a  Quaker  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  Quakers  in  all  quarters.  He  had  travelled  in  their  service  in  Wales, 
and  from  thence  some  of  the  first  settlers  came.  Two  visits  to  Holland  and 
Germany  had  made  him  known  to  the  Mennonites  and  like  religious  bodies 
there.  His  pamphlet  was  reprinted  at  Amsterdam,  and  the  seed  sown  soon 
brought  forth  abundantly.  By  July  11,  1681,  matters  had  so  far  progressed 
that  it  was  necessary  to  form  a  definite  agreement  between  Penn  and  the 
purchasers,  and  a  paper  known  as  ''Certain  Conditions  or  Concessions"  was 
executed. 

By  this  time  also  (July,  1681)  troubles  with  Lord  Baltimore  were  antici- 
pated in  England,  and  some  of  the  adventurers  were  deterred  from  pur- 
chasing. Penn  at  once  began  negotiations  for  the  acquirement  of  the  Duke 
of  York's  interests  on  the  Delaware.  Meanwhile,  in  the  face  of  all  these 
rumors,  Penn  refused  to  part  with  any  of  his  rights,  except  on  the  terms 
and  in  the  spirit  which  he  had  announced.  Six  thousand  pounds  were 
offered  for  a  monopoly  of  the  Indian  trade,  but  he  declined  it ;  "I  would 
not,"  are  his  words,  *'  so  defile  what  came  to  me  clean." 

William  Crispin,  John  Bezar,  and  Nathaniel  Allen  were  commissioned 
by  Penn  (Sept.  30,  1681)  to  assist  Markham.  They  were  to  select  a  site 
for  a  town,  and  superintend  its  laying  out.  William  Haige  was  subse- 
quently added  to  the  number.     By  them  he  sent  to  the  Indians  a  letter 


480  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA 

of  an  affectionate  character,  and  another  to  be  read  to  the  Swedes   by 
their  ministers. 

The  first  commissioners  probably  sailed  on  the  '*  John  Sarah,"  which 
cleared  for  Pennsylvania  in  October.  She  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
first  vessel  to  arrive  there  after  Penn  received  his  grant. 

On  August  24,  1682,  Penn  acquired  from  the  Duke  of  York  the  town 
of  New  Castle  and  the  country  twelve  miles  around  it,  and  the  same  day 
the  Duke  conveyed  to  him  the  territory  lying  south  of  New  Castle,  reserving 
for  himself  one  half  the  rents.  The  first  of  these  gifts  professed  to  have 
been  made  on  account  of  the  Duke's  respect  for  the  memory  of  Sir  William 
Penn.  A  deed  was  also  obtained  from  the  Duke  (August  20)  for  any  right 
he  might  have  to  Pennsylvania  as  a  part  of  New  Netherland. 

Having  completed  his  business  in  England,  Penn  prepared  to  sail  for 
America.  On  the  4th  of  August,  from  his  home  at  Worminghurst,  he 
addressed  to  his  wife  and  children  a  letter  of  singular  beauty,  manliness, 
and  affection.  It  is  evident  from  it  that  he  appreciated  the  dangers  before 
him,  as  well  as  the  responsibilities  which  he  had  assumed.  To  his  wife, 
who  was  the  daughter  of  Sir  William  Springett,  he  wrote :  "  Remember  thy 
mother's  example  when  thy  father's  public-spiritedness  had  worsted  his 
estate,  which  is  my  case."  To  his  children,  fearing  he  would  see  them  no 
more,  he  said :  "  And  as  for  you  who  are  likely  to  be  concerned  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  Pennsylvania  and  my  parts  of  East  Jersey,  especially  the  first, 
I  do  charge  you  before  the  Lord  God  and  His  holy  angels,  that  you  be 
lowly,  diligent,  and  tender,  fearing  God,  loving  the  people,  and  hating 
covetousness."  To  both,  in  closing,  he  wrote :  *'  So  farewell  to  my  thrice- 
dearly  beloved  wife  and  children.  Yours  as  God  pleaseth,  in  that  which 
no  waters  can  quench,  no  time  forget,  nor  distance  wear  away." 

On  the  30th  of  August  he  wrote  to  all  faithful  friends  in  England,  and 
the  next  day  there  "  sailed  out  of  the  Downs  three  ships  bound  for  Penn- 
sylvania, on  board  of  which  was  Mr.  Pen,  with  a  great  many  Quakers  who 
go  to  settle  there."  Such  was  the  announcement  in  the  London  Gazette  of 
September  4,  of  the  departure  of  those  who  were  to  found  one  of  the  most 
prosperous  of  the  British  colonies  in  America. 

With  the  exception  of  a  narrow  strip  of  land  along  the  Delaware,  on 
which  were  scattered  a  few  Swedish  hamlets,  the  tract  covered  by  the  royal 
grant  to  Penn  was  a  wilderness.  It  contained,  exclusive  of  Indians,  about 
five  hundred  souls.  The  settlements  extended  from  the  southern  limits  of 
the  province  for  a  few  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill,  and  then 
there  was  nothing  until  Crewcorne  was  reached,  opposite  the  Falls  of  Dela- 
ware. None  of  these  settlements  rose  to  the  dignity  of  a  village,  unless  it 
was  Upland,  at  which  place  the  Court  was  held.  The  territory  acquired 
from  the  Duke  of  York  contained  about  the  same  number  of  persons  as 
did  Pennsylvania.  Many,  however,  who  lived  in  either  section  were  Swedes 
or  Finns.  A  few  Dutch  had  settled  among  them,  and  some  Quaker  families 
had  crossed  from  New  Jersey  and  taken  up  land. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA.  481 

Penn  found  the  Swedes  ''  a  strong,  industrious  people,"  who  knew  Httle 
beside  the  rudiments  of  agricuhure,  and  cared  not  to  cultivate  beyond  their 
needs.i  xhe  fertile  country  in  which  they  dwelt  yielded  adequate  supply 
with  moderate  labor,  and  to  the  English  settlers  it  appeared  to  be  a  paradise. 
The  reports  which  Penn's  people  sent  home  encouraged  others  to  come, 
and  although  their  accounts  were  highly  colored,  none  of  the  new-comers 
seem  to  have  been  disappointed.  The  first  descriptions  we  have  of  the 
country  after  it  became  Pennsylvania  are  in  the  letters  of  Markham.  To 
his  wife  he  wrote,  Dec.  7,  1681, — 

"  It  is  a  very  fine  Country,  if  it  were  not  so  overgrown  with  Woods,  and  very 
Healthy.  Here  people  live  to  be  above  one  hundred  years  of  Age.  Provisions  of  all 
sorts  are  indifferent  plentiful,  Venison  especially ;  I  have  seen  four  Bucks  bought  for 
less  than  5^-.  The  Indians  kill  them  only  for  their  Skins,  and  if  the  Christians  will  not 
buy  the  Flesh  they  let  it  hang  and  rot  on  a  Tree.  In  the  Winter  there  is  mighty 
plenty  of  Wild  Fowl  of  all  sorts.  Partridges  I  am  cloyed  with ;  we  catch  them  by 
hundreds  at  a  time.  In  the  fall  of  the  leaf,  or  after  Harvest,  here  are  abundance  of 
wild  Turkeys,  which  are  mighty  easie  to  be  Shot ;  Duck,  Mallard,  Geese,  and  Swans 
in  abundance,  wild ;  Fish  are  in  great  plenty.  In  short,  if  a  Country  Life  be  liked  by 
any,  it  might  be  here." 

Markham,  after  his  arrival,  had  taken  such  steps  as  were  necessary  to 
estabHsh  the  authority  of  Penn.  On  the  3d  of  August  nine  of  the  res- 
idents, selected  by  him,  took  the  oath  to  act  as  his  council.  A  court  was 
held  at  Upland  September  13,  the  last  court  held  there  under  the  authority 
of  the  Duke  of  York  having  adjourned  until  that  time.  By  Penn's  instruc- 
tions, all  was  to  be  done  "  according  to  the  good  laws  of  England.  But  the 
new  court  during  the  first  year  of  its  existence  failed  to  comply  with  these 
laws  in  a  very  essential  particular,  —  persons  were  put  upon  trial  without 
the  intervention  of  a  grand  jury.  No  provision  was  made  under  the  Duke's 
laws  for  the  safeguard  of  the  citizen,  and  the  new  justices  acted  for  a  time 
in  accordance  with  former  usage.  A  petit  jury,  so  rare  under  the  former 
court,  now  participated  in  every  trial  where  facts  were  in  dispute.  In 
criminal  cases  the  old  practice  was  adhered  to,  of  making  the  prosecutor 
plaintiff."  2 

During  1681  at  least  two  vessels  arrived  with  settlers.  Of  the  com- 
missioners who  were  sent  out  in  October  to  assist  Markham,  Crispin  died 
at  Barbadoes.  April  23,  1682,  Thomas  Holme,  bearing  a  commission  of 
surveyor-general,  sailed  from  England,  and  arrived  about  June.  Already 
the  site  for  Philadelphia  had  been  selected,  as  James  Claypoole,  who  was 
in  England,  wrote,  July  14,  that  he  ''  had  one  hundred  acres  where  our 
capital  city  is  to  be,  upon  the  river  near  Schuylkill."  July  15,  1682, 
Markham  purchased  from  the  Indians  a  tract  of  land  on  the  Delaware 
below  the  Falls. 

1  [The  history  of  the  Swedish  period  is  told  in  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 

2  History  of  Chester  County,  Pa.,  by  Judge  J.  Smith  Futhey  and  Gilbert  Cope,  p.  18. 
VOL.  ni.  —  61. 


482  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

The  first  Welsh  emigrants  arrived  on  the  13th  of  August,  1682.  They 
were  Quakers  from  Merionethshire  who  had  felt  the  hand  of  persecution. 
They  had  bought  from  Penn  in  England  five  thousand  acres  of  unsurveyed 
land,  and  had  been  promised  by  him  the  reservation  of  a  large  tract  exclu- 
sively for  Welsh  settlers,  to  the  end  that  they  might  preserve  the  customs 
of  their  native  land,  decide  all  debates  "  in  a  Gospel  order,"  and  not  entangle 
themselves  "  with  laws  in  an  unknown  tongue."  At  Philadelphia  they  found 
a  crowd  of  people  endeavoring  to  have  their  farms  surveyed,  for  although 
the  site  of  the  city  was  chosen,  the  town  lots  were  not  laid  out.  In  a  few 
days  the  Welshmen  had  the  first  part  surveyed  of  what  became  known  as 
the  Welsh  Barony.  It  lay  on  the  west  side  of  the  Schuylkill,  north  of 
Philadelphia.  The  warrant  for  surveying  the  entire  tract,  which  contained 
forty  thousand  acres,  was  not  issued  until  1684.  Special  privileges  appear 
to  have  been  accorded  to  these  settlers.  Township  officers  were  not  chosen 
for  their  districts  until  1690,  and  their  Friends'  Meetings  exercised  authority 
in  civil  affairs.  From  these  facts  it  is  possible  that  the  intention  was  to  pro- 
tect the  Welsh  in  the  rights  of  local  self-government  by  erecting  the  tract 
into  a  manor.  By  a  clause  in  the  royal  charter,  Penn  could  erect  ''  manors, 
to  have  and  to  hold  a  court  baron,  with  all  things  whatsoever  to  a  court 
baron  do  belong."  To  a  company  known  as  the  "  Free  Society  of  Traders" 
he  had  (March  20,  1682)  granted  these  extraordinary  privileges,  empow- 
ering them  to  hold  courts  of  sessions  and  jail  deliveries,  to  constitute  a 
court-leet,  and  to  appoint  certain  civil' officers  for  their  territory.  This  was 
known  as  the  Manor  of  Frank.  To  Nicholas  More,  the  president  of  the 
Company,  the  Manor  of  Moreland  was  granted,  with  like  privileges ;  but 
neither  More  nor  the  Company  seem  to  have  exercised  their  rights  as  rulers. 
Whatever  special  rights  the  Welshmen  had,  were  reserved  until  1690,  when 
regular  township  officers  were  appointed.  Goshen,  Uwchlan,  Tredyffren, 
Whiteland,  Newtown,  Haverford,  Radnor,  and  Merion,  —  the  names  these 
ancient  Britons  gave  to  their  townships  —  show  what  parts  of  the  present 
counties  of  Delaware,  Chester,  and  Montgomery  the  Welsh  tract  covered. 
Some  of  these  people  settled  in  Philadelphia  and  Bucks  County.  They 
were  chiefly  Quakers,  although  Baptists  were  found  among  them. 

The  ship  which  bore  Penn  to  America  was  the  "  Welcome."  The  small- 
pox made  its  appearance  among  the  passengers  when  they  had  been  out  a 
short  time,  and  nearly  one-third  of  them  died.  Two  vessels  which  left 
England  after  Penn  had  sailed,  arrived  before  him ;  but  at  last,  after  a  trying 
voyage  of  nearly  two  months,  the  "  Welcome  "  came  within  the  Capes  of 
Delaware.  Penn  dated  his  arrival  from  the  24th  of  October,  1682,  but  it  was 
not  until  the  27th  that  the  vessel  lay  opposite  New  Castle.  The  next  day 
he  exhibited  his  deeds  from  the  Duke  of  York,  and  took  formal  possession 
of  the  town  and  surrounding  country.  He  received  a  pledge  of  submis- 
sion from  the  inhabitants,  issued  commissions  to  six  justices  of  the  peace, 
and  empowered  Markham  to  receive  in  his  name  possession  of  the  coun- 
try below,  which  was  done  on  November  7.     The  29th  of  October  (O.  S.) 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


48, 


found  him  within  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the  Swedish  village  of 
Upland,  the  name  of  which,  tradition  says,  he  then  changed  to  Chester. 
From  this  point  notices  were  sent  out  for  the  holding  of  a  court  at  New 
Castle  on  the  2d  of  November.  At  this  meeting  the  inhabitants  of  the 
counties  of  Delaware  were  told  that  their  rights  and  privileges  should  be 
the  same  as  those  of  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  and  that  an  assembly 
would  be  held  as  soon  as  convenient. 

The  attention  which  Penn  gave  to  the  constitution  of  his  province  was  a 
duty  which  had  for  him  a  particular  interest.  His  thoughts  had  necessarily 
dwelt  much  on  the  subject,  and  his  experience  had  made  him  acquainted 
with  the  principles  of  law  and  the  abuses  of  government.  The  drafts  of 
this  paper  which  have  been  preserved  show  how  deeply  it  was  considered. 
Henry  Sidney,  Sir  William  Jones,  and  Counsellor  Bamfield  were  consulted, 


LETITIA    COTTAGE. 


and  portions  of  it  were  framed  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Qua- 
kers. In  the  Introduction  to  this  remarkable  paper,  the  ingenuousness  of 
its  author  is  clearly  discernible.  Recognizing  the  necessity  of  government, 
and  tracing  it  to  a  divine  origin,  Penn  continues, — 

"  For  particular  frames  and  models,  it  will  become  me  to  say  little,  and  compara- 
tively I  will  say  nothing.  My  reasons  are,  first,  that  the  age  is  too  nice  and  difficult 
for  it,  there  being  nothing  the  wits  of  men  are  more  busy  and  divided  upon.  .  .  . 
Men  side  with  their  passions  against  their  reason,  and  their  sinister  interests  have  so 
strong  a  bias  upon  their  minds,  that  they  lean  to  them  against  the  good  of  the  things 
they  know. 

1  A  city  residence  for  Penn  was  begun  by  of  Market.     The  above  cut  is  a  fac-simile  of  the 

his  commissioners  before  he  arrived.    Parts  of  it  view  given  in  Watson's  Ajinals  of  Philadelphia 

were  prepared  in  England.     A  portion  of  it  still  {1845),  P-  158.     Cf.  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the 

stands  on  the  west  side  of  Letitia  Street,  south  United  States,  ii.  492. 


484 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


"  I  do  not  find  a  model  in  the  world  that  time,  place,  and  some  singular  emergen- 
cies have  not  necessarily  altered,  nor  is  it  easy  to  frame  a  civil  government  that  shall 
serve  all  places  alike.  I  know  what  is  said  by  the  several  admirers  of  monarchy, 
aristocracy,  and  democracy,  which  are  the  rule  of  one,  a  few,  and  many,  and  are  the 
three  common  ideas  of  government  when  men  discourse  on  that  subject.  But  I 
choose  to  solve  the  controversy  with  this  small  distinction,  and  it  belongs  to  all  three, 
—  any  government  is  free  to  the  people  under  it  (whatever  be  the  frame)  where  the 
laws  rule  and  the  people  are  a  party  to  those  laws ;  and  more  than  this  is  tyranny 
oligarchy,  or  confusion.  .  .  .  Liberty  without  obedience  is  confusion,  and  obedience 
without  liberty  is  slavery." 


J0^  <^-^^ 


'^ 


-krf>keiT.  ^/(OJlor 


SEAL   AND    SIGNATURES   TO   THE    FRAME   OF   GOVERNMENT.^ 

The  good  men  of  a  nation,  he  argues,  should  make  and  keep  its  govern- 
ment, and  laws  should  bind  those  who  make  laws  necessary.  As  wisdom 
and  virtue  are  qualities  that  descend  not  with  worldly  inheritances,  care 
should  be  taken  for  the  virtuous  education  of  youth. 

The  Frame  of  Government  which  followed  these  remarks  was  signed  by 
Penn  on  the  25th  of  April,  1682.  By  this  Act  the  government  was  vested 
in  the  governor  and  freemen,  in  the  form  of  a  provincial  council  and  an 
assembly.  The  provincial  council  was  to  consist  of  seventy-two  members. 
The  first  election  of  councilmen  was  to  be  held  on  the  20th  of  February, 
1682-83,  and  they  were  to  meet  on  the  lOth  of  the  following  month.  One- 
third  of  the  number  were  to  retire  each  year  when  their  successors  were 
chosen.  An  elaborate  scheme  was  devised  for  forming  the  council  into 
committees  to  attend  to  various  duties. 

The  assembly  for  the  first  year  was  to  consist  of  all  the  freemen  of  the 


1  [This  is  reduced  from  the  fac-simile  in  tion  will  be  found  in  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist., 
Smith  and  Watson's  American  Historical  and  October,  1882 ;  cf.  Lossing's  Fieldbook  of  the 
Literary  Curiosities,  pi.  Ivii. ;  and  another  reduc-     Revolution,  ii.  256. — Ed.] 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA.  485 

province,  and  after  that  two  hundred  were  to  be  annually  chosen.  They 
were  to  meet  on  April  20;  the  governor  was  to  preside  over  the  council. 
Laws  were  to  originate  with  the  latter,  and  the  chief  duty  of  the  assembly 
was  to  approve  such  legislation.  The  governor  and  council  were  to  see 
the  laws  executed,  inspect  the  treasury,  determine  the  situation  of  cities 
and  ports,  and  provide  for  public  schools. 

On  May  5  forty  laws  were  agreed  upon  by  the  purchasers  in  England  as 
freemen  of  the  province.  By  these  all  Christians,  with  the  exception  of 
bound  servants  and  convicts,  who  should  take  up  land  or  pay  taxes  were 
declared  freemen.  The  merits  of  this  proposed  form,  which  was  to  be 
submitted  for  approval  to  the  first  legislative  body  assembling  in  Penn- 
sylvania, have  been  widely  debated.  Professor  Ebeling  says  it  "  was  at  first 
too  highly  praised,  and  afterwards  too  lightly  depreciated."  It  was  with- 
out doubt  too  elaborate  in  some  of  its  details,  and  the  number  proposed 
for  the  council  and  assembly  were  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  wants  of  a 
new  country. 

Shortly  after  his  arrival,  Penn  found  circumstances  to  require  that  the 
laws  should  be  put  in  force  with  as  little  delay  as  possible.  He  therefore 
decided  to  call  an  assembly  before  the  time  provided,  and  extended  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Delaware  counties  the  right  to  participate  in  it.  Writs 
were  issued  to  the  sheriffs  of  those  parts  to  hold  elections  on  the  20th 
of  November  for  the  choice  of  delegates  to  meet  at  Chester  on  the  4th  of 
December,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  were  notified  to  attend. 

The  Assembly  met  at  the  appointed  time.  Upon  petition  from  the  lower 
counties,  an  Act  uniting  them  with  Pennsylvania  was  passed,  and  at  the 
request  of  the  Swedes  a  bill  of  naturalization  became  a  law.  Penn  sub- 
mitted to  the  House  the  Frame  of  Government  and  the  code  of  laws  agreed 
upon  in  England,  together  with  a  new  series  which  he  had  prepared.  In 
doing  this  he  acted  without  the  advice  of  a  provincial  council.  The  laws 
agreed  upon  in  England,  *'  more  fully  worded,"  were  passed,  together  with 
such  others  as  were  thought  to  be  necessary,  and  the  Assembly  adjourned 
for  twenty-one  days.  The  members,  however,  do  not  appear  to  have  met 
again. 

In  January  Penn  issued  writs  for  an  election,  to  be  held  on  the  20th  of 
February,  of  seventy-two  members  of  the  provincial  council,  and  gave 
notice  that  an  assembly  would  be  held  as  provided  in  the  Frame  of  Gov- 
ernment. This  was  not  strictly  in  accord  with  that  document,  as  it  pro- 
vided that  the  seventy-two  councilmen  should  be  chosen  from  the  province 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  Penn  made  the  passage  apply  equally  to  the  Delaware 
counties,  over  which  he  had  had  no  jurisdiction  at  the  time  the  Frame  was 
signed. 

Before  the  election  took  place,  it  was  discovered  that  the  number  pro- 
posed for  the  council  was  much  larger  than  could  be  selected,  and  that  a 
general  gathering  of  the  inhabitants  would  not  furnish  such  an  assembly 
as  the  organization  of  the  government  demanded.     On  the  suggestion  of 


486  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Penn  twelve  persons,  therefore,  were  elected  from  each  of  the  six  counties ; 
and  through  their  respective  sheriffs  the  freemen  petitioned  the  Governor 
that  as  the  number  of  the  people  was  yet  small,  and  but  few  were  acquainted 
with  public  business,  those  chosen  should  be  accepted  to  represent  them 
in  both  council  and  assembly,  —  three  in  the  former,  and  nine  in  the 
latter.  The  Council  met  at  the  appointed  time,  the  petitions  of  the  free- 
men were  duly  presented  by  the  sheriffs,  and  the  prayers  granted  by  the 
Governor.  It  was  then  moved  by  one  of  the  members  that,  as  the  charter 
granted  by  the  Governor  had  again  fallen  into  his  hands  by  the  negligence 
of  the  freemen  to  fulfil  their  part,  he  should  be  asked  that  the  alterations 
which  had  been  made  should  not  affect  their  chartered  rights.  The  Gover- 
nor answered  that  "  they  might  amend,  alte'r,  or  add  for  the  Public  good, 
and  he  was  ready  to  settle  such  foundations  as  might  be  for  their  happi- 
ness and  the  good  of  their  Posterities."  Those  selected  for  the  Assembly 
then  withdrew,  and,  although  the  time  for  them  to  meet  had  not  arrived 

(March    12),    chose   Thomas    Wynne    their 
<X^yr7/0?^  7  /^       Speaker,  and  proceeded  to  business.     Dur- 
jf         y^^^  ing  the  session  an  "  Act  of  Settlement,"  re- 
^^^  v--^       citing  the  circumstances  which  made  these 

changes  necessary,  and  reducing  the  number  of  members  of  the  Provincial 
Council  and  Assembly,  w^as  passed  by  the  House,  having  been  proposed  by 
the  Governor  and  Council.  By  the  Frame  of  Government  first  agreed 
upon,  Penn  had  surrendered  his  right  to  have  an  overruling  voice  in  the 
government,  reserving  for  himself  or  representative  a  triple  vote  in  the 
Council.  Fearing  that  his  charter  might  be  invalidated  by  some  action  of 
the  majority  of  the  Council  and  Assembly,  he  now  asked  that  the  veto 
power  should  be  restored  to  him,  which  was  accordingly  done.  The  right 
to  appoint  officers,  which  by  the  first  Frame  had  been  vested  in  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council,  was  given  to  Penn  for  life.  Other  laws  necessary  for  good 
government  were  enacted,  and  to  the  whole  the  Frame  of  Government  was 
appended,  with  modifications  and  such  alterations  as  made  it  applicable 
to  the  Delaware  counties.  On  April  2,  in  the  presence  of  the  Council, 
Assembly,  and  some  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  Penn  signed  and  sealed 
this  new  charter,  solemnly  assuring  them  that  it  was  ''  solely  by  him  intended 
for  the  good  and  benefit  of  the  freemen  of  the  province,  and  prosecuted  with 
much  earnestness  in  his  spirit  towards  God  at  the  time  of  its  composure." 
It  was  received  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  on  behalf  of  the  freemen ; 
and  in  their  name  that  officer  thanked  the  Governor  for  his  great  kindness 
in  granting  them  a  charter  *'  of  more  than  was  expected  liberty." 

All  that  had  been  irregularly  done  was  thus  in  a  manner  legalized ;  but 
the  matter  was  not  allowed  to  pass  unquestioned.  Nicholas  More  was  rep- 
rimanded by  the  Council  for  having  spoken  imprudently  regarding  the 
course  which  had  been  taken,  and  for  saying  that  hundreds  in  England  and 
their  children  after  them  would  curse  them  for  what  they  had  done. 

Under   the   constitution    and    laws    thus    formed,    the    government   wa- 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA.  487 

administered  until  1696.  The  chief  features  of  local  government  which 
had  existed  under  the  Duke  of  York  were  lost  sight  of  in  the  new  order 
of  affairs,  the  authority  being  vested  in  the  provincial  or  county  officers 
in  place  of  those  of  the  township.  True  to  the  doctrines  which  they 
had  preached,  and  to  the  demands  which  they  had  made  of  others,  the 
Quakers  accorded  to  all  a  perfect  liberty  of  conscience,  intending,  however, 
"  that  looseness,  irreligion,  and  Atheism  "  should  not  creep  in  under  pre- 
tence of  conscience.  The  observance  of  the  Sabbath  was  provided  for. 
On  that  day  people  were  to  ''  abstain  from  their  usual  and  common  toil  and 
labor,  .  .  .  that  they  may  better  dispose  themselves  to  read  the  Scriptures 
of  truth  at  home,  or  frequent  such  meetings  of  religious  worship  abroad  as 
may  best  suit  their  respective  persuasions."  Profanity,  drunkenness,  health- 
drinking,  duelling,  stage-plays,  masques,  revels,  bull-baiting,  cock-fighting, 
cards,  dice,  and  lotteries  were  all  prohibited.  Clamorous  scolding  and  rail- 
ing were  finable  offences.  The  property  of  thieves  was  liable  for  fourfold 
the  value  of  what  they  had  taken ;  and  if  they  should  have  no  estates,  they 
were  to  labor  in  prison  until  the  person  they  had  injured  was  satisfied.  A 
humane  treatment  of  prisoners  was  insured.  The  poor  were  under  the 
protection  of  the  county  courts.  Peacemakers  were  chosen  in  the  several 
counties  to  decide  differences  of  a  minor  character.  Malt  liquors  were  not 
to  be  sold  at  above  two  pennies  sterling  for  a  full  Winchester  quart.  The 
court  records  were  to  be  kept  in  plain  English  characters,  and  laws  were  to 
be  taught  in  the  schools. 

"All  judicial  power,  after  Penn's  arrival,  was  vested  in  certain  courts,  the  judges 
of  which  were  appointed  by  the  Proprietary,  presiding  in  the  Provincial  Council.^ 

"  The  practice  in  these  courts  was  simple  but  regular.  In  criminal  cases  an  indict- 
ment was  regularly  drawn  up,  and  a  trial  by  jury  followed.  In  civil  cases  the  compli- 
cations of  common-law  pleading  were  disregarded.  The  filing  of  a  simple  statement 
and  answer  put  each  cause  at  issue,  and  upon  the  trial  the  rules  of  evidence  were  not 
observed.  Juries  were  not  always  empanelled,  the  parties  being  frequently  content  to 
leave  the  decision  of  their  causes  to  the  Court.     In  equity  proceedings  the  practice 

1  The  courts  were  of  three  different  kinds  :  of  the  County  Courts  sat  also  in  the  Orphans' 

namely,  the  County  Courts,  Orphans' Courts,  and  Courts,  which  were  established  in  every  county 

Provincial  Court.      The  County  Courts   sat   at  to  control  and  distribute  the  estates  of  decedents, 

irregular   intervals   during   the   year,  and  were  For  some  cause  now  imperfectly  understood,  the 

composed  of  justices  of  the  peace,  commissioned  conduct  of   the  early  Orphans'  Courts  was  ex- 

from  time  to  time,  the  number  of  whom  varied  ceedingly  unsatisfactory,   and  their  practice  so 

with  the  locality,  the  press  of  business,  or  the  irregular  that  but  little  can  be  gleaned  respecting 

caprice  of  the  government.     They  had  jurisdic-  them. 

tion  to  try  criminal  offences  of  inferior  grades.  The  Provincial  Court,  which  was  established 

and  all  civil  causes  except  where  the  title  to  land  in  1684,  was   composed  of    five,   afterwards  of 

was  in  controversy.     In  proper  cases  they  exer-  three,  judges,  who  were  always  among  the  most 

cised  a  distinct  equity  jurisdiction,  which  seems,  considerable  men  in  the  province.     They   had 

however,  to  have  been  excessively  irritating  to  the  jurisdiction   in   cases  of    heinous  or   enormous 

people.     In  many  instances  they  were  materially  crimes,  and  also  in  all  cases  where  the  title  to 

assisted  in  their  labors  by  boards  of  peacemakers,  land  was  in  controversy.     An  appeal  also  lay  to 

who  were  annually  appointed  to  settle  controver-  this  court  from  the  County  and  Orphans'  Courts, 

sies,  and  who  performed  pretty  nearly  the  same  in  all  cases  where  it  was  thought  that  injustice 

functions  as  modern  arbitrators.     The  Justices  had  been  done. 


488  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

was  substantially  that  in  vogue  in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  simplified  to  suit  the  require- 
ments of  the  province. 

"Large  judicial  powers  were  also  vested  in  the  Provincial  Council,  —  a  state  of 
things  not  infrequently  observed  in  the  early  stages  of  a  country's  growth,  before  the 
executive  and  judicial  functions  of  government  have  been  clearly  defined.  Prior  to 
the  establishment  of  the  Provincial  Court,  all  cases  of  great  importance,  whether  civil 
or  criminal,  were  tried  before  the  Council.  The  principal  trials  thus  conducted  were 
those  of  Pickering  for  coining,  and  of  Margaret  Mattson  for  witchcraft.  The  latter 
terminated  in  a  verdict  of  '  guilty  of  having  the  common  fame  of  being  a  witch,  but 
not  guilty  in  manner  and  form  as  she  stands  indicted.'  This  is  the  only  regular  pros- 
ecution for  witchcraft  which  is  found  in  the  annals  of  Pennsylvania.  Prior  to  the 
establishment  of  the  Provincial  Court,  the  Council  also  entertained  appeals  in  cer- 
tain cases  from  the  inferior  courts.  Subsequent  to  1684,  however,  the  extent  of  its 
judicial  power  was  limited  to  admiralty  cases,  to  the  administration  of  decedents' 
estates,  which,  although  more  properly  the  business  of  the  Orphans'  Courts,  was  often 
neglected  by  those  tribunals,  and  to  the  general  superintendence  and  control  of  the 
various  courts,  so  as  to  insure  justice  to  the  suitors.^ 

"  The  legal  knowledge  among  the  early  settlers  was  scanty.  The  religious  tenets 
of  the  Society  of  Friends  rendered  them  very  averse  to  lawyers,  and  distrustful  of 
them.  There  was,  therefore,  comparatively  little  demand  for  skilled  advocates  or 
trained  judges.  John  Moore  and  David  Lloyd  were  almost  the  only  professional 
lawyers  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Nicholas  More,  Abraham  Man,  John  White, 
Charles  Pickering,  Samuel  Hersent,  Patrick  Robinson,  and  Samuel  Jennings,  with 
some  others,  however,  practised  in  the  courts  with  some  success ;  but  by  insensible 
degrees,  as  population  increased  and  the  commercial  interests  of  the  community  grew 
more  extensive  and  complicated,  a  trained  Bar  came  into  existence."  ^ 

Markham  not  having  agreed  with  Baltimore,  1681,  regarding  the  boun- 
daries of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  the  two  met  again  in  September  of 
the  following  year  at  Upland,  and  Penn  visited  the  latter  at  West  River, 
Dec.  13,  1682.  In  May,  1683,  Penn  again  met  Lord  Baltimore  at  New  Cas- 
tle, on  the  same  business,  but  nothing  was  decided  upon.  This  dispute  was 
a  consequence  of  the  lack  of  geographical  information  at  the  time  their 
grants  were  made.  Baltimore's  patent  was  for  the  unoccupied  land  between 
the  Potomac  and  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  bounded  on  the  east  by 
Delaware  Bay  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  with  the  exception  of  that  part  of 
the  Delaware  peninsula  which  was  south  of  a  direct  line  drawn  from 
Watkin's  Point  on  the  Chesapeake  to  the  sea.  The  southern  boundary  of 
Penn's  province  was  the  fortieth  degree  and  a  circle  of  twelve  miles  around 
New  Castle.  When  both  patents  were  issued,  it  was  supposed  that  the 
fortieth  degree  would  fall  near  the  head  of  Delaware  Bay ;  but  it  was  after- 
ward found  to  be  so  far  to  the  northward  as  to  cross  the  Delaware  River  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill.  If  the  letter  of  the  Maryland  charter  was 
to  interpret   its   meaning,   Penn  would   be   deprived  of  considerable    river 

1  In  1700  the  admiralty  jurisdiction  was  done  away  with  by  the  establishment  of  a  regular  vice- 
admiralty  court  in  the  province. 

2  Manuscript  note  furnished  by  Lawrence  Lewis,  Jr.,  Esq. 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA.  489 

frontage,  which  it  was  clearly  the  intention  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  grant 
him;  and  he  insisted  that  the  boundary-line  should  be  where  it  was  sup- 
posed the  fortieth  degree  would  be  found.  This  was  resisted  by  Baltimore, 
who  claimed  ownership  also  to  that  part  of  the  peninsula  on  the  Delaware 
which  Penn  had  received  from  the  Duke  of  York.  To  enforce  his  claims, 
Baltimore  sent  to  the  Lords  of  Plantation  a  statement  of  what  had  taken 
place  between  Penn  and  himself.  He  also  ran  a  line  in  his  own  interest 
between  the  provinces,  and  offered  to  persons  who  would  take  up  land 
in  the  Delaware  counties  under  his  authority  more  advantageous  terms 
than  Penn  gave.  In  1684  Baltimore  sent  Colonel  Talbot  into  the  disputed 
territory  to  demand  it  in  his  name,  and  then  sailed  for  England  to  look 
after  his  interests  in  that  quarter. 

Penn,  when  he  learned  all  that  had  been  done,  wrote  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade,  giving  his  version  of  the  transaction;  but  before  long  he  found 
the  business  would  require  his  presence  in  England.  Having  empowered 
his  Council  to  act  in  his  absence,  he  sailed  August,  1684. 

The  Lords  of  Trade  rendered  a  decision  Nov.  7,  1685,  which  secured 
to  Penn  the  portion  claimed  by  him  of  the  Delaware  peninsula,  but  which 
left  undefined  the  southern  boundary  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Maryland 
boundary  was  finally  settled  in  1760,  upon  an  agreement  which  had  been 
entered  into  in  1732  between  the  heirs  of  Lord  Baltimore  and  those  of 
Penn.^  By  this  a  line  was  to  be  drawn  westward  from  Cape  Henlopen  ^  to 
a  point  half  way  between  the  bays  of  Delaware  and  Chesapeake.  From 
thence  it  was  to  run  northward  so  as  to  touch  the  most  western  portion  of 
a  circle  of  twelve  miles  radius  around  New  Castle,  and  continue  in  a  due 
northerly  course  until  it  should  reach  the  same  latitude  as  fifteen  English 
statute  miles  directly  south  of  the  most  south- 


ern part  of  Philadelphia.    From  the  point  thus     /  ^  /^ 

gained  the  line  was  to  extend  due  west.    These   Cv2^^.      ^"^iXLiJ^^^^ 
lines  were  surveyed   by   Charles    Mason    and        ly  /q  ^ 

Jeremiah    Dixon.      They    commenced     their  ^Jc^^       ^ ^^^^^^^^f-ny^ 
work  in  1763  and  suspended  it  in  1767,  when   *^ 

they  had  reached  a  point  two  hundred  and  forty-four  miles  from  the  Dela- 
ware River. 

The  Indians  w^ho  inhabited  Pennsylvania  were  of  the  tribe  of  the  Lenni 
Lenape.  Some  of  them  retained  the  noble  characteristics  of  their  race, 
but  the  majority  of  them,  through  their  intercourse  with  the  Dutch,  the 
Swedes,  and  the  English,  had  become  thoroughly  intemperate.  Penn 
desired  that  his  dealings  with  them  should  be  so  just  as  to  preserve  the 
confidence  which  Fox  and  Coale  had  inspired.  Besides  the  letter  written 
by  his  commissioners,  he  had  sent  to  them  messages  of  friendship  through 

1  [See  the  Maryland  view  of  this  controversy  Cornelius.  The  line  was  eventually  run  from  a 
in  chap.  xiii.  —  Ed.]  point  known  as  "  The  False  Cape,"  about  twenty- 

2  This  must  not  be  confused  with  the  present  three  or  twenty-four  miles  south  of  the  present 
Cape  Henlopen,  which  was  in  1760  called  Cape  Cape  Henlopen. 

VOL.  III. — 62. 


490  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Holme  and  others.  In  all  the  agreements  he  had  entered  into  with  pur- 
chasers, the  interests  of  the  Indians  had  been  protected ;  and  he  was  far 
in  advance  of  his  time  in  hoping  to  establish  relations  with  them  by  which 
all  differences  between  the  white  men  and  the  red  should  be  settled  by  a 
tribunal  wherein  both  should  be  represented.  The  possibility  of  their 
civilization  under  such  circumstances  was  not  absent  from  his  mind,  and  in 
his  first  contract  with  purchasers  he  stipulated  that  the  Indians  should  have 
"  the  same  liberties  to  improve  their  grounds  and  provide  for  the  sustenance 
of  their  families  as  the  planters."  Following  the  just  precedent  which  had 
bden  laid  down  by  settlers  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  advice  of 
the  Bishop  of  London,  he  would  allow  no  land  to  be  occupied  until  the 
Indian  title  had  been  extinguished.  To  obtain  the  land  which  was  required 
by  the  emigrants,  a  meeting  with  the  principal  Indian  chiefs  was  held  at 
Shackamaxon  June  23,  1683.  The  territory  then  purchased  was  consider- 
able ;  but  what  was  of  equal  importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  infant  colony 
was  the  friendship  then  established  with  the  aborigines.  Poetry,  Art,  and 
Oratory  have  pictured  this  scene  with  the  elevating  thoughts  which  be- 
long to  each;  but  no  more  graphic  representation  of  it  has  been  made 
than  that  which  is  suggested  by  the  simple  language  of  Penn  used  in 
describing  it.  "  When  the  purchase  was  agreed,"  he  writes,  "  great  prom- 
ises passed  between  us  of  kindness  and  good  neighborhood,  and  that  the 
Indians  and  English  must  live  in  love  as  long  as  the  sun  gave  light. 
Which  done,  another  made  a  speech  to  the  Indians  in  the  name  of  all 
the  Sachamakers,  or  kings :  first,  to  tell  them  what  was  done ;  next,  to 
charge  and  command  them  to  love  the  Christians,  and  particularly  live  in 
peace  with  me,  and  the  people  under  my  government ;  that"  many  gov- 
ernors had  been  in  the  river,  but  that  no  governor  had  come  himself  to 
live  and  stay  here  before ;  and  having  now  such  an  one  that  had  treated 
them  well,  they  should  never  do  him  or  his  any  wrong,  —  at  every  sen- 
tence of  which  they  shouted  and  said  amen  in  their  way."  ^ 

"On  the  6th  of  October,  1683,  there  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  from  Crefeld  and  its 
neighborhood,  a  little  colony  of  Germans.  They  were  thirteen  men  with  their  families, 
in  all  thirty-three  persons,  and  they  constituted  the  advance-guard  of  that  immense 
emigration  which,  confined  at  first  to  Pennsylvania,  has  since  been  spread  over  the 
whole  country.  They  were  Mennonites,  some  of  whom  soon  after,  if  not  before,  their 
arrival,  became  identified  with  the  Quakers.     Most  of  them  were  linen-weavers. 

Among  the  first  to  purchase  lands  upon  the  organization  of  the  province  were 
several  Crefeld  merchants,  headed  by  Jacob  Telner,  who  secured  fifteen  thousand 
acres.  The  purchasers  also  included  a  number  of  distinguished  persons  in  Holland 
and  Germany,  whose  purchase  amounted  to  twenty-five  thousand  acres,  which  became 
vested  in  the  Frankfort  Land  Company,  founded  in  1686.     The  eleven  members  of 

1  While  in  America,  Penn  made  other  pur-  sylvania   and   Maryland   were   settled,  when   it 

chases  from  the  Indians.     One  purchase  from  was  consummated  in  1696,  through  the  agency  of 

the  Five  Nations  for  land  on  the  Susquehanna  Governor  Dongan  of  New  York,  and  confirmed 

was  delayed  until  after  the  limits  between  Tenn-  by  the  Indians  in  1701. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


491 


this  latter  Company  were  chiefly  Pietists  and  people  of  learning  and  influence,  among 
whom  was  the  celebrated  Johanna  Eleanora  von  Merlau.  Their  original  purpose  was 
to  come  to  Pennsylvania  themselves;  but  this  plan  was  abandoned  by  all  except 
Francis  Daniel  Pastorius,  a  young  lawyer,  son  of  a  judge  at  Windsheim,  skilled  in  the 
Greek,  Latin,  German,  French,  Dutch,  English,  and  Italian  languages,  and  carefully 
trained  in  all  the  learning  of  the  day.  On  the  24th  of  October,  1683,  Pastorius,  as 
the  agent  for  the  Crefeld  and  Frankfort  purchasers,  began  the  location  of  Germantown. 
Other  settlers  soon  followed,  and  among  them,  in  1685,  were  several  faniilies  from  the 
village  of  Krisheim,  near  Worms,  where  more  than  twenty  years  before  the  Quakers 
had  made  some  converts  among  the  Mennonites,  and  had  established  a  meeting.     In 

1688  Gerhard  Hendricks,  Dirck  op  den  Graeff,  Francis  Daniel  Pastorius,  and  Abraham 
op  den  Graefl"  sent  to  the  F'^riends'  Meeting  a  written  protest  against  the  buying  and 
selling  of  slaves.  It  was  the  first  public  effort  made  in  this  direction  in  America,  and 
is  the  subject  of  Whittier's  poem.  The  Pennsylvania  Pilgri7n''  ^ 

The  progress  made  in  the  settlement  of  the  province  between  1681  and 

1689  was  remarkable,  and  was  largely  owing  to  Penn's  energy.  On  the  29th 
of  December,  1682,  he  wrote  from  Chester:  "  I  am  very  well,  .  .  .  yet  busy 
enough,  having  much  to  do  to  please  all.  ...  I  am  casting  the  country 
into  townships."  On  the  5th  of  the  next  month  he  wrote:  *' I  am  day 
and  night  spending  my  life,  my  time,  my  money,  and  am  not  a  sixpence 
enriched  by  this  greatness.  .  .  .  Had  I  sought  greatness,  I  had  stayed  at 
home."  The  English  were  the  most  numerous  among  the  settlers ;  but  in 
1685,  when  the  population  numbered  seven  thousand  two  hundred,  in  which 
French,  Dutch,  Germans,  Swedes,  Finns,  and  Scotch-Irish  were  represented, 
Penn  did  not  estimate  his  countrymen  at  above  one  half  of  the  whole. 

Twenty-three  ships  bearing  emigrants  arrived  during  the  fall  of  1682 
and  the  winter  following,  and  trading-vessels  soon  began  to  frequent  the 
Delaware.  The  counties  of  Philadelphia,  Chester,  and  Bucks  were  organ- 
ized in  the  latter  part  of  1682,  but  were  not  surveyed  until  1685.  Philadel- 
phia, named  before  she  was  born,  and  first  laid  out  in  August  or  September, 
1682,'^^  contained  in  the  following  July  eighty  houses,  such  as  they  were, 
and  by  the  end  of  the  year  this  number  had  increased  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty.  The  founders  of  the  city  lived  in  caves  dug  out  of  the  high  embank- 
ment by  the  river,  and  the  houses  which  succeeded  these  primitive  habi- 
tations were  probably  of  the  very  simple  character  described  in  Penn's 
advice  to  settlers.^     In  July,  1683,  a  weekly  post  was  established.     Letters 

1  Manuscript  note  furnished  by  Samuel  W.  view  in  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United 
Pennypacker,  Esq.  States,  iii.  174.  — Ed.] 

2  [There  is  a  contemporary  map  showing  the  ^  Their  frames  were  logs  ;  they  were  thirty 
laying  out  of  Philadelphia  by  Holme  (concern-  feet  long  and  eighteen  wide,  with  a  partition  in 
ing  which  much  will  be  found  in  John  Reed's  the  middle  forming  two  rooms,  one  of  which 
Explanation  of  the  Map  of  Philadelphia,  1774),  could  be  again  divided.  They  were  covered 
and  also  a  part  of  Harris's  map  of  Pennsylvania,  with  clapboards,  which  were  "  rived  ^  feather- 
which  gives  the  location  of  Pennsbury  Manor,  edged."  They  were  lined  and  filled  in.  The 
Penn's  country  house,  in  Bucks  County,  four  floor  of  the  lower  rooms  was  the  ground ;  that 
miles  above  Bristol,  on  the  Delaware,  which  of  the  upper  was  of  clapboards.  These  houses, 
was  built  during  Penn's  first  visit,  on  land  pur-  he  said,  would  last  ten  years  ;  but  some  persons, 
chased  by  Markham  of  the  Indians.     See  the  even  in  the  villages,  had  built  much  better.     The 


492 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


were  carried  from  Philadelphia  to  the  Falls  of  Delaware  for  3</.,  to  Chester 
2d.,  to  New  Castle  4^.,  to  Maryland  6d.  Notices  of  its  departure  were 
posted  on  the  Meeting-House  doors  and  in  other  public  places. 

On  the  26th  of  December  of  the  same  year  the  Council  arranged  with 
Enoch  Flower,  who  had  had  twenty  years'  experience  as  a  teacher  in 
England,  to  open  a  school.     Four  shillings  per  quarter  was  the  charge  for 


THE   SLATE-ROOF   HOUSE.  ^ 


those  who  were  taught  to  read  English ;  six  shillings,  when  reading  and 
writing  were  studied ;  and  eight  shillings,  when  the  casting  of  accounts 
was  added.  For  boarding  scholars  and  "  scooling,"  he  was  to  receive 
"  Tenn  "  pounds  per  annum. 

The  demand  in  trade  at  first  was  for  articles  of  the  greatest  utility,  like 
mill  and  "  grindle  "  stones,  iron  kettles,  and  hardware.  One  of  the  women 
ordered  shoes,  and  stipulated  that  they  should  be  stout  and  large.  James 
Claypoole  sent  his  silver-hafted  knives  to  his  brother  in  Barbadoes,  and  con- 
signed to  him  some  beaver  hats  for  which  he  could  find  at  home  no  sale. 
But  in  less  than  a  year  a  trade  sprang  up  with  some  of  the  West  India 
Islands,  and  rum,  sugar,  and  negroes  were  ordered,  in  exchange  for  pipe- 


house  built  for  James  Claypoole  was  about  such 
as  we  have  described.  It  had,  however,  a  good 
cellar,  but  no  chimney.  He  said  it  looked  like 
a  barn. 

1  [This  was  the  house  in  Philadelphia  in 
which  Penn  lived  after  his  return  to  the  colony 
in  1699.  It  stood  on  the  southeast  corner  of 
Second  Street  and  Norris's  Alley,  and  was  de- 
molished in  1868.  A  view  of  it  taken  just  before 
its  demolition  is  given  in  Gay's  Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,  iii.  171,  with  an  earlier 
view,  ii.  496.     There  is  an  account  of  it  by  Mr. 


Townsend  Ward,  with  a  view,  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History,  iv.  53 ;  but  the  most 
extended  account  is  in  Lippincotf s  Magazine, 
vol.  i.  pp.  29,  191,  298,  by  General  John  M. 
Read,  Jr.  For  other  views,  see  Egle's  Pennsyl- 
vania, p.  1016,  and  Day's  Historical  Collections 
of  Pennsylvania,  p.  556.  The  above  cut  is  a  fac- 
simile of  one  given  by  Watson  in  his  Annals  of 
Philadelphia,  1845  edition,  p.  158;  1857  edition, 
p.  158.  It  is  lithographed  in  his  1830  edition, 
p.  151.  Drawings  of  the  interior  are  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  Pennsylvania.  —  Ed.] 


THE    FOUNDING    OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


493 


staves  and  horses.  The  silver  from  a  Spanish  wreck  and  peltries  furnished 
the  means  of  an  exchange  with  Europe,  and  soon  word  was  sent  out  to 
send  "  linnen,  serges,  crape,  and  Bengali,  and  other  slight  stuffs ;  but  send 
no  more  shoes,  gloves,  stockings,  nor  hats."  Before  Penn  sailed  for  Eng- 
land in  1684,  Philadelphia  contained  three  hundred  and  fifty-seven  houses, 
many  of  them  three  stories  high,  with  cellars  and  balconies.  Samuel 
Carpenter,  one  of  the  most  enterprising  of  the  early  merchants,  had  a 
quay  at  which  a  ship  of  five  hundred  tons  could  lie.  Trades  of  all  kinds 
flourished ;  vessels  had  been  buih ;  brick  houses  soon  began  to  be  seen ; 
and  shop  windows  enlivened  the  streets. 

In  1685  William  Bradford  established  his  printing-press  in  Philadelphia, 
the  first  in  the  middle  colonies  of  North  America.  Its  earliest  issue  was 
an  almanac  entitled  the  Kalendarium  Pennsilvaniense,  printed  in  1685  for 
the  succeeding  year. 

By  1690  brick  and  stone  houses  were  the  kind  usually  erected,  while 
only  the  poorer  classes  built  of  wood.  Manufactures  also  began  to  flourish. 
That  year  William  Ryttenhouse,  Samuel  Carpenter,  William  Bradford,  and 
others  built  a  paper  mill  on  the  Schuylkill.  The  woollen  manufactures 
offered  such  encouragement  that  there  was  ''  a  public  flock  of  sheep  in  the 
town,  and  a  sheepheard  or  two  to  attend  them."  The  rural  districts  were 
also  prosperous.  The  counties  were  divided  into  townships  of  about  five 
thousand  acres,  in  the  centre  of  which  villages  were  laid  out.  In  1684  there 
were  fifty  such  settlements  in  the  colony.  At  first  the  cattle  were  turned 
loose,  and  the  ear-marks  of  their  respective  owners  were  registered  at  the 
county  courts.  Roads  were  surveyed  and  bridges  built.  The  first  mill 
was  started  in  1683  at  Chester  by  Richard  Townsend  and  others.  The 
reports  regarding  the  crops  show  them  to  have  been  enormous  for  the 
labor  bestowed,  and  the  development  of  the  whole  country  seems  to  have 
been  correspondent  to  the  increased  wealth  of  Philadelphia,  where,  in  1685, 
the  poorest  lots  were  worth  four  times  what  they  cost,  and  the  best  forty- 
fold.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1684  Penn  wrote:  ''I  have  led  the 
greatest  colony  into  America  that  ever  any  man  did  upon  a  private  credit, 
and  the  most  prosperous  beginnings  that  ever  were  in  it  are  to  be  found 
among  us." 

The  early  ecclesiastical  annals  of  Pennsylvania  are  meagre.  The  wave 
of  religious  excitement  which  swept  over  England  during  the  days  of  the 
Commonwealth  spent  itself  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  Men  and  women 
with  intellects  too  weak  to  grasp  the  questions  which  moved  them,  or  pos- 
sibly instigated  by  cunning,  wandered  through  the  country  prophesying  or 
disputing.  One  declared  *'  that  she  was  Mary  the  mother  of  the  Lord ;  " 
another,  "■  that  she  was  Mary  Magdalen,  and  others  that  they  were  Martha, 
John,  etc.,  —  scandalizers,"  wrote  a  traveller  in  1679,  ''  as  we  heard  them  in  a 
tavern,  who  not  only  called  themselves,  but  claimed  to  be,  really  such." 

The  Swedish  congregations,  neglected  by  the  churches  in  Sweden,  were 
in  1682  falling  into  decay.     The  congregations  at  Tranhook,  near  Upland, 


494  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

and  at  Tinnicum,  were  under  the  charge  of  Lars  Lock,  that  at  Wicaco 
under  Jacob  Fabritius.  The  former  was  a  cripple,  the  latter  bhnd.  Their 
salaries  were  scantily  paid,  and  they  were  miserably  poor.  The  Dutch  had 
but  one  church,  which  was  at  New  Castle. 

The  first  meeting  of  Quakers  for  religious  worship  in  Pennsylvania  was 
no  doubt  held  at  the  house  of  Robert  Wade,  near  Upland.  WiUiam  Ed- 
mundson,  the  Quaker  preacher,  speaks  of  such  meetings  in  1675.  It  was 
then  that  Wade  came  to  America  with  Fenwick.  In  Bucks  County  meet- 
ings are  said  to  have  been  held  as  early  as  1680  at  the  houses  of  Quakers 
who  had  settled  there.  The  first  meeting  near  Philadelphia  was  at  Shack- 
amaxon,  at  the  house  of  Thomas  Fairman,  in  1682  ;  but  it  was  soon  removed 
to  Philadelphia,  where  one  was  established  in  1683.  Early  in  that  year  no 
less  than  nine  established  meetings  existed  in  Pennsylvania. 

As  early  as  1684  or  1685  the  Baptists  established  a  church  at  Cold  Spring, 
in  Bucks  County,  about  three  miles  above  Bristol.  The  pastor  was  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Dungan.  In  1687  they  established  a  second  congregation  at  Pen- 
nepeck,  in  Philadelphia  County,  of  which  the  Rev.  Elias  Keach  was  the 
first  minister.  The  Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians  did  not  own  places 
of  worship  until  a  later  date. 

The  early  political  annals  of  the  colony  show  a  condition  of  affairs  per- 
fectly consistent  with  the  circumstances  under  which  the  constitution  was 
formed.     While  Penn  remained  in  the  country  his  presence  prevented  any 

excess  such  as  might  be  expected  from  men 
inexperienced  in  self-government.  In  1684, 
however,  Penn  was  obliged  to  return  to  Eng- 
land, and  he  empowered  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil to  act  in  his  stead.  Thomas  Lloyd  was 
^1  the    president  of  that   body,   and    was    also 

(^  commissioned  Keeper  of  the  Seal.     He  was 

a  man  of  prudence,  and  seems  to  have  justified  the  confidence  placed  in 
him  by  Penn.  Arrogance  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  other  officers  of  the 
government  soon  awakened  feelings  of  jealousy  among  the  people,  who  were 
prompt  to  resent  any  violation  of  their  rights.  Nicholas  More,  the  Chief- 
Justice,  was  impeached  by  the  Assembly  for  gross  partiality  and  overbearing 
conduct.  He  was  styled  by  the  Speaker  an  "  aspiring  and  corrupt  minister 
of  state,"  and  the  Council  was  requested  to  remove  him  from  office.  He 
was  expelled  from  the  Assembly,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  for  having 
thrice  entered  his  protest  against  a  single  bill.  Patrick  Robinson,  the  clerk 
of  the  Court,  refused  to  submit  to  the  House  the  records  of  the  Court  in  the 
case  of  More,  and  was  restrained  for  his  **  divers  iilsolences  and  affronts." 
When  brought  before  the  Assembly,  he  stretched  himself  at  full  length  on 
the  ground,  and  refused  to  answer  questions  put  to  him,  telling  the  House 
that  it  **  acted  arbitrarily"  and  without  authority.  The  Council  was  also 
requested  to  remove  him ;  but  neither  in  his  case  nor  in  that  of  More  were 
the  prayers  granted.     "  I  am  sorry  at  heart  for  your  animosities,"  wrote 


THE    FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA.  495 

Penn,  when  he  heard  of  these  troubles ;  "  cannot  more  friendly  and  private 
courses  be  taken  to  set  matters  to  rights  in  an  infant  province  whose  steps 
are  numbered  and  watched?  For  the  love  of  God,  me,  and  the  poor  coun- 
try, be  not  so  governmentish,  so  noisy  and  open  in  your  dissatisfactions." 
It  was  the  love  of  government,  the  seeds  of  which  Penn  had  himself  planted, 
which  caused  these  troubles,  and  he  it  was  who  was  to  suffer  most  in  that 
period  of  political  growth.  Hundreds,  he  said,  had  been  prevented  from 
emigrating  by  these  quarrels,  and  that  they  had  been  to  him  a  loss  of 
i^io,ooo.  His  quit-rents,  which  in  1686  should  have  amounted  to  ^^500 
per  annum,  were  unpaid.  They  were  looked  upon  as  oppressive  taxes,  for 
which  the  Proprietary  had  no  need ;  but  the  year  previous  he  wrote :  '*  God 
is  my  witness.  ...  I  am  above  six  thousand  pounds  out  of  pocket  more 
than  ever  I  saw  by  the  province." 

The  want  of  energy  shown  by  the  Council  in  managing  his  affairs  caused 
Penn  to  lessen  the  number  in  which  the  executive  authority  rested.  In 
l686  he  commissioned  five  of  the  Council,  three  of  whom  were  to  be  a 
quorum,  to  attend  to  his  proprietary  affairs.  By  the  slothful  manner  in 
which  the  Council  had  conducted  the  public  business,  the  charter,  he 
argued,  had  again  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  he  threatened  to  dissolve  the 
Frame  of  Government  "  if  further  occasion  be  given."  Under  these  com- 
missioners but  little  improvement  was  made,  and  in  1688  Penn  appointed 
Captain  John  Blackwell  his  lieutenant-governor. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON    THE    SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 

The  Earliest  Tracts  and  Books.  — During  the  first  thirty  years  after  the  grant- 
ing of  Penn's  charter  (1681),  there  were  various  publications  of  small  and  moderate 
extent,  which  are  the  chief  source  of  our  information. 

The  first  of  these  is  Penn's  own  SoDie  Account}  issued  in  168 r,  soon  after  he  re- 
ceived his  grant.  "  It  is  introduced  by  a  preface  of  some  length,  being  an  argument 
in  favor  of  colonies,"  which  is  followed  by  a  description  of  the  country,  gathered  from 
such  sources  as  he  considered  rehable,  and  by  the  conditions  on  which  he  proposed  to 
settle  it.  Information  for  those  desiring  to  emigrate,  and  extracts  from  the  royal  charter, 
are  also  given. 

-  Some  Account  of  the  Province  of  Pennsil-  Pice  Catalogue,  no.  1,753      There  is  a  copy  in 

vania   in   America,    Lately    Granted   under    the  Harvard  College  Library,  from  which  the  ac- 

Great  Seal  of  England  To   William  Penn,  etc.,  companying   fac-simile  of   tide  is  taken.      The 

Together  with  Priviledges  and  Pmvers  necessary  chief   portion   of    it    is    reprinted    in    Hazard's 

to  the  well-gmjerning  thereof     Made  public  for  the  Annals  of  Pen  Jtsylvania,  ^.  505;   Hazard's  ;?<^- 

Information  of  such  as  are  or  may  be  disposed  to  ister  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  305. 

Transport  Themselves  or  Servants  into  those  Parts.  In  this  pamphlet  we  have  the  origin  of  the 

London :  Printed  and  Sold  by  Benjamin  Clark,  quit-rents,  which  gave  considerable  uneasiness 

etc.   1 68 1.  ^"  t^^  province.     It  gives  also  a  picture  of  the 

See  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,225;  social  condition  of  England. 


496 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   PIISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


This  tract  appeared  at  once  in  Dutch  ^  and  German  ^  editions.     The  latter  edition  con- 
tains also  letters  of  Penn  to  Friends  in  Holland  and  Germany  prior  to  his  receiving  his 

grant,  which  fact  tends  to  show  that 
SOME  the  relations  he  had  established  by  his 

travels  there  attracted  the  attention  of 
persons  in  Germany  to  his  efforts  in 
America. 


ACCOUNT 


O  F     THE 


PROVINCE 

PENNSILVANIA 


I  N 


AMERICA. 

Lately  Granted  under  the  Great  Seal 


In  the  same  year  (1681)  appeared 
C^sar  de  Rochefort's  account,^  which 
is  usually  found  joined  to  his  Descrip- 
tion  des  Aiitilles.  Next  year  (1682) 
Penn  published,  under  the  title  of  A 
Brief  Account,'^  a  short  description  of 
'his  province,  giving  additional  informa- 
tion. Of  the  same  date  is  William 
Loddington's  Plantatio7i  Work,^  —  a 
tract,  however,  by  some  attributed  to 


O  F 


ENGLAND 

T  O 

William  Penn,  &c. 

Togetlier  with  Priviledges  and  Powers  necef- 
iary  to  the  well-governing  thereof. 

Made  publick  for  the  Information  of  fuch  as  are  or  may  be 

difpofed  to  Tranfport  themfelvcs  or  Servants 

into  thofe  Parts. 


LONVOK:  Printed,  and  Sold  by  "Benjamin  Clai-k 
Bookrdlei  m  George-lard  Lombard-Jlreetf  1681. 


REDUCED    FAC-SIMILE    OF   TITLE   TO 
ACCOUNT." 


SOME 


1  £en  Kort  Bericht  van  de  Provintie  ofte 
Laiidschap  Pennsylvania  genaemt ;  legge^ide  in 
America  ;  Nu  onlangs  onder  het  groote  Zegel  va7i 
Engeland  gegeven  aan  William  Penn,  etc.  Rot- 
terdam :  Pieter  van  Wynbrugge,  1681,  4to,  24  pp. 
See  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,227  5 
Troniel,  Bibliotheca  Americatta,  no.  381. 

A  copy  of  this  was  sold  at  the  Stevens  sale 
(no.  619)  in  1881  for  ;^io  5^-. 

2  Eijie  nachricht  wegen  der  Landschaft  Penn- 
sylvania in  America:  welche jungstens  unter  dem 
Grossen  Siegel  in  Engelland  an  William  Penn, 
ttc.  Amsterdam :  Christoff  Cunraden,  4to,  31 
pp.  See  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,226. 
A  copy  is  in  the  Philadelphia  Library.  ( Loganian, 
no.  Q,  1,262.)     [Harrassowitz  of  Leipzig,  in  re- 


cently advertising  a  copy  (28  marks)  with 
the  imprint,  Frankfort,  1683,  says  that  it 
originally  formed  a  part  of  the  Diarium 
Europceum,  and  was  never  published  sep- 
arately.—  Ed.] 

3  Recit  de  PEstat  Present  des  Celebres 
Colonies  de  la  Virgine,  de  Marie-Land,  de  la 
Caroline,  du  nouveau  Duche  d^  York,  de 
Pennsylvania,  et  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre, 
situees  dans  VAm.erique  septentrionale,  etc. 
Rotterdam :  Reinier  Leers,  4to,  43  pp. 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,230; 
Leclerc's  Bibliotheca  Americana,  no.  1,324. 
*  A  Brief  Account  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania,  lately  granted  by  the  King, 
under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  to  William 
Pemt  and  his  Heirs  and  Assigns.  London : 
Printed  by  Benjamin  Clark,  in  George-Yard 
in  Lombard  Street,  4to ;  also  abridged  and 
issued  in  folio,  without  place  or  date. 

There  is  a  copy  in   Harvard  College 
Library.     Cf.  Smith's  Catalogue  of  Friends* 
Books,  and  R'ccuel  de  Diverses pieces  concern- 
ant  la  Pensylvanie.     See  infra,  p.  3r. 
^  Plantation  Work  the  Work  of  this  Genera^ 
tion.      Written  in   True-Love  To  all  such  as  are 
weightily  inclined  to    Transplant  themselves  and 
Families   to   any  of  the   English   Plantations  in 
America.     The  Most  material  Doubts  and  Objec- 
tions against  it  being  removed,  they  may  more  cheer- 
fully proceed  to  the  Glory  and  Renown  of  the  God 
of  the  whole  Earth,  who  in  all  undertakings  is 
to  be  looked  unto.  Praised,  and  Feared  for  Ever. 
A  spice  venturo  Icetetur  ut  India  SSclo.      London : 
Printed   for   Benjamin   Clark,   in   George- Yard 
in  Lombard  Street,  1682,  4to,  18  pp.  and  title. 

Copies  of  the  tract  are  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library,  vol.  ii.  1,252,  Friends'  Library,  Phila- 
delphia, and  in  that  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


497 


The  FRAME  of  the 

GOVERNMENT 


OF  THE 


A 


IN 


George  Fox.     It  was  written  in  favor  of  Quaker  emigration  at  a  time  when  many  Quakers 
feared  that  such  action  might  be  prompted  by  a  desire  to  escape  persecution.     In  it  we 
have  the  earliest  descriptions  preserved  of  Pennsylvania  after  it  was  given  to  Penn.    These 
are  presented  in  letters  of  Mark- 
ham,  written  soon  after  his  ar- 
rival, the  date  of  which  is  also 
indicated.      The   extracts  from 
Markham's  letters  are  printed  in 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, vi.  175. 

The  constitution  which  Penn 
proposed  for  his  colony,  together 
with  certain  laws  which  were  ac- 
cepted by  purchasers  in  Eng- 
land as  citizens  of  Pennsylvania, 
were  issued  the  sam.e  year  as  The 
Frame  of  Government.^  Both 
constitution  and  laws  underwent 
considerable  alteration  before 
going  into  effect ;  although  this 
fact  has  been  frequently  over- 
looked. A  litde  brochure,  of 
probably  a  like  date,  Infor?na- 
iion  and  Direction,'^  covers  a 
description  of  the  houses  which 
it  was  supposed  would  be  the 
most  convenient  for  settlers  to 
build. 

The  Free  Society  of  Traders 
purchased  of  Penn  twenty  thous- 
and acres.  The  Society  was 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
veloping this  tract,  which  was  to 
be  known  as  the  Manor  of 
Frank.  Nicholas  More  was 
president,  and  James  Claypoole 
treasurer.  The  letter-book  of 
the  latter  is  in  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
•charter  of  the    Society  will  be 


L 


M  E  R  I  C  A 

Together  with  certain 

A  W 

Agreed  upon  in  England 


S 


BY   THE 


GOVERNOUR 

AND 

Divers  F  R  E  E  -  M  E  N  of  the  aforefaid 
PROVINCE 

To  be  furth-r  E-xplaincd  and  Confirmed  there  by  the  firlf 

Troxincial  Council 3^nd  CfeneralJjfembljihait  fhall 

beheld,    if  they  fee  meet. 


Printed  in  die  Year  MDCLXXXIl 


REDUCED    FAC-SIMILE   OF   TITLE    OF 
OF   GOVERNMENT." 


THE    FRAME 


1  T/ze  Frame  of  the  Government  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Pennsilvania  iji  America:  Together  zvith 
certain  Laws  agreed  upon  in  Engla7id  by  the  Gov: 
ernour  and  divers  Free  Men  of  the  aforesaid  Prov- 
ince.    Folio,  II  pp.,  1682. 

Perm's  copy  of  the  above,  with  his  book- 
plate, is  in  the  library  of  the  Historical  Society 
•of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  purchased  at  the 
Stevens  sale  in  1881  for  ;^io  ^s.  (Stevens's 
Historical  Collection,  no.  623 ;  Carter-Brow7t  Cat- 
alogue, vol.  ii.  no.  1,251.)  There  is  another  copy 
in  Harvard  College  Library,  from  which  the 
annexed  fac-simile  of  title  is  taken.  Later  edi- 
tions of  the  Fra7ne,  containing  the  alterations 
VOL.    III.  — 63. 


made  in  1683,  are  spoken  of  on  a  subsequent 
page. 

-  Information  and  Direction  To  Such  Persons 
as  are  inclined  to  Atnerica,  more  Especially  Those 
related  to  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania.  Folio, 
4  pp. 

The  title  of  this  tract  is  given  in  Smith's 
Catalogue  of  Friends'  Books,  under  date  of  1681. 
It  is  reprinted,  with  a  fac-simile  of  the  half-title, 
in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  iv.  329, 
from  a  copy  in  possession  of  Mr.  Henry  C. 
Murphy.  An  edition  was  published  at  Am- 
sterdam in  1686,  which  is  given  on  a  following 
page. 


498 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


found  in  Hazard's  Annals  (p. 
541),  with  other  information  re- 
garding the  Society ;  and  in  the 
same  volume  (p.  552)  a  portion 
of  a  tract  1  which  is  printed  in 
full  with  a  reduced  fac-simile  of 
titlepage  in  Penjisylvania  Mag- 
azine of  History,  v.  37. 

A  Vindication  of  William 
Pen?t,  by  Philip  Ford,  in  two 
folio  pages,  was  published  in 
London  in  1683,  to  contradict 
stories  which  were  circulated 
after  Penn  had  sailed,  to  the 
effect  that  he  had  died  upon 
reaching  America,  and  had 
closed  his  career  professing  be- 
lief in  the  Church  of  Rome.  It 
contains  abstracts  of  the  first 
letters  written  by  Penn  from 
America. 2 

The  most  important  of  all 
the  series  is  a  Letter  fro?n  Wil- 
liam  Penji,^  printed    in    1683. 

1  There  is  a  copy  of  the  origi- 
nal tract  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary.    Its  title  is  as  follows, — 

The  Articles,  Settlement,  and  Of- 
fices of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders 
in  Pennsilvania:  Agreed  upon  by 
divers  Merchants  and  others  for  the 
better  Improvement  and  Government 
of  Trade  in  that  Province.  Lon- 
don :  Printed  for  Benjamin  Clark, 
folio,  14  pp.,  1682. 

2  Copies  of  it  are  in  the  British 
Museum  and  in  the  Friends'  Li- 
brary, London.  It  is  reprinted  in 
the  Pejinsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, vi.  176,  from  a  transcript  ob- 
tained from  the  British  Museum. 

3  A  Letter  from  William  Penn, 
Proprietary  and  G over nour  of  Penn- 
sylvania in  America,  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders 
of  that  Province,  residing  in  Lon- 
don. To  which  is  added  An  Ac- 
count of  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
etc.  Printed  and  Sold  by  Andrew 
Sowle,  at  the  Crooked-Billet  in 
Holloway  Lane  in  Shoreditch,  and 
at  several  Stationers'  in  London, 
folio,  10  pp.,  1683. 

A  copy  of  the  edition,  with  list 
of  property  holders,  is  in  the  Li- 
brary of  the  New  York  Historical 


THE    FOUNDING    OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


499 


It  was  written  after  Penn  had  been  in  America  over  nine  months  (dated  August  i6),  and 
maybe  considered  as  a  report  from  personal  observation  of  what  he  found  his  colony  to  be 
It  passed  through  at  least  two  editions  in  London;  one  of  which  contains  a  list  of  the 
property-holders  in  Philadelphia,  with  numbers  affixed  to  their  names  indicating  the  lots 
they  held,  as  is  shown  on  a  plan  of  that  city  which  accompanies  the  publication,  and  of 
which  a  hehotype  is  herewith  given.  The  letter  appeared  the  next  year  (1684)  in  a  Dutch 
translation^  (two  editions).  Of  the  same  date  is  a  new  description  of  the  province  of 
which  we  have  a  German  ^  and  a  French «  text.  The  pamphlet  contains  an  extended 
extract  from  Penn's  letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  the  letter  of  Thomas  Paschall 
from  Philadelphia,  dated  Feb.  10,  1683  (N.  S.),  and  other  interesting  papers,  many  of  which 
were  pubhshed  in  A  Brief  Account.  All  information  in  it  that  is  not  readily  accessible 
has  been  lately  translated  by  Mr.  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker  from  the  French  edition,  and 
is  printed  with  fac-simile  of  title  in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vi.  311.' 

A  small  tract,  giving  letters  from  a  Dutch  and  Swiss  sojourner  in  and  near  Phila- 
delphia, was  printed  at  Rotterdam,  in  1684,  as  Twee  Missive7i.^  The  only  copy  of  this  tract 
which  we  know  of  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  and  will  be  shortly  published  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  The  copy  at  Washington,  we  are  told,  contains  but 
one  letter.  Another,  or  possibly  the  same,  copy  is  catalogued  in  Tromel's  Bibliotheca 
Americana,  Leipzig  (1861),  no.  390. 

The  Planter's  Speech "  (1684)  and  Thomas  Budd's  Good  Order  established  in  Petinsyl- 
vania,  etc.  (i685),6  which  have  been  referred  to  in  another  chapter,  are  of  hke  importance 
to  Pennsylvania  history.  What  is  called  "William  Bradford's  Printed  Letter"  (1685)  is 
quoted  in  the  first  edition  of  Oldmixon's  British  E7npire  in  America,  p.  158.  We  have, 
however,  never  met  with  the  original  publication. 


Society.  It  has  been  lately  reprinted  by  Cole- 
man, of  London.  Copies  of  the  edition,  which 
does  not  contain  the  list  of  purchasers,  are  in  the 
Philadelphia  Library  and  in  the  Historical  Soci- 
ety of  Pennsylvania.  It  is  reprinted  in  Proud's 
History  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  246;  Hazard's  Reg- 
ister of  Pennsylvania,  i.  432  ;  Janney's  Life  of 
Penn,  p.  238;  and  in  the  various  editions  of 
Penn's  collected  Works.  Menzies'  copy  sold  for 
$65.  Harvard  College  Library  has  a  copy  with- 
out the  list;  another  is  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library.     Cf.  Rich's  Catalogue  of  1832,  no.  403. 

1  Missive  van  William  Penn,  Eygenaar  en 
Gouverneur  van  Pennsylvania,  in  America.  Ge- 
schreven  aan  de  Commissarissen  van  de  Vrye 
Societeyt  der  Handelaars,  op  de  selve  Provintie, 
binnen  London  resideerende.  Waar  by  noch  ge- 
voeghi  is  een  Beschrijving  van  de  Hooft-Stadt 
Philadelphia,  etc.  Amsterdam :  Gedrukt  voor 
Jacob  Claus,  1684,  4to,  23  pp. 

A  copy  is  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library,  Cat- 
alogue, vol.  ii.  no.  1,293,  ^^^  i^  ^^  O' Callaghan 
Catalogue,  no.  1,816  ($20).  The  one  in  the  Li- 
brary of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania 
lacks  the  map.  It  contains,  in  addition  to  what 
is  in  the  London  edition,  a  letter  from  Thomas 
Paschall,  dated  from  Philadelphia,  Feb.  10,  1683 
(N.  S.),  the  first,  we  believe,  dated  from  that 
locality.  This  letter  will  be  found  translated  in 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vi.  322. 

2  Beschreibung  der  in  America  new-erfunden 
Pravinz  Pensylvanieft.  Derer  Imvohner  Gesetz 
Arth  Sitten  und  Gebrauch :  auch  samlicher  reviren 


des  Landes  sonderlich  der  hanpt-stadt  Philadelphia. 
(Hamburg.)  Henrich  Heuss,  1684,  4to,  32  pp. 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,295. 

^  Reciieil  de  Diver ses  pieces  c oncer nant  la 
Pensylvanie.  A  La  Haye :  Chez  Abraham  Troyel, 
1684,  i8mo,  118  pp. 

Of  the  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library, 
Mr.  J.  R.  Bartlett,  its  curator,  writes  that  it  is 
the  same  with  the  German.  Carter-Bro^an  Cat- 
alogue, vol.  ii.  no.  1,295.  Another  copy  is  in  the 
possession  of  a  member  of  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania;  cf.  Stevens,  Historical  Collec- 
tion, no.  1,539. 

*  Twee  Missiven  gescJireven  uyt  Pensilvania,  </' 
Eene  door  een  Holla7ider,  woonachtigin  Philadclfia, 
<-/'  Ander  door  een  Szuitser,  woonachtigin  German 
Tozan,  Dat  is  Hoogduytse  Stadt.  Van  den  16  en  26 
Maert,  1684,  Nieinue  Stijl.  Tot  Rotterdam,  by 
Pieter  van  Alphen,  anno  1684,  2  leaves,  small  4to. 

^  See  Mr.  Whitehead's  chapter  in  the  pres- 
ent volume,  and  Proud's  History  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, i.  226. 

'^  We  are  unable  to  give  any  information  ad- 
ditional to  that  furnished  by  Mr.  Whitehead, 
except  that  a  copy  of  this  tract  sold  for  ^160  at 
the  Brinley  sale,  and  that  the  original  edition 
can  be  found  in  the  Carter-Brown,  Lenox,  His- 
torical Society  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Friends'  (of 
Philadelphia)  libraries ;  cf.  Historical  Magazine, 
vi.  265,  304.  A  biographical  sketch  of  Budd 
will  be  found  in  Mr.  Armstrong's  introduction  to 
the  work  as  published  in  Gowan's  Bibliotheca 
Americana,  no.  4. 


500 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


Another  Dutch  description  of  the  country  was  printed  the  same  year  (1685)  at  Rotter- 
dam, Missive  van  Cornelis  Bom}  and  has  become  very  rare. 

In  1685  Penn  also  printed  A  Further  Account  of  his  grant,  signing  his  name  to  the 
tract,  which  appeared  in  quarto  in  separate  editions  of  twenty  and  sixteen  pages,  followed 
the  same  year  by  a  Dutch  translation. ^  After  Penn's  letter  to  the  Free  Society  (1683) 
this  is  the  most  important  of  these  early  tracts. 

In  1686  the  series  only  shows  a  brief  Dutch  tract ;  ^  but  in  1687  we  derive  from  A 
Letter  from  Dr.  More,'^  etc.,  partly  the  work  of  Nicholas  More,  president  of  the  Free 
Society  of  Traders,  an  idea  of  the  growth  of  the  province  at  that  date.  Of  a  similar 
character  is  a  tract  printed  four  years  later  (1691),  So?ne  Letters,  etc.^  In  the  following 
year  (1692)  we  have  a  poetical  description^  of  the  province,  which  contains  many  interest- 
ing facts.  Little  is  known  of  the  author,  Richard  Frame.  It  is  said  that  he  was  a  teacher 
in  the  Friends'  School  of  Philadelphia.  He  was  certainly  a  resident  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
the  first  of  her  citizens  to  give  his  thoughts  to  the  pubHc  in  the  form  of  verse.  The  first 
four  lines  will  suffice  to  show  its  merits  as  a  poem  :  — 

"  To  all  our  Friends  that  do  desire  to  know 
What  Country  't  is  we  live  in  —  this  will  show. 
Attend  to  hear  the  Story  I  shall  tell: 
No  doubt  but  you  will  like  this  country  well." 

The  pamphlet  was  a  colonial  production.     It  appeared  on  paper  which  was  possibly  made 
here,  and  was  printed  by  William  Bradford. 


^  Missive  van  Cornelis  Bom  Geschreven  nit  de 
Stadt  Philadelphia  in  de  Provintie  van  Perinsyl- 
vania  Leggende  op  d''  vostzyde  van  de  Zuyd  Revier 
van  Nieuw  Nederland  Verhalende  de  groote  Voort- 
gank  van  deselve  Provintie  Waerby  kovit  de  Getny- 
genis  van  Jacob  Telner  van  Amsterda7n.  Tot 
Rotterdam,  gedrukt  by  Pieter  van  Wijnbrugge, 
in  de  Leeuwestraet,  1685. 

The  title  we  give  is  from  a  copy  in  the  "  Li- 
brary of  the  Archives  "  of  the  Moravians,  Beth- 
lehem, .Pa. 

2  A  Further  Account  of  the  Province  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  its  Bnprovements.  For  the  Satisfac- 
tion of  those  that  are  Adventurers  and  enclined  to  be 
so.  No  titlepage.  Signed  "  William  Penn,  Worm- 
inghurst  Place,  12th  of  the  10  month,  1685." 

Tweede  Bericht  ofte  Relaas  van  William  Penn, 
Eygenaar  en  Gouverneur  van  de  Provintie  van 
Pennsylvania,  in  America,  etc.  Amsterdam  :  By 
Jacob  Glaus,  410,  20  pp. 

Copies  of  all  three  editions  are  in  the  Carter- 
Brown  Collection.  {Catalogue,  \\.\,-},20-22).  The 
two  English  editions  are  in  the  possession  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  Extracts 
from  it  are  given  in  Blome's  Present  State  of  His 
Majesties  Isles  and  Territories  in  America,  Lon- 
don, 1687,  pp.  122-134.  We  do  not  think  that 
the  work  has  ever  been  reprinted.  Tromel, 
Bibliotheca  Americana,  no.  390,  gives  the  Dutch 
edition. 

^  Nader  Informatie  en  Bericht  voor  die  gene  die 
genegen  zijn,  om  zich  na  America  te  begeeven,  en  in 
de  Prainncie  van  Pensylvania  Geinteresseerd  zijn, 
of  zich  daar  zocken  neder  te  zetten.  Mit  een  Vooi-- 
reden  behelzende  verscheydene  aanmerkelijke  zaken 


vanden  tegenwoordige  toestand,  en  Regeering  diet 
Provincie ;  Navit  voor  dezen  in  druk  geweest : 
maar  nu  eerst  uytgegeven  door  Robert  Webb  /' 
Amsterdam.  By  Jacob  Claus,  1686,  4to,  i+ii  pp. 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,332. 

*  A  Letter  from  Doctor  More,  with  Passages 
out  of  several  Letters  from  Persons  of  Good  Credit, 
Relating  to  the  State  and  Improvement  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsilvania.  Published  to  prevent 
false  Reports.     Printed  in  the  Year  1687. 

It  is  reprinted  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of 
History,  iv.  445,  from  a  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library,  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,339. 

5  Some  Letters  and  an  Abstract  of  Letters  from 
Pennsylvania,  Containing  the  State  and  Improve- 
ment of  that  Province.  Published  to  prevent 
Mis-Reports.  Printed  and  Sold  by  Andrew 
Sowe,  at  the  Crooked  Billott  in  Holloway  Lane 
in  Shoreditch,  1691,  4to,  12  pp. 

Penn's  copy  is  in  the  Library  of  the  Histor- 
ical Society  of  Pennsylvania ;  see  Carter-Brawn 
Catalogue,  ii.  1,423.  It  is  reprinted  in  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History,  iv.  189. 

6  A  Short  Description  of  Pennsilvania,  or,  A 
Relation  What  things  are  known,  enjoyed,  and  like 
to  be  discovered  in  the  said  Province.  [Imperfect.] 
By  Richard  Frame.  Printed  and  sold  by  Wil- 
liam Bradford  in  Philadelphia,  1692,  4to,  8  pp. 

But  one  copy  is  known  to  have  survived,  and 
it  is  preserved  in  the  Philadelphia  Library.  A 
small  edition  was  printed  in  fac-simile,  in  1867, 
on  the  Oakwood  Press,  a  private  press  of  "  S,  J. 
Hamilton"  (the  late  Dr.  James  Slack).  Its  intro- 
duction is  in  the  form  of  a  letter  by  Horatio 
Gates  Jones,  Esq. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


501 


Soon  after  the  appearance  of  Frame's  verses,  the  poetic  fever  seized  upon  John  Holme, 
and  he  wrote  "A  true  Relation  of  the  Flourishing  State  of  Pennsylvania."  The  poetic 
taste  of  the  community  was  either  satiated  by  the  efEort  of  Frame,  or  Holme  shrank  from 
the  honors  of  authorship,  for  his  poem  did  not  see  the  light  until  published  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  thirteenth  number  of  its  Bjilletiri  in  1847. 

In  1695  one  of  the  party  who  emigrated  with  Kelpius  gave  the  public  an  account  of 
his  voyage  and  arrival,i  under  the  pseudonym  of  '*  N.  N."  He  dated  his  letter  "from 
Germantown,  in  the  Antipodes,  Aug.  7,  1694." 

In  addition  to  Mr.  Whitehead's  remarks  regarding  Gabriel  Thomas's  Account  of 
Pennsylvania    (see   chap,   xi.),    we   will  add  that  the  portion   relating  to  Pennsylvania 


P    E^l^S^LVA:N-IAwWlF71TXRS-i^ 


GABRIEL   THOMAS'S    MAP,     1 698. 


covers  fifty-five  pages,  besides  eight  pages  which  are  devoted  to  the  preface  and  title.  A 
person  by  the  name  of  the  author,  probably  the  same,  was  in  America  in  1702,  and  was 
then  solicitous  of  a  commission  as  collector  of  quit-rents,  etc.,  within  the  county  of  New- 
castle. In  1698  he  inveighed  against  George  Keith  and  his  followers,  and  in  1702  sided 
with  Colonel  Quarry  in  his  disputes  with  Penn.     Most  of  the  statements  in  his  book  can 


1  Copia  Eines  Send-Schriebens  ausz  der  neuen 
Welt,  betreffend  die  Erzehhmg  ei7ier  gefdherlicheft 
Schifffarth,  und  glucklicheji  Anldndung  etlicher 
Christlichen  Reisegefehrten,  7velche  zu  dem  Ende 
diese  Wallfahrt  angetratten,  den  Glauben  an  Jestini 
Christum  allda  Ausz-zubreiten.  Gedruckt  im 
Jahr  1695,  4to>  "  PP- 


A  copy  was  purchased  by  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania  at  the  Stevens  sale 
in  188 1  for  £26.  It  has  been  translated  by 
Professor  Oswald  Seidensticker  for  publication 
in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History.  Pro- 
fessor Seidensticker  inclines  to  the  belief  that  it 
was  written  by  Daniel  Falkner. 


502  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

be  relied  on,  but  some  passages  are  marked  by  exaggeration  and  others  by  satire.  As 
some  of  the  buildings  in  Philadelphia  mentioned  by  Thomas  were  not  erected  until  after 
he  wrote,  Mr.  Westcott,  in  his  History  of  Philadelphia,  suggests  that  possibly  there  was 
more  than  one  edition  of  the  work  bearing  the  same  date.^ 

In  1700  was  printed  a  Beschreibtmg  der  Provintz  PennsylvanicE^  the  work  of  Francis 
Daniel  Pastorius,  agent  of  the  Frankfort  Land  Company,  and  the  most  active  and  intelli- 
gent of  the  first  German  settlers,  which  is  of  great  interest,  as  it  contains  the  views  of  one 
thoroughly  identified  with  the  German  movement  to  America.  The  descriptions  of  the 
country  and  of  the  form  of  government,  the  advice  to  emigrants,  etc.,  which  it  contains, 
are  gathered  from  letters  written  to  his  father.  A  translation  of  portions  of  the  work  by 
Lewis  H.  Weiss  is  given  in  Memoir  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iv.  part 
ii.  p.  83.  The  original  edition  is  generally  found  bound  up  with  a  German  edition  of 
Thomas's  Pennsylvania,  printed  in  1702,  and  the  tract  by  Falkner  hereafter  mentioned. 
While  the  works  bear  different  dates,  there  appears  to  have  been  some  connection  in  the 
series.  The  information  in  Thomas,  originally  printed  in  1698,  supplements  to  a  great 
extent  what  will  be  found 'in  Pastorius,  printed  in  1700.  The  titlepage  of  the  German 
edition  of  Thomas  (1702)  speaks  of  it,  therefore,  as  a  continuation  of  Pastorius,  and  the 
sanie  shows  Falkner's  tract  to  have  appeared  as  a  supplement  to  the  German  edition  of 
Thomas. 

An  agent  of  the  Frankfort  Company,  who  was  in  Pennsylvania  in  1694  and  1700, 
issued  at  Frankfort  in  1702  a  little  book,  Ctirieiise  Nachricht,^  which  gives  some  informa- 
tion in  the  form  of  questions  and  answers,  one  hundred  and  three  in  number.  The  sub- 
jects touched  upon  are  the  country  in  general,  its  soil,  climate,  etc  ;  the  inhabitants,  their 
manners,  customs,  and  religions  ;  the  Indians ;  how  to  go  to  America,  etc. 

The  last  of  the  works  to  be  considered  as  original  authority  is  J.  Oldmixon's  British 
Ejnpire  in  America,  as  it  s  known  that  the  author  got  some  of  his  information  from 
Penn  himself.'*  It  was  first  issued  at  London  in  1708,  and  again  in  1741.  The  editions 
differ  materially  in  the  sections  on  Pennsylvania,  so  that  both  need  to  be  consulted. 

1  There  are  two  copies  of  the  book  in  Har-  first  is  a  burlesque  indorsement  of  the  Protes- 
vard  College  Library ;  from  the  map  in  one  tant  Reconciler,  entitled  Three  Letters  of  Thanks 
the  annexed  fac-simile  is  taken.  Cf.  Wharton's  to  the  Protestant  Reconciler :  i.  From  the  Atia- 
paper  on  provincial  literature  in  Hist.  Soc.  baptists  at  Munster ;  2.  From  the  Congregations 
Mem.,  i.  119;  and  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  in  New  England ;  3.  From  the  Quakers  in  Penn- 
ii.  1,550.  sylvania.     London:  Benjamin  Took,  1683,  4to, 

2  Umstandige  Geographische  Beschreibung  Der  26  pp. 

zti  allerletzt-e7-fmtdenen  Provintz  Pensylvanice,  In  The  other  is  a  Letter  to  William  Penn,  with 

denen  End  Grantzen  AmericcB  In  der  West-Welt  His  Answer,  London,   1688,  4to,   10  pp;  again 

gelegen  durch  Franciscum  Danielem  Pastorium,  the  same  year  in  20  pp.;  and  in  Dutch,  16  pp., 

etc.      Vattern  Melchiorem   Adamum   Pastorium,  Amsterdam,  1689. 

und  andere  gute  Freunde.     Franckfurt  und  Leip-  This  letter,  by  Sir  William  Popple,  is  ad- 

zig.     Zu  finden  bey  Andreas  Otto,  1700,  i6mo,  dressed    "  To   the   Honourable  William  Penn, 

140  pp.  Esq.,  Proprietor  and  Governor  of  Pennsylvania." 

The    Harvard  College  copy  is  dated   1704;  It  is  a  friendly  criticism  on  his  conduct  while 

ci.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  3,077  ;  znd  O' Callaghan  living  in  England,  after  his  return  from  Amer- 

Catalogue,  no.  1,807,  with  a  Continuatio  of  1702  ica.     It  has  nothing  to  do  with  his  province  but 

($4300).  is  of  a  biographical  nature.      Proud  prints  the 

3  Curieuse  Nachricht  von  Pensylvania  in  Nor-  correspondence  in  his  History  of  Pennsylvania 
den-America  welche  auf  Begehren  guter  Freunde,  (i.  314).  It  has  been  catalogued  as  connected 
etc.  Von  Daniel  Falknern,  Professore,  Burgern  with  the  history  of  the  province.  Cf.  Carter- 
und  Pilgrim  allda.  Franckfurt  und  Leipzig.  Zu  Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.,  nos.  1,363  and  1,390. 
finden  bey  Andreas  Otto,  Buchhandlern,  1702,  Both  of  the  London  editions  are  in  the  posses- 
i6mo,  58  pp.  sion  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

*  It  is  worth  while  to  make  record  of  two  The  student  may  also   need  to   be   warned 

tracts  of   this  early  period  whose   titles  might  against  a  forged  letter  of  Cotton  Mather,  about 

deceive  the  student  with  the  belief  that  they  per-  a  plot  to  capture  Penn.     Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc, 

tained  to  the  subject,  but  they  do  not.     The  1870,  p.  329. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


503 


The  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Quakers.  — As  we  have  traced  the  history  of 
Penn's  colony  from  the  origin  of  the  religious  society  which  had  such  an  influence  on  the 
formation  of  his  character,  and  to  which  Pennsylvania  owes  its  existence  quite  as  much 
as  to  Penn  himself,  a  few  references  must  be  made  to  the  chief  sources  of  information 
from  which  a  history  of  the  Quakers  can  be  gathered.  The  most  prominent  of  these  is 
the  Journal  of  George  Fox, ^  \k\%  founder  of  the  Quaker  Church.  It  relates,  in  passages 
of  alternate  vividness  and  ambiguity,  the  experiences  of  his  life.  So  different,  however, 
are  the  opinions  entertained,  that  while  Macaulay  says  that  "  his  gibberish  was  translated 
into  English,  meanings  which  he  would  have  been  unable  to  comprehend  were  put  on  his 
phrases,  and  his  system  so  much  improved  that  he  would  not  have  known  it  again,"  Sir 
James  Mackintosh,  on  the  contrary,  calls  th^  Journal  "one  of  the  most  extraordinary  and 
instructive  narratives  in  the  world,  which  no  reader  of  competent  judgment  can  peruse  with- 
out revering  the  virtues  of  the  writer,  pardoning  his  self-delusions,  and  ceasing  to  smile  at 
his  peculiarities." 

W.  Edmundson  made  three  voyages  to  America  before  1700,  the  first  with  Fox,  in 
1671;  h\s Journal^  has  been  often  printed. 

Penn's  own  statements  about  Jhe  sect's  origin  were  given  in  his  Brief  Account  of  the 
Rise  and  Progress  of  the  People  called  Quakers,  published  at  London  in  1695,  and  in  his 
Primitive  Christianity  Revived,  1696  and  1699. 

Robert  Barclay  is  considered  the  most  able  exponent  of  the  Quaker  belief  among  early 
writers  of  that  sect,  and  his  Apology^  is  his  chief  work.  He  was  the  son  of  "  Barclay  of 
Ury,"  of  whom  Whittier  has  sung,  and  was  governor  of  East  Jersey  (see  chap.  xi.). 

The  Sufferings  of  the  People  called  Quakers,'^  by  Joseph  Besse,  is,  as  its  title  indicates, 
an  account  of  their  persecutions  in  various  parts  of  the  world.  It  is  written  from  a 
Quaker  standpoint,  but  its  accuracy  can  seldom  be  questioned.  It  has  passed  through 
two  editions. 

Sewel's  History  of  the  Quakers  ^  is  a  work  which  possesses  great  value,  not  only  on 
account  of  its  freedom  from  error,  but  because  it  was  written  at  an  early  period  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Society  of  Friends.  Its  author  was  a  native  of  Amsterdam,  and  was  born  about 
1650.     His  history  was  written  to  correct  the  misrepresentations  in  Historia  Quakeriana,^ 

1  A  Jcrurnal  or  Historical  Account  of  his  Life,  ^  The  History  of  the  Rise,  Increase,  and  Prog- 
Travels^  Sufferings,  etc.  London,  1694,  folio,  ress  of  the  Christian  People  called  Quakers,  inter- 
Again,  London,  1709;  1765;  7th  ed.,  1852,  with  mixedwith  several  remarkable  occurrences.  Written 
notes  by  Wilson  Armistead.  Allibone's  Die-  originally  in  Low  Diitch  by  W.  S.,  and  by  himself 
tionary,  i.  625  ;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  vi.  25,352.  translated    into    English.     London,    1722,  folio, 

2  London,  1713;  Dublin,  1715;  London,  1715,  752  pp.  There  are  later  editions,  —  London, 
1777;  Dublin,  1820;  and  in  two  different  Friends'  1725;  Philadelphia,  1725;  Burlington,  N.  J., 
libraries,  1833  and  1838.     Sabin,  vi.  21,873.  I775  5    again,    1795,    1799-1800  ;    Philadelphia, 

»  Apology  for  the  Church  and  People  of  God  181 1  ;    again,  1833,  in   Friends'  Library;    New 

called  in   derision    Quakers ;     Wherein  they  are  York,   1844,  etc.      The  Philadelphia  edition  of 

vindicated  from  those  that  accuse  them  of  Disorder  1725  bears  the  imprint  of  Samuel  Keimer.     It 

and  Confusion  on  the  one  ha?td,  and  from  such  as  was  this  book  which  Franklin,  in  his  Autobiog- 

calumniate  them  with  Tyranny  and  Imposition  on  raphy,  tells  us   he  and  Meredith  worked  upon 

the  other ;  shewing  that  as  the  true  md pure  Prin-  just   after  they  had   established  themselves  in 

ciples  of  the  Gospel  are  restored  by  their  Testimony,  business.       Forty  sheets,   he   says,   were   from 

so  is  also  the  ancient  apostolick  order  of  the  Church  their  press. 

of  Christ  re-established  among  them,  and  settled  «  [This  was  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1696, 

upon  its  Right  Basis  and  Foundation.     By  Robert  and  was  translated  into  English,  with  a  letter  by 

Barclay,  London,  1676,  I  vol.,  4to.  George    Keith,   vindicating    himself,  ^ the   same 

There   have  been  various   later   editions  in  year;  and  also  into  German.     Sabin's  Diction- 

English  and  German.    Masson  calls  this  book  by  ary  v.   17,584-     The  next  year  (1797)   Francis 

far   the  best-reasoned   exposition  of  the   sect's  Bugg's   Picture  of  Quakerism   was    prmted   as 

early  principles.  "A    modest    Corrective    of    Gerrard   Croese  " 

4  A  Collection  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  People  (Sabin,  iii.   9,072);    Bugg   havmg,    smce   about 

called  Quakers,  for  the  testimony  of  a  good  Con-  1684,    joined    their   opponents.      Brtnley   Cata- 

science.     London,  1753,  2  vols.,  folio.  logue,  no.  3,S03-  — Ed.] 


504  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

by  Gerard  Croese,  which  had  been  largely  circulated.  Sewel's  work  was  published  in 
Dutch  at  Amsterdam  in  171 7,  and  a  translation  by  the  author  was  issued  in  London, 
1722.  Gough's  History  of  the  Quakers  is  a  compilation  of  nearly  all  that  was  accessible 
at  the  time  of  its  publication.  The  Portraiture  of  Quakerism}  by  Clarkson,  treats  of  the 
discipline  and  customs  of  the  Society.  The  History  of  Friends  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century^  by  Dr.  Charles  Evans,  contains  nearly  everything  that  most  readers  will  require. 
It  is  an  excellent  compilation,  and  presents  the  subject  in  a  compact,  useful  form.  .The 
same  can  be  said  of  a  History  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends  from  its  rise  to  the 
year  1828,'-^  by  Samuel  M.  Janhey.  The  author  was  a  follower  of  Elias  Hicks,  and  his 
work  contains  a  history  of  the  separation  of  the  meetings  caused  by  the  doctrines 
preached  by  the  latter.  In  Barclay's  hiner  Life  of  the  Religious  Societies  of  the  Com- 
monwealth 3  the  attempt  has  been  made  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  Society  of  Friends  to 
an  earlier  period  than  the  preaching  of  Fox.  The  author  of  the  work  was  Robert 
Barclay,  of  the  same  family  as  "the  Apologist.""  The  work,  which  is  an  able  one, 
was  reviewed  by  Dr.  Charles  Evans.*  A  terse  criticism  was  lately  made  on  the  book 
by  a  Friend,  who  in  conversation  remarked,  "  Robert  Barclay  seemed  to  know  more 
of  what  George  Fox  believed  than  George  himself." 

The  chief  manuscript  depository  of  the  Friends  is  in  Devonshire  House,  Friends' 
Meeting-House,  12  Bishopsgate  Street  Without,  London,  E.G.,  England,  where  what  is 
known  as  the  Swarthmore  manuscripts  are  preserved.  The  collection  was  made  under  the 
direction  of  George  Fox,  and  many  of  the  papers  are  indorsed  in  his  handwriting.  It 
consists  "  of  letters  addressed  to  Swarthmore  Hall  from  the  Preachers  in  connection  with 
Fox,  giving  an  account  of  their  movements  and  success,  to  Margaret  Fell,  and  through 
her  to  Fox.  Up  to  1661  Swarthmore  Hall  was  secure  from  violation,  and  these  letters 
range  over  the  period  from  1651  to  1661." 

John  Whiting's  Catalogue  of  Friends^  Books,  published  in  1708,  is  the  earliest  gather- 
ing of  titles  concerning  the  Quakers.  The  work,  however,  has  been  fully  done  in  our 
own  day  by  Joseph  Smith,  who  published,  in  1867,  at  London,  A  Descriptive  Catalogue  of 
Friends''  Books,  in  two  volumes,  with  critical  remarks  and  occasional  biographical  notices; 
and  in  1873,  his  Bibliotheca  A nti- Quaker iana ;  or,  a  Catalogue  of  Books  adverse  to  the 
Society  of  Frie7ids ;  with  Biographical  Notices  of  the  Authors :  with  Answers !* 

In  following  the  history  of  the  Quakers,  particularly  in  America,  the  recorder  of  their 
career  in  Pennsylvania  must  leave  unnamed  some  of  the  most  important  books,  because 
their  contents  concern  chiefly  or  solely  the  story  of  their  persecutions  and  progress  in  the 
other  colonies,  particularly  New  England.^     Bowden's  History  of  Friends  in  America,  as 

1  Portraiture  of  Quakerism ,  "^  vols.,  London,  heretickes."  It  is  also  customary  to  speak  of  the 
1806 ;  New  York,  same  date.  executions  of  Quakers  in  Boston  in  connection 

2  Four  vols.,  Philadelphia,  1860-67.  ,  with  certain  acts  of  indecency  committed  by 
^  London,  1876.  women  who  were  either  laboring  under  mental 
*  An  Examen  of'^arts  relating  to  the  Society     aberrations  or  believed  that  they  were  fulfilling 

of  Friends  in  a  recent  work  by  Robert  Barclay,  a  divine  command,  leaving  on  the  mind  of  the 

entitled,  etc.     Philadelphia,  1876.  reader  the  impression  that  the  capital  law  was 

^  See  also  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  3,479,  for  a  called   into   existence   to   correct    such   abuses, 

variety  of  titles;  and  Bohn's  Zc'ze/w^^j,  p.  2017.  No  such  acts  were   committed  until   after  the 

^  It   may  not,  however,  be  out  of  place  to  capital  law  had  fallen  into  disuse.      Nor  is  it 

mention  here  the  chief   reasons   on  which  the  clear,  from  printed  authorities,  that  the  death 

followers  of   Fox  base  their  objections  to  the  penalty  was  only  inflicted  after  every  possible 

manner  in  which   it  is  customary  to  speak  of  means    had   been   tried   by   the   Massachusetts 

the  first  Quakers  who  visited  New  England.     It  authorities   to   rid  themselves   of    their   unwel- 

is  generally  represented  that  it  was  the  behavior  come   visitors.      The   language   of    the   law   of 

of  these  early  ministers  which  caused  their  per-  1658,  which  declared  that  if  a  banished  Quaker 

secution  ;    but  before  a  European  Quaker  had  returned  he  or  she  should  suffer  death,  does  not 

set  foot  on  Massachusetts   the    court  had   de-  show  that  it  supplemented  that  of  1657,  by  which 

nounced  them,  and  in  October,  1656,  a  law  was  punishments  increasing  in  severity  were  visited 

passed  which  spoke  of  them  as  a  "  cursed  sect  of  on  Quakers  upon  their  first,  second,  and  third 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


505 


it  is  the  most  important  of  the  late  works,  must  also  be  mentioned.  Its  author  enjoyed 
great  advantages  in  preparing  it,  having  the  manuscripts  deposited  in  Devonshire  House 
at  his  command.  In  it  many  original  documents  of  the  greatest  interest  are  printed  for 
the  first  time,  among  which  we  may  mention  a  letter  of  Mary  Fisher  to  George  Fox,  from 
Barbadoes,  dated  Jan.  30,  1655,  regarding  Quaker  preachers  coming  to  America,  and  of 
Josiah  Coale  to  the  same  person,  in  1660,  in  relation  to  the  purchase  of  a  tract  of  land, 
now  a  portion  of  Pennsylvania.  The  work  is  spirited  and  readable,  and  while  it  is  written 
in  entire  sympathy  with  the  Quakers,  its  statements  are  so  carefully  weighed  that  but  little 
exception  can  be  taken  to  them,  and  then  only  in  cases  where  the  fundamental  views  of 
the  author  and  of  his  readers  are  at  variance. 

A  defence  of  the  early  Friends  in  America  will  be  found  in  Colonial  History  of  the 
Eastern  and  some  of  the  Souther7i  States,  by  Job  R.  Tyson  ;  see  Memoirs  of  Historical 
Society  of  Pe?insylvania,  vol.  iv.  part  ii.  p.  5.  For  the  colonies  other  than  New  England, 
a  few  references  will  suffice.  For  New  York,  O'Callaghan's  History  of  New  Netherland 
and  Brodhead's  New  York  can  be  consulted.  For  those  at  Perth  Amboy,  1686-1688,  see 
Historical  Magazine,  xvii.  234.  The  Annals  of  Hempstead,  by  Henry  Onderdonk,  Jr., 
treats  of  the  Quakers  on  Long  Island  and  in  New  York  from  1657  to  1826;  cf.  also  the 
American  Historical  Record,  i.  49;  ii.  53,  73.  The  Early  Friends  (or  Quakers)  in 
Maryland,  by  J.  Saurin  Norris,  and  Wenlock  Christison  and  the  Early  Friends  in  Talbot 
County,  Marylafid,  by  Samuel  A.  Harrison,  are  the  titles  of  instructive  addresses  delivered 
before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  and  included  in  its  Fund  publications;  compare 
also  E.  D.  Neill's  "  Francis  Howgill  and  the  Early  Quakers,"  in  his  English  Colonization 
in  North  America,  chap,  xvii.,  and  his  Terra  Maries,  chap.  iv.  Henning's  Stdtutes  at 
Large  give  the  laws  passed  in  Virginia  to  punish  the  Quakers.  Th^  foumals  and  Travels 
of  Burnyeat,  Edmundson,  and  Fox  should  also  be  consulted.  A  far  from  flattering  picture  of 
the  Quakers  living  on  the  Delaware  shortly  before  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania,  will  be 
found  in  the  fournal  of  Dankers  and  Sluyter,  two  followers  of  John  Labadie,  who  travelled 
in  America  in  1679-1680.  Their  account  of  the  condition  of  the  country  on  the  Delaware 
at  that  time  is  very  interesting.^  A  Retrospect  of  Early  Quakerism  :  being  Extracts  from 
the  Records  of  the  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting,  etc.,  by  Ezra  Michener,  Philadelphia,  i860, 
is  also  a  useful  work,  as  it  gives  the  dates  when  meetings  were  established. 

William  Penn.  —  The  collected  works  of  William  Penn  have  passed  through  four 
editions  ;  ^  these  contain  but  few  of  his  letters  in  relation  to  Pennsylvania.^  The 
biographical  sketch  which  accompanies  the  edition  of  1726  is  attributed  to  Joseph  Besse. 
It  appeared  but  eight  years  after  Penn's  death,  and  has  been  the  groundwork  of  nearly 
everything  which  has  since  been  written  concerning  him.  The  Memoirs  of  the  Private 
and  Public  Life  of  William  Penn,  by  Thomas  Clarkson,^  was  for  many  years  the  standard 
Life.  Later  evidence  has  shown  that  in  some  particulars  the  author  erred  ;  but  it  is  gen- 
erally accurate.  It  however  treats  more  of  William  Penn  the  Quaker  than  of  William 
Penn  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania.  The  same  criticism  is  applicable  to  The  Life  of 
William  Penn  by  Samuel  M.  Janney.^  It  also  is  a  trustworthy  book.  All  that  was  in 
print  at  the  time  it  was  written  was  used  in  its  preparation,  and  it  is  to-day,  historically, 

return.     Neither  will  the  practice  under  the  law  3  a  list  of  the  most  important  of  these,  with 

of  1658  justify  this  interpretation.    The  penal-  references  to  where  they  will  be  found,  is  printed 

ties  of  the  law  of  1657  had  not  been  exhausted  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vi.  368. 

in  the  cases  of  Mary  Dyer,  William  Robinson,  ^  London,  1813,  2  vols. ;  Dover,  N.  H.,  1820; 

Marmaduke    Stevenson,    and   William   Ledera,  new  edition,  with  preface  by  Forster,  1849-    It  is 

when  they  were  hanged.  reviewed  by  Jeffrey  in  Edinburgh  Rr.iew,  xxi. 

^  '$>^^  Memoirs  of  Long  Island  Historical  Soci-  444-                                                                      . 

,    .  5  Philadelphia,  1852;  cf.  ^2h\xC^  Dictionary, 

etv,  vol.  1.  ,,      T                                •  i.    1 

-2  London,  1726,  2  vols.,  folio;  London,  1771,  vol.   ix.    p.    221       Mr.   Janney    was    appointed 

I  vol.,  royal  folio;  London,  1782,  5  vols.,  8vo;  Indian  Agent  by  President  Grant,   1869.      He 

London,  1825,  3  vols.,  8vo.  died  April  30,  1880. 
VOL.    III. — 64. 


506  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

the  best  work  on  the  subject.  It  contains  more  of  his  letters  regarding  the  settlement  of 
Pennsylvania  than  any  other  work  we  know  of,  and  they  are  given  in  full.  The  "  Life  of 
William  Penn,"  by  George  E.  Ellis,  D.D.,  in  Sparks's  American  Biography^  second  series, 
vol.  xii.,  is  an  important  and  spirited  production,  the  result  of  careful  thought  and  study. 

Willia7n  Penn  :  an  Historical  Biography}  by  William  Hepworth  Dixon,  is  probably 
the  most  popular  account  that  has  appeared.  Its  style  is  agreeable,  and  it  is  full  of  inter- 
esting facts  picturesquely  grouped.  In  some  cases,  however,  the  authorities  quoted  do  not 
support  the  inferences  which  have  been  drawn  from  them,  and  the  historical  value  of  the 
book  has  been  sacrificed  in  order  to  add  to  its  attractiveness.  Those  chapters  which 
speak  of  the  interest  taken  by  Algernon  Sidney  in  the  formation  of  the  constitution  of 
Pennsylvania  are  clearly  erroneous.  These  views  are  based  on  the  part  which  Penn  took 
in  Sidney's  return  to  Parliament,  and  in  a  letter  of  Penn  to  Sidney,  Oct.  13,  168 1. 
Without  this  last,  the  argument  falls.  No  reference  is  given  to  where  the  letter  will  be 
found.  It  was  first  printed  as  addressed  to  Algernon  Sidney,  in  vol.  iii.  part  i.  p.  285  of 
the  Metnoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  In  vol.  iv.  ibid,  (part  i.  pp.  167- 
212)  other  letters  of  Penn  are  printed,  one  of  which  is  addressed  to  Henry  Sidney,  the 
brother  of  Algernon.  To  this  a  note  is  appended,  stating  that  the  letter  in  the  former 
volume  was  undoubtedly  written  to  the  same  person.  As  Mr.  Dixon  used  extracts  from 
these  letters,  it  was,  to  say  the  least,  unfortunate  that  he  should  have  overlooked  the  im- 
portance of  the  note.  La  Vie  de  Gtiillauine  Penn}  par  J.  Marsillac,  is  a  meritorious 
compilation,  but  its  chief  interest  centres  around  its  author,  who  styles  himself  "  D^put^ 
extraordinaire  des  Amis  de  France  k  F  Assemblee  Nationale,  etc."  He  was  of  noble  birth, 
and  an  officer  in  the  French  army.  He  joined  the  Friends  in  1778.  Being  convinced  of 
the  unlawfulness  of  war  by  the  arguments  in  Barclay's  Apology^  he  determined  "to  change 
his  condition  of  a  destroyer  to  that  of  a  preserver  of  mankind,"  and  studied  medicine. 
During  the  French  Revolution  he  took  refuge  in  America,  and  resided  in  Philadelphia.  He 
afterward  returned  to  France,  "and  threw  off  at  the  same  time  the  garb  and  profession  of 
a  Friend.  He  devoted  himself  in  Paris  to  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  obtained 
under  Napoleon  a  situation  in  one  of  the  French  hospitals." 

Chapters  in  Janney's  Life  of  Penn  and  in  Dixon's  Biography  are  devoted  to  a  refu- 
tation of  the  charges  of  worldliness  and  insincerity  brought  against  Penn  by  Macaulay  in 
his  History  of  Engla7id.  We  append  below  the  titles  of  other  publications  of  the  same 
character,  as  well  as  of  additional  works  which  can  be  consulted  with  profit  by  students 
of  his  life.^     The  PeTin  Papers,  or  manuscripts  in  the  possession  of  the  Historical  Society 

1  London,  1851 ;  again,  1856.  It  is  reviewed  Penn,  by  John  Paget.  Edinburgh,  1858,  i2mo, 
in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  xciv.  229,  and  Christian  138  pp.  Cf.  also  Westminster  Review,  liv.  117  ; 
Observer,  \i.  8i8.  and   Eclectic  Magazine,   xxiii.    115;    xxxix.    120. 

2  Two  vols.,  1791.     It  is  of  some  interest  to  Sabin's  Dictionary,  49,743. 

note  another  French  life  by  C.  Vincent,  Paris,  Additional  Works.  —  Memorials  of  the  Life 
1877,  and  a  Dutch  life  by  H.  van  Lil,  Amster-  and  Times  of  [Admiral]  Sir  IV.  Penn,  by  Gran- 
dam,  1820-25,  2  vols.  ville  Penn.  London,  1833,  2  vols.  8vo.  Cf. 
*  I.  Answers  to  Macaulay.  —  Defence  of  also  P.  S.  P.  Conner's  Sir  William  Penn,  Phila- 
William  Penn  from  Charges,  etc.,of  T.  B.  Macan-  delphia,  1876,  and  "The  Father  of  Penn  not  a 
lay,  by  Henry  Fairbairn.  Philadelphia,  1849,  ^^o,  Baptist,"  in  Historical  Magazine,  xvi.  228. 
38  pp.                                                                                     "  The  Private  Life  and  Domestic  Habits  of 

2.  William  Penn  and  T.  B.  Macaulay,  by  W.  Penn,"  by  Joshua  F.  Fisher,  in  the  Memoirs 
W.  E.  Forster.  Revised  for  the  American  edi-  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iii. 
tion  by  the  author.  Philadelphia,  1850,  8vo,  48  part  ii.  p.  65  (1836) ;  published  also  separately, 
pp.  This  first  appeared  as  an  Introduction  to  "  Memoir  of  Part  of  the  Life  of  W.  Penn,"  by 
an  edition  of  Clarkson's  Life  of  W.  Penn,  Lon-  Mr.  Lawton,  a  contemporaneous  writer,  in  Ibid., 
don,  1850.  p.  213. 

3.  William  Penn,  par  L.  Vullieum.  Paris,  "  Fragments  of  an  Apology  for  Himself,"  by 
1855,  8vo,  83  pp.  W.  Penn,  in  Ibid.,  p.  233. 

4.  Inquiry  into  the  Evidence  relating  to  the  "  Penn  and  Logan  Correspondence."  Edited 
Charges  brought  by  Lord  Macaulay  against  W.  by  Edward  Armstrong,  in  vols.  ix.  and  x.  of  Mem- 


THE    FOUNDING    OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


507 


of  Pennsylvania,  relate  chiefly  to  the  history  of  the  province  while  under  the  governorship 
of  Penn's  descendants.  There  are,  however,  in  the  collection  some  papers  of  personal 
interest  in  relation  to  Penn,  and  some  of  his  controversial  writings  and  documents  con- 
nected with  the ,  history  of  the  province  at  the  time  of  its  settlement.  The  history  of 
this  collection  presents  another  instance  of  the  perils  to  which  manuscripts  are  exposed. 
After  having  been  preserved  for  a  number  of  years  by  one  branch  of  the  Penn  family  with 
comparative  care,  subject  only  to  the  depredations  of  time,  they  were  sold  to  a  paper- 
maker,  through  whose  discrimination  they  were  preserved.  They  were  catalogued  and 
offered  for  sale  by  Edward  G.  Allen  and  James  Coleman,  of  London,  in  1870.^  The  col- 
lections were  purchased  by  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  but  not  until  some 
papers  had  been  obtained  by  persons  more  favorably  situated.  The  general  interest  of 
the  whole,  however,  was  but  little  lessened  by  this  misfortune.  From  1700  until  the 
Revolution  the  series  is  remarkably  complete,  and  there  are  but  few  incidents  in  the 
colonial  history  of  Pennsylvania  that  cannot  be  elucidated  by  its  examination.  A  por- 
tion of  the  papers  (about  twenty  thousand  documents)  have  been  bound  and  arranged, 
and  fill  nearly  seventy-five  folio  volumes. ^ 


General  Histories  of  Pennsylvania.  —  The  first  historian  of  Pennsylvania  was 
Samuel  Smith,  author  of  the  well-known  History  of  New  Jersey ;  but  his  work  up  to  the 
present  time  has  not  appeared  in  a  complete  form.  It  is  a  history  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  or  Quakers,  in  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  Smith's  manuscripts  are  in  the 
Library  of  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society.  What  appears  to_  be  a  duplicate  of  the 
Pennsylvania  portion  is  in  that  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  Hazard  printed 
the  latter  in  his  Register  of  Pennsylvania^  vols.  vi.  and  vii.^ 


oirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  These 
volumes  cover  only  the  years  between  1700  and 
171 1 ;  they  also  contain  Mr.  J.  J.  Smith's  Memoir 
of  the  Penn  Family,  reprinted  in  Lippincotf s 
Magazine,  v.  149.  Cf.  Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory, ii.  437  ;  also  James  Coleman's  Pedigree  and 
General  Notes  of  the  Penn  Fa-mily,  187 1. 

"  William  Penn's  Travels  in  Holland  and  Ger- 
many," by  Oswald  Seidensticker.  See  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History,  ii.  237.  Penn's 
journal  of  these  travels  will  be  found  in  his 
collected  works. 

The  Penns  and  the  Penningtons,  and  The 
Fells  of  Swarthmore  Hall,  by  Maria  Webb,  are 
two  interesting  books  throwing  light  on  the 
Quaker  society  in  which  Penn  moved. 

Calvert  and  Penn  ;  or,  the  Growth  of  Civil  and 
Religious  Liberty  in  America,  by  Brantz  Mayer. 
Delivered  before  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  April  8,  1852.  Baltimore,  1852, 
8vo,  49  pp. 

John  Stoughton's  William  Penn,  the  Founder 
of  Pennsylvania.  London,  1882.  This  book, 
called  out  by  the  Bi-Centenary  of  Pennsylvania, 
is  founded  on  the  standard  Lives,  but  adds  some 
new  matter. 

1  Coleman,  James,  bookseller.  Catalogue  of 
Original  Deeds,  Charters,  Copies  of  Royal  Grants, 
petitions.  Original  Letters,  etc,  of  William  Pe7in 
and  his  Family.  July,  1870.  Also  Supplement. 
London,  1870,  8vo,  82,  12  pp. 

Also  see  The  Penn  Papers.  Description  of  a 
large  Collection  of  Original  Letters,  Manuscript 


Documents,  Charters,  Grants,  Printed  Paperu  rare 
Books  and  Pamphlets  relating  to  the  Celebrated 
William  Penn,  to  the  early  History  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, ajtd  incidentally  to  other  parts  of  America, 
dating  front  tJie  latter  part  of  the  ijth  to  the  end 
of  the  id>th  century,  lately  in  the  possession  of  a 
survivittg  descendant  of  William  Penn,  now  the 
property  of  Edzvard  G.  Allen.     London,  1870. 

Also  see  Original  Deeds  and  Charters,  State 
and  Boundary  Doctiments,  Letters,  Maps,  and 
Charts,  also  Books  and  Papers  relating  to  Am- 
erica, the  Penn  Family,  and  the  Quakers,  many  of 
them  from  the  Penn  Library-  July,  1876.  Lon- 
don, 1876,  8vo,  24  pp. 

2  The  published  address  delivered  upon  their 
presentation  to  the  Historical  Society  is  entitled 
Proceedings  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania on  t/ie  Presentation  of  tiie  Penn  Papers,  and 
Address  of  Craig  Middle,  March  10,  1873,  Phila- 
delphia, 1873,  8vo,  30  pp.  Cf.  Catalogue  of 
Paintings,  etc.,  belottgifig  to  t/te  Pennsylvania  His- 
torical Society,  no.  177. 

3  Mr.  Whitehead  informs  me  that  the  papers 
in  the  Library  of  the  New  Jersey  Historical 
Society  consist  of  17  parts  (no:  10  missing), 
and  are  called,  "  The  History  of  the  Colonies 
of  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  in  America. 
From  the  time  of  their  first  discovery  to  the 
year  1721.  Together  with  an  Appendix  con- 
taining several  occurrences  that  have  happened 
since,  down  to  the  present  time.  Undertaken 
at  the  desire  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  the 
people   called  Quakers,  of    the   said   Colonies, 


5o8  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Robert  Proud's  History  of  Pennsylvania  ^  has  long  enjoyed  a  high  reputation,  but  no 
more  so  than  its  merits  entitle  it  to.  For  years  it  was  the  only  history  of  the  State.  In 
its  preparation  the  manuscript  of  Smith's  History  was  used,  and  in  it  extracts  are  given 
from  pamphlets  that  have  since  been  printed  in  full.  Nevertheless,  there  is  much  in  it 
that  cannot  be  found  elsewhere.  Passages  are  quoted  from  letters  of  Penn  which  have 
never  been  printed  entire,  and  the  notes  regarding  the  early  settlers  are  of  especial  value. 
The  care  taken  in  the  preparation  of  the  book  is  so  evident  that  its  statements  can  as 
a  rule  be  accepted.  The  author,  a  native  of  England,  was  a  teacher  of  the  classics  in 
the  Friends'  School,  Philadelphia.  =^ 

Professor  Ebeling's  volume  on  Pennsylvania  in  his  Erdbeschreibung  und  Geschichte 
von  America^  Hamburg,  1 793-1 799,  in  five  volumes,  is  another  valuable  contribution. 
Portions  of  it,  translated  by  Duponceau,  will  be  found  in  Hazard's  Register  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, \.  340,  353,  369,  385,  401. 
•  Thomas  F.  Gordon's  History  of  Pennsylvajtia  ^  gives  the  history  of  the  colony  down 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  That  part  which  treats  of  the  eighteenth  century  does 
so  more  fully  than  any  other  work.  It  has  never  enjoyed  much  popularity.  Its  style  is 
labored.  The  author  was  one  who  thought  that  "  the  names  of  the  first  settlers  are  inter- 
esting to  us  only  because  they  were  first  settlers,"  and  that  nothing  could  attract  the 
public  in  men  "  whose  chief,  and  perhaps  sole,  merit  consisted  in  the  due  fulfilment  of 
the  duties  of  private  life."  There  is  a  tone  of  antagonism  to  Penn  in  some  parts  of  the 
book  which  lacks  the  spirit  of  impartiality.  It  was  reviewed  by  Job  R.  Tyson.  See 
"  Examination  of  the  Various  Charges  brought  by  Historians  against  William  Penn,"  etc.,  — 
Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  127. 

The  second  volume  of  Bowden's  History  of  Friends  in  America^  is  the  best  Quaker 
history  of  Pennsylvania  that  has  appeared. 

Sherman  Day's  Historical  Collectio7is  (1843)  ^•'^d  An  Illustrated  History  of  the  Com- 
monwealth  of  Pennsylvania,^  by  William  H.  Egle,  M.D.,  both  give  the  history  of  the  State 
down  to  the  time  of  their  respective  publications.  In  them  the  histories  of  the  counties 
are  treated  in  separate  chapters,  general  histories  of  the  State  being  given  by  way  of 
introductions,  — that  by  Dr.  Egle  being  very  full. 

The  Historical  Review  of  the  Constitution  and  Government  of  Pe7tnsylvania,from  its 
Origin,  which  is  attributed  to  Franklin,  belongs  properly  to  a  later  period  of  the  history  of 
the  province  than  we  are  now  considering,  and,  as  it  was  written  to  serve  a  political  pur- 
pose, has  but  slight  historical  claims.     In  it,  however,  the  attempt  is  made  to  trace  some 

and  published  by  their  order.     By .    Psal.  erica,  from  .  .  .  1681  ////  after  the  year  1742,  with 

cv.  12.  13.  14,  when  they  were  but  a  few,  etc."  an  Introduction  respectijtg  the  Life  of  W.  Penji,  .  .  . 

Several  of  the   passages,  marked  "Transfer  to  the  Religious  Society  of  the  People  called  Quakers, 

History  of  Friends,"  correspond  to  the   Phila-  with  the  First  Rise  ..  .of  West  New fersey,  and  ..  . 

delphia    manuscript,   which    is   apparently    the  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  in  Delaware;  to  which  is 

portion   designated  as  the  second  part  in   the  added  a  Brief  Description  of  the  said  Province, 

author's  scheme,  as  thus  detailed  by  himself  in  1 760-1770.     Philadelphia,  1 797-1 798. 

the  New  Jersey  manuscript:    "The  History  of  ^  A  biographical  notice  of  him  by  the  Rev. 

the    Province   of    Pennsylvania   in    two    parts.  Charles  "West  Thomson  will  be  found  in  vol.  i. 

Part  I.  The  time  and  manner  of  the  grants  of  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Penn- 

territories,    the    arrival    of    settlers,   a   general  jy/t^^iw/a  (2d  ed.  p.  417),  together  with  some  verses 

view  of    the  original  state  of  the  country  and  which  show  the  sympathies  of  a  Loyalist.     He 

of   the   public   proceedings   in   legislation,  and  was  born  in  1728,  and  died  in  1813.     A  portrait 

other  matters  for  the  first  forty  years  after  the  after  a  pencil  sketch  is  noted  in  the  Catalogue 

settlement  made  under  William  Penn.     Part  II.  of  Paintings,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  Pennsylvania 

The  introduction  and  some  account  of  the  re-  Historical  Society,  no.  86. 

ligious  progress  of  the  people  called  Quakers  ^  Philadelphia,  1829. 

therein,  including   the  like   account   respecting  *  London,  1854 ;    vol.  i.  appearing  in  1850. 

the  same  people  in  New  Jersey  as  constituting  The  work  was  never  completed, 

one  Yearly  Meeting."  6   Harrisburg,    1876;    2d    ed.,  Philadelphia, 

^    The  History  of  Pennsylvania  in  North  Am-  1880. 


THE    FOUNDING    OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


509 


of  the  alleged  abuses  of  power  back  to  the  foundation  of  the  colony.  It  was  published  in 
London  in  1759,  and  is  included  by  both  Duane  and  Sparks  in  their  editions  of  Franklin's 
writings. 

Bancroft's  chapters  on  the  Quakers  in  the  United  States  and  on  Pennsylvania  are 
excellent.  Grahame's  Colonial  History  of  the  United  States  is  less  flattering  in  the  estimate 
given  of  Penn  and  his  followers,  although  far  from  unappreciative  of  their  efforts.  Burke's 
Account  of  the  European  Settlements  in  /hnerica  1  gives  nothing  that  is  new  in  connection 
with  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania  ;  but  the  opinions  of  its  distinguished  author  in  regard 
to  William  Penn  as  a  legislator  will  be  read  with  pleasure  by  Penn's  admirers.  The  re- 
marks on  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania  in  Wynne's  General  History  of  the  British 
Empire  in  America;^  are  copied  bodily  from  Burke  ;  but  no  quotation  marks  are  given, 
and  nothing  indicates  their  origin.  Douglass's  Smnmary  gives  nothing  on  the  subject 
that  will  not  be  found  in  the  charter  and  a  few  documents  of  similar  character.  From 
William  M.  Cornell's  History  of  Pennsylvania,  1876,  nothing  new  will  be  gathered  re- 
garding the  settlement  of  the  province.  It  is  a  mere  compilation,  in  which  Weems's  Life 
of  Penn  is  quoted  as  an  authority. 

Local  Histories.  —  It  is  only  in  the  history  of  the  counties  first  settled  that  informa- 
tion on  the  period  treated  of  in  this  chapter  can  be  sought.  John  F.  Watson's  Annals  of 
Philadelphia^  is  one  of  the  chief  authorities.  The  plan  of  the  work  is  not  one  that  can  be 
approved  of  at  the  present  day,  as  sufficient  care  has  not  been  taken  in  all  cases  to  follow 
the  original  language  of  documents  quoted,  or  to  give  references  to  authorities.  Never- 
theless, it  is  doubtful  if  any  work  in  America  has  done  more  to  cultivate  a  taste  for 
historical  study.  There  is  a  charm  about  its  gossipy  pages  which  has  attracted  to  it 
thousands  of  readers,  and  provoked  more  serious  investigations.  It  contains  much 
regarding  the  domestic  life  of  the  first  settlers  and  the  building  of  Philadelphia  which 
has  been  universally  accepted,  and  many  traditions  gathered  from  old  persons  which  there 
is  no  reason  to  question.  The  most  important  History  of  Philadelphia  is  that  by  Mr. 
Thompson  Westcott,  now  printing  in  the  columns  of  the  Sunday  Despatch.  Eight  hun- 
dred and  ten  chapters  have  appeared  up  to  the  present  time.  It  is  an  encyclopaedia  on 
the  subject.  Some  of  the  early  chapters  treat  of  the  period  under  review.  A  History  of 
the  Townships  of  Byberry  and  Moreland,  in  Philadelphia  County,  by  Joseph  C.  Martin- 
dale,  M.D.,*  treats  largely  of  the  earliest  settlers  in  that  section  of  the  State.  The  present 
Montgomery  County  is  formed  of  a  portion  of  the  original  County  of  Philadelphia,  and 
the  history  of  some  of  its  sections  treats  of  the  settlement  of  the  colony.  For  such 
information,  see  History  of  Montgomery  County,  -within  Schuylkill  Valley,^  by  William  ■ 
J.  Buck.  Mr.  Buck  prepared  also  the  Historical  Introduction  to  Scott's  Atlas  of  Mont- 
gomery County,  Philadelphia,  1877.  The  History  of  Delaware  County,  by  George  Smith, 
M.D.,6  is  by  far  the  best  county  history  of  Pennsylvania  yet  published.  It  is  thoroughly 
trustworthy,  and  treats  fully  of  the  settlement  of  the  county.     Extracts  from  the  records 

1  London,  1757,  2  vols.,  8vo.  landmarks  of  the  town,  which  have  appeared  in 

2  London,'  1770,'  2  vols.,  8vo.  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  though 

3  [This  book  has  passed  through  several  much  in  them  necessarily  fails  of  association 
editions,  —  1830,  with  lithographic  illustrations  ;  with  the  early  years  with  which  we  are  dealing. 
1844,  1850,  1857,  and  1868,  with  woodcuts.  A  This  is  likewise  true  of  Thompson  Westcott's 
tribute  to  Mr.  Watson  (who  was  born  June  13,  Historic  Buildings  of  Philadelphia,  1877;  cf.  the 
1779,  and  died  Dec.  23,  1861),  by  Charles  Deane,  papers  on  old  Philadelphia  in  Harpei's  Monthly, 
is  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  v.  207  ;  and  Benjamin  1876 ;  cf.  An  Explanation  of  the  Map  of  the  CUy 
Dorr  published  A  Memoir  of  fohn  Fanning  and  Liberties  of  Philadelphia.  By  John  Reed. 
?^a/x6.«,  Philadelphia,  1861,  with  a  portrait.    Mr.  Philadelphia,  1794  and  1846.  — Ed.] 

Willis  P.  Hazard's  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  1879,  '  Philadelphia,  1867,  i2mo,  379  PP- 

supplements   Mr.    Watson's   book.      The  local  ^  Nornstown,  1859. 

antiquarian  interest  will  be  abundantly  satisfied  «  Philadelphia,   1862       See    Memoir  of   Dr. 

with  Mr.  Townsend  Ward's  papers  on  the  old  Smith  in  Pennsylvania  Mag.  of  Hist.,  vi.  182. 


5IO 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


of  Markham's  court  are  given  in  it.  Chester  and  its  Vicinity.  Delaware  County^  Pennsyl- 
vania} by  John  Hill  Martin,  is  a  meritorious  work. 

The  history  of  Bucks  County  has  been  twice  written  ;  first  by  William  J.  Buck,  in 
1855.  His  investigations  were  contributed  to  a  county  paper,  and  were  subsequently 
published  in  a  volume  of  one  hundred  and  eighteen  pages,  to  which  was  appended  a 
History  of  the  Township  of  Wrightstown,  by  Charles  W.  Smith,  M.D.,  contained  in 
twenty-four  pages.  A  later  History  of  Bucks  County,'^  is  that  by  General  W.  W.  H. 
Davis,  an  excellent  work. 

The  History  of  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania,^  by  J.  Smith  Futhey  and  Gilbert  Cope, 
is  a  work  of  merit,  being  the  production  of  two  thorough  students,  deeply  imbued  with 
the  love  of  their  subject.  The  historical  and  genealogical  portions  of  it  are  written  with 
care  and  judgment.  It  contains  extracts  from  the  records  of  the  first  courts  held  in 
Pennsylvania. 

Constitutional  History.  — Hazard's  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,^  160(^16^2,  Votes  of 
the  Assembly,^  vol.  i..  Colonial  Records,^  vol.  i.,  Pennsylvania  Archives}  vol.  i.,  and  Duke 
of  York's  Laws^  are  the  chief  collections  of  documents  relating  to  the  constitutional 


1  Philadelphia,  1877. 

2  Doylestown,  Pa.,  1876,  8vo,  875+54  pp. 

^  It  is  unfortunate  that  a  book  of  such  merit 
should  have  been  given  to  the  public  in  so  objec- 
tionable a  form.  It  is  a  4to,  782-I- 44 pages  (Phil- 
adelphia, 1881 ),  profusely  illustrated  with  pictures 
calculated  to  gratify  the  vanity  of  living  persons 
and  to  mislead  students  as  to  the  value  of  the 
work. 

■^  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  from  the  Discovery 
of  the  Delaware,  by  Samuel  Hazard,  1 609-1 682, 
Philadelphia,  1850,  8vo,  664  pp.  An  excellent 
compilation,  containing  nearly  all  the  document- 
ary information  on  the  subject,  arranged  in  chro- 
nological order. 

A  catalogue  of  the  papers  relating  to  Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware  in  the  State-Paper  Office, 
London,  was  printed  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Historical  Society,  vol.  iv.  part  ii.  p.  236. 

^  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 
Beginning  the  Fourth  Day  of  Dece?nber,  1 682.  Vol- 
ume the  First,  in  Two  Parts.  Philadelphia,  1752. 
This  collection  was  continued  down  to  the  Revo- 
lution. It  is  contained  in  six  folio  volumes. 
The  first  three  are  from  the  press  of  Franklin  and 
Hall.  They  are  always  known  as  "  Votes  of  the 
Assembly." 

*"'  The  first  ten  volumes  of  the  series  known 
as  the  Colonial  Records  bear  the  title  of  Minutes 
of  the  Prainncial  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  frojn 
the  Organization  [1683]  to  the  Termination  of  the 
Proprietary  Government ;  the  last  six:  Minutes 
of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania 
from  its  Organization  to  the  Termifiation  of  the 
Revolution.  They  contain,  however,  the  Minutes 
down  to  1790.  The  publication  of  this  series 
was  begun  by  the  State  in  1837,  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  and  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania  having  petitioned  the  Legisla- 


ture to  adopt  measures  for  this  end.  After  three 
volumes  were  issued  (Harrisburg,  1838-1840) 
the  publication  was  suspended.  In  185 1,  at  the 
request  of  the  Historical  Society,  the  matter  was 
again  brought  before  the  Legislature  by  Edward 
Armstrong,  Esq.,  a  member  of  the  Society,  then 
a  delegate  to  the  Legislature.  The  sixteen  vol- 
umes of  the  Colonial  Records  and  twelve  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Archives  were  issued  between  the 
years  1852  and  1856.  The  volumes  issued  in 
1838-1840  were  reprinted  in  1852,  and  an  index 
volume  to  both  works  in  i860.  The  latter  does 
not  apply  to  the  volume  of  the  Records  pub- 
lished in  1838-1840. 

"^  Pennsylvania  Archives ,  selected  and  arranged 
from  Origiftal  Documents  in  the  Office  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Commonwealth.  By  Samuel  Hazard, 
Commencing  1664.  i2vols.,  8vo.  Harrisburg  and 
Philadelphia,  1852-1856.  To  Mr.  Samuel  Haz- 
ard, who  was  also  the  author  of  the  Annals  of 
Pennsylvania  and  publisher  of  Hazard^s  Register 
of  Pennsylvania  (16  vols.,  8vo,  Philadelphia, 
1828-1835),  the  students  of  history  are  greatly 
indebted  for  the  preservation  of  some  of  the 
most  important  documents  relating  to  the  his- 
tory of  the  State. 

^  Charter  to  William  Penn  arid  Laws  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  1682  and  1700 ;  pre- 
ceded by  Duke  of  York's  Laws  in  Force  from  the 
year  1 676  to  the  year  1682.  Published  tinder  the 
direction  of  fohn  Blair  Linn,  Sec.  of  Common- 
wealth.  Compiled  and  edited  by  Staughton  George, 
Benjamin  M,  Nead,  and  Thomas  McCamant. 
Harrisburg,  1879,  ^^o?  6^4  PP- 

Appendix  A  of  this  volume  contains  a  com- 
pilation of  the  laws,  etc.,  establishing  the  Courts 
of  Judicature  ;  it  is  by  Staughton  George.  Ap- 
pendix B  contains  Historical  Notes  of  the  Early 
Governmentand  Legislative  Councils  and  Assem- 
blies of  Pennsylvania ;  it  is  by  Mr.  Nead.    Both 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


511 


history  of  the  colony.  The  correspondence  which  preceded  the  issuing  of  the  royal  charter, 
together  with  the  Proceedings  of  the  Lords  of  Trade,  etc.,  is  in  the  Votes  of  the  Assembly, 
vol.  i.  pp.  vii-xiii;  the  same  will  be  found  in  chronological  order  in  Hazard's  Annals. 
The  royal  charter  is  given  in  Votes  of  Assembly,  vol.  i.  p.  xviii;  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  488 ; 
Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.)  p.  ix,  (2d  ed.)  p.  17  ;  Hazard's  Register,  i.  293.  A  fac- 
simile of  the  engrossed  copy  at  Harrisburg  is  also  given  as  an  Appendix  to  vol.  vii.,  second 
series,  of  Pennsylvania  Archives,  and  is  in  the  Duke  of  York's  Laws  in  the  same  form,  as 
well  as  being  printed  in  that  volume  on  page  81.  The  paper  known  as  "  Certain  Condi- 
tions or  Concessions,"  agreed  upon  in  England  between  the  purchasers  of  land  and  Penn, 
July  II,  1681,  will  be  found  in  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  516,  Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.), 
p.  xvii  (2d  ed.),  p.  26,  Votes  of  Assefubly,  vol.  i.  p.  xxiv,  and  Proud's  Pennsylvania,  vol. 
ii.  Appendix.  Penn's  instructions  to  his  commissioners  —  Crispin,  Bezar,  and  Allen  —  are 
printed  in  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  527.  The  original  paper  is  in  the  possession  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  His  instructions  to  his  fourth  commissioner,  Wil- 
liam Haige,  are  in  Hazard's  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  p.  637.  The  Frame  of  Government 
and  laws  agreed  upon  in  England  May  5,  1682,  were  printed  at  the  time.  They  are  also 
given  in  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  558,  Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.)  p.  xxi  (2d  ed.)  p.  29, 
Votes  of  the  Assembly,  vol.  i.  p.  xxvii,  Duke  of  Fork's  La%us,  p.  91,  and  Proud's  Pennsyl- 
vania, vol.  ii.  Appendix.  There  are  a  number  of  rough  drafts  of  the  Frame  of  Govern- 
ment, etc.,  in  the  Penn  Papers  of  the  Historical  Society.  One  of  these  is  indorsed  as  the 
work  of  Counsellor  Bamfield;  another  bears  the  name  of  C.  Darnall.  Oldmixon  says 
(edition  of  1708)  that  "the  Frame"  was  the  work  of  "Sir  William  Jones  and  other 
famous  men  of  the  Long  Robe."  Penn's  letter  to  Henry  Sidney  (Oct.  13,  1681)  shows 
that  Sidney  was  consulted  regarding  it ;  and  Chalmers  says  (on  the  authority  of  Markham), 
that  portions  of  it  were  formed  to  suit  the  Quakers. 

The  Frame  of  Government,  passed  in  1683,  will  be  found  in  Votes  of  the  Assembly, 
vol.  i.  part  i..  Appendix  i,  Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.)  xxxiv,  and  (2d  ed.)  p.  42;  Duke 
of  York's  Laws,  p.  155  ;  Proud's  Pennsylvajiia,  vol.  ii.  Appendix  3.  There  was  an 
edition  of  it  printed  in  1689  at  Philadelphia,  entitled  The  Frame  of  the  Government  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsilvania  and  Territories  thereunto  annexed  in  America,  8vo,  16  pp. 
But  one  copy  of  this  edition  is  known  to  have  been  preserved,  —  it  is  in  the  Friends' 
Library  in  Philadelphia.  It  has  no  titlepage  or  printer's  name ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  it  is  from  the  press  of  William  Bradford  ;  and  it  was  for  printing  this  that  Bradford 


THE   SEAL   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


are  valuable  pieces  of  work  ;  but  we  do  not  agree 
with  Mr.  Nead  that  the  laws  printed  and  agreed 
upon  in  England,  and  the  written  ones  prepared 
by  Penn  and  submitted  to  the  Assembly  that 
met   at    Upland,   December,   1682,  were    both 


passed.  The  passage  in  Penn's  letter  of  Dec. 
16,  1682,  which  reads,  "the  laws  were  agreed 
upon  more  fully  worded,"  indicates  that  the 
printed  series  was  superseded  by  the  written 
one. 


512 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


was  summoned  before  the  Council  by  Governor  Blackwell,  on  the  19th  of  April,  1689. 
Sabin  gives  an  edition  printed  in  London  in  1691,  by  Andrew  Sowle.  Cf.  Sabin's  Dic- 
tionary^ no.  59,697 ;  also,  Collection  of  Charters^  etc.,  relating  to  Pennsylvania,  Phila- 
delphia (B.  Franklin),   1740. 

Literature  relating  to  the  Laws  of  the  Province.  —  Under  this  head  may 
be  classed  various  works,  the  titles  of  which  as  a  rule  indicate  their  characters,  and  we 
note  them  below.^ 

Landing  of  Penn.  —  In  1824  a  society  was  formed  in  Philadelphia  for  the  com- 
memoration of  the  landing  of  William  Penn.  Its  first  meeting  was  held  November  4,  in 
the  house  in  which  he  had  once  lived,  in  Letitia  Court.  An  address  was  delivered  by  Peter 
S.  Duponceau,  and  the  eighteen  members  of  the  Society  dined  together.  In  selecting  the 
day  to  be  celebrated,  the  Society  was  guided  by  the  passage  in  Penn's  letter  to  the  Lords 
of  Plantation,  dated  August,  1683,  in  which  he  states  that  he  arrived  on  "the  24th  of 
October  last."  Ten  days  should  have  been  added  to  this  date  to  correct  the  error  in  com- 
puting time  by  the  Julian  calendar,  which  was  in  vogue  when  Penn  landed,  and  November  3 
should  have  been  considered  the  anniversary.  Through  an  erroneous  idea  of  the  way  in 
which  such  changes  should  be  calculated,  eleven  days  were  added,  and  November  4  was 
fixed  upon.  The  next  year,  however,  the  Society  celebrated  the  24th  of  October,  and  con- 
tinued to  do  so  until  1836,  the  last  year  that  we  are  able  to  trace  the  existence  of  the 
organization. 2  Subsequent  investigations  have  shown  that  Penn  did  not  arrive  before 
Newcastle  until  October  27  (see  Newcastle  Court  Records  in  Hazard's  Annals  of.  Penn- 
sylvania, p.  596),  and  did  not  land  until  the  following  day.^  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that 
Penn  dated  his  arrival  from  the  time  he  came  in  sight  of  land  or  passed  the  Capes  of 
Delaware.     The  first  evidences  we  have  of  his  being  within  the  bounds  of  the  present 


1  Laws  of  Pennsylvania.  Philadelphia,  ?.8io 
(Beoren's  edition).  The  second  volume  of  this 
edition  contains  an  elaborate  "  note "  on  land- 
titles;  it  will  be  found  on  pp.  105-261.  It  was 
prepared  by  Judge  Charles  Smith. 

View  of  the  Land-Lazus  of  Pennsylvania,  with 
Notes  of  its  Early  History  and  Legislation.  By 
Thomas  Sargeant.  Philadelphia,  1838,  8vo,  xiii 
+203  pp. 

Address  before  the  Law  Academy.  By  Peter 
McCall.  Philadelphia,  1838.  A  valuable  his- 
torical essay. 

Essay  on  the  History  and  Nature  of  Original 
Titles  of  Land  in  Pennsylvattia.  By  Charles 
Huston.     Philadelphia,  1849,  ^vo,  xx-f-484  pp. 

Syllabus  of  Law  of  Land- Office  Titles  in 
Pennsylvania.  By  Joel  Jones.  Philadelphia, 
1850,  i2mo,  xxiv+264. 

The  Common  Law  of  Pennsylvania.  By 
George  Sharswood.  A  lecture  before  the  Law 
Academy.     Philadelphia,  1856. 

Equity  in  Pennsylvania.  A  lecture  before 
the  Law  Academy  of  Philadelphia,  Feb.  11,  1868. 
By  William  Henry  Rawle.  With  an  Appendix, 
being  the  Register  Book  of  Governor  Kelt  It's  Court 
of  Chancery.    Philadelphia,  1868,  8vo,  93-f46  pp. 

A  Practical  Treatise  on  the  Law  of  Ground- 
Rents  in  Pennsylvania.  By  Richard  M.  Cad- 
walader.     Philadelphia,  1879,  8vo,  356  pp. 

An  Essay  on  Original  Land-Titles  in  Phila- 
delphia. By  Lawrence  Lewis,  Jr.  Philadelphia, 
1880,  8vo,  266  pp. 


The  Courts  of  Pettnsylvania  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century.  Read  before  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  March  14,  1881.  By  Lawrence 
Lewis,  Jr.  See  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, V.  141,  also,  separately. 

Some  Contrasts  in  the  Growth  of  Pennsylvania 
and  English  Law.  A  Lecture  before  the  Law 
Department  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
Oct.  3,  1881.  By  William  Henry  Rawle.  Phila- 
delphia, 1881,  8vo,  78  pp.,  2d  ed.,  32  pp.,  1882. 

2  A  number  of  addresses  were  delivered 
before  this  Society.  That  of  J.  N.  Barker, 
delivered  in  1827,  is  the  most  valuable  of  the 
series,  and  is  entitled  Sketches  of  the  Primitive 
Settlements  of  the  River  Delaware,  Philadelphia, 
1828. 

3  That  no  doubt  should  exist  regarding  the 
accuracy  of  these  dates,  we  have  had  Penn's  let- 
ter to  the  Lords  of  Plantation  in  the  State-Paper 
Office,  London,  examined,  and  in  it  the  24th  is 
clearly  written.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  ori- 
ginal draft  of  his  letter  to  the  Free  Society  of 
Traders,  in  which  the  same  date  of  arrival  is 
given.  The  "  New  Castle  County  old  Records 
transcribed,"  quoted  by  Hazard,  give  the  27th 
as  the  time  of  his  arrival  before  that  town,  and 
the  28th  as  the  day  on  which  he  took  official 
possession.  These  statements  are  verified  by 
the  Breviate  of  Penn  vs.  Lord  Baltimore,  in  which 
the  original  Newcastle  Records  appear  to  have 
been  quoted,  since  the  volumes  and  folios  re- 
ferred to  differ  from  those  given  by  Hazard. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA.  513 

State  of  Pennsylvania  are  letters  dated  Upland,  October  29,  and  this  day,  allowing  ten 
days  for  the  change  of  time,  bringing  it  to  November  8,  is  the  one  that  it  is  custom- 
ary to  celebrate, 

Nov.  8,  1851,  Edward  Armstrong  delivered  before  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, at  Chester,  an  able  address,  which  contains  nearly  all  that  is  known  regarding  the 
landing  of  Penn.  In  it  will  be  found  the  names  of  his  fellow-passengers  in  the  "  Wel- 
come ; "  but  a  more  extended  list  by  the  same  writer  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  2d 
ed..  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  i.  In  1852  an  address  was  also- 
delivered  on  the  same  anniversary  before  the  Historical  Society  by  'lobert  T.  Conrad. 

Penn's  Treaty  with  the  Indians.  — This  was  the  subject  of  a  report  made  to  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  by  Peter  S.  Duponceau  and  J.  Francis  Fisher.  It  will 
be  found  in  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society,  vol.  iii.  part  ii.  p.  141.  In  it  the  opinion  is 
expressed  that  the  treaty  which  tradition  says  Penn  held  with  the  Indians  at  Shackamaxon 
was  not  one  for  the  purchase  of  land,  but  was  a  treaty  of  amity  and  friendship,  and  was 
held  in  November,  1682.  This  report  has  been  followed  by  historians  generally,  and  has 
been  accepted  by  nearly  all  the  biographers  of  Penn.  The  subject,  however,  is  one  that 
will  bear  further  investigation.  The  writer  of  this  chapter  published  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Magazine  of  History,  vi.  217,  an  article  to  show  that  the  treaty  which  has  attracted  so 
much  attention  was  that  described  in  Penn's  Letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  dated 
August  16,  1683  ;  that  it  was  held  on  June  23  of  that  year  ;  that  not  only  "great  promises 
of  friendship"  passed  between  Penn  and  the  Indians,  but  that  land  was  purchased,  the 
records  of  which  are  in  the  Land  Office  at  Harrisburg.^  In  connection  with  this  subject, 
Mr.  John  F.  Watson's  paper  on  the  "  Indian  Treaty  for  Lands  now  the  Site  of  Philadel- 
phia" (see  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iii.  part  ii.  p.  129)  should 
be  read,  as  well  as  "  Memoir  of  the  Locality  of  the  Great  Treaty  between  William  Penn 
and  the  Indians,"  by  Roberts  Vaux  (see  Ibid.,  i.  79;  2d  ed.,  p.  87).  The  proceedings  of 
the  Historical  Society  upon  the  occasion  of  the  presentation  to  it  of  a  belt  of  wampum  by 
Granville  John  Penn,  which  is  said  to  have  been  given  to  William  Penn  by  the  Indians 
at  the  treaty  at  Shackamaxon, ^  will  be  found  in  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Penn- 
sylvania, vi.  205,  with  a  large  colored  lithograph  of  the  belt.  Cf.  Historical  Magazine, 
i.  177,  and  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  498. 

Penn-Baltimore  Controversy,  and  the  Southern  Boundary  of  Pennsyl- 
vania.—  In  the  "Penn  Papers"  in  the  Library  of  the   Historical   Society  of  Pennsyl- 

1  This  conclusion  has  been  reached  by  exam-  ciety,  no.  167.  Cf.  views  in  Gay's  Poptdar  Ilis- 
ining  the  evidence  we  have  in  strict  chronological  tory  of  the  Umted  States,  ii.  493;  Watson's  Annals 
order.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  Penn  met  of  Phdadelphia ;  one  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
the  Indians  in  council  until  May,  1683.  At  this  last  c^x\X.wxy\x\  Peitnsylvania  Magazine  of  History, 
conference  the  Indians  either  failed  to  under-  iv.  186.)  For  the  monument  on  the  spot,  see 
stand  him,  or  refused  to  sell  him  land.  His  next  Lossing's  *Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  ii.  254. 
meeting  with  them  was  on  June  23,  1683.  He  It  is  well  known  that  Benjamin  West  made  the 
then  purchased  land  from  them,  and  the  prom-  scene  of  the  treaty  the  subject  of  a  large  histor- 
ises  of  friendship  quoted  on  a  former  page  ical  painting.  The  original  first  deed  given  by 
were  exchanged.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  the  Indians  to  Markham  is  in  the  possession  of 
while  there  is  scarcely  any  allusion  to  the  Indians  the  Historical  Society.  Ci.  Catalogue  of  Paini- 
in  his  letters  prior  to  the  meeting  of  June  23,  ings,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  Society, 
subsequent  to  that  time  they  are  full  of  descrip-  no.  174. 

tions  of  them,  and  of  accounts  of  his  intercourse  William    Rawle's  address  before  the  Penn- 

with  them.  sylvania   Hi.storical   Society  in   1825  was    upon 

2  [The  elm-tree  known  as  the  Treaty-tree  Penn's  method  of  dealing  with  the  Indians  as 
which  was  long  venerated  as  the  one  under  compared  with  the  customs  obtaining  in  the. 
which  the  interview  was  held,  was  blown  down  other  colonies.  (Ct  Historical  Magazine,  v'\.  64.) 
in  18 10,  and  a  picture  of  it  taken  in  1809  is  pre-  Facsimiles  of  the  marks  of  many  Indian  chiefs, 
served  in  the  Historical  Society.  (Cf.  Catalogue  as  put  to  documents  from  1682  to  1785,  are  given 
of  Paintings,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  So-  in  Pennsylvania  Archives,  vol.  i.  — Ed.I 

VOL.   III.  —65. 


514  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

vania  there  are  several  volumes  of  documents  bearing  upon  this  subject,  being  the  copies 
of  those  used  in  the  suit  between  Lord  Baltimore  and  John  Thomas  and  Richard  Penn, 
decided  in  1750.  Interesting  papers  are  in  the  State-Paper  Office,  London,  giving  accounts 
of  the  meetings  between  Baltimore  and  Markham  and  Penn  and  Baltimore  in  1682  and 
1683.  Copies  are  in  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  and  will 
shortly  be  printed.     The  following  printed  volumes  and  essays  treat  of  the  subject :  ^ 

The  Case  of  William  Penn,  Esq.,  as  to  the  Proprietory  Government  of  Pennsyl- 
i)ania ;  which,  together  with  Carolina,  New  York,  etc.,  is  intended  to  be  taken  away  by 
a  bill  in  Parliament.     (London,  1685.)     Folio,  i  leaf.     Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  59,686. 

The  Case  of  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor-in-Chief  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Territories,  against  the  Lord  Baltimore'' s  Pretentions  to  a  Tract  of 
Land  in  America,  Granted  to  the  said  William  Penn  in  the  year  1682,  by  his  then  Royal 
Highness  fames  Duke  of  York,  adjoyning  to  the  said  Province,  commonly  called  the  Ter- 
ritories thereof,     (n.  p.  1682  to  1720.)     Folio,  i  leaf.     Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  59,688. 

The  Case  of  Hannah  Penn,  the  Widow  and  Executrix  of  Williatn  Penn,  Esq-.,  late 
Proprietor  and  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  (against  the  pretensions  of  Lord  Sutherland, 
London,  1720).     Folio,  i  leaf.     Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  59,672. 

Articles  of  Agreejnent  made  and  concluded  upon  between  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lord 
Proprietary  of  Maryland  and  the  Honourable  the  Proprietary  of  Pennsylvania,  etc. ,  touch- 
ing the  Limits  and  Bou7idaries  of  the  Two  Provinces,  with  the  Co?nmission  constituting 
certain  Persons  to  execute  the  Same.  Philadelphia  (B.  Franklin),  1733,  folio,  19  pp.  and 
map.     In  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Another  edition  was  issued  from  same  press  in  1736,  with  the  Report  of  the  Commis- 
sioners.    Cf.  C.  R.  Hildeburn's  List  of  the  Issues  of  the  Press  in  Pennsylvania,  1685-1759. 

The  Case  of  Messieurs  Penn  and  the  People  of  Pennsilvania,  and  the  three  lower 
Counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex  07t  Delaware,  in  relation  to  a  Series  of  Injuries 
and  Hostilities  made  upon  them  for  several  Years  past  by  Thomas  Cressap  and  others,  by 
the  Direction  and  Authority  of  the  Deputy-Governor  of  Maryland  (London,  1737).  Folio, 
8  pp.     Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary ,  no.  5,985. 

Penn  against  Lord  Baltimore.  In  Chancery.  Copy  of  Minutes  on  Hearing,  May  15, 
1750.     8vo,  15  pp.     n.  t.  p.     In  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Breviate  in  the  case  of  Penn  vs.  Baltimore.  Cf.  also  the  title,  with  its  two  maps, 
given  in  Sabin's  Dictionary,  ix.  34,416. 

Indertture  of  Agreement,  4///  fuly,  1 760,  Between  Lord  Baltimore  and  Thomas  and 
Richard  Penn,  Esquires,  settling  the  lirnits  and  boundaries  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania, 
and  the  Three  Lower  Counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex.  Philadelphia,  185 1, 
folio,  31  pp.  and  map.     Privately  printed  for  Edward  D.  Ingraham. 

"  Memoir  of  the  Controversy  between  Penn  and  Lord  Baltimore."  By  James  Dunlop 
(read  Nov.  10,  1825),  in  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  161,  or  2d  ed. 
p.  163. 

Lecture  upon  the  Controversy  between  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  about  the  Boundary 
Line.     By  Neville  B.  Craig.     Pittsburgh,  1843,  8vo,  30  pp. 

Appendix  to  Case  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Third  Circuit,  con- 
taining the  Pea  Patch,  or  Port  Delaware  Case.  Reported  by  John  William  Wallace.  Phil- 
adelphia, 1849,  8vo,  161  pp.     Cf.  U.  S.  Senate,  Exec,  doc,  no.  21,  30th  Congress,  1848. 

History  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line.  Contained  in  an  address  delivered  by  John 
H.  B.  Latrobe  before  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Nov.  8,  1854.  Philadelphia, 
1855,  8vo,  52  pp. 

Colonel  Graham's  Report  on  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line.  Chicago,  1859,  8vo.  Cf. 
Pennsylvania  Senate  Journal,  1850,  ii.  475. 

1  [Cf.  also  Pennsylvania  Archives,  2d  series,  595;  cf.  Neill's  Terra  Maria,  chap,  v.,  Hazard's 
vol.  vii.  There  is  a  map  illustrating  the  boun-  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  ii.  200,  and  Mr.  Brant- 
dary  dispute  in  Pennsylvania  Archives  (i739),*i.     ley's  chapter  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 


THE    FOUNDING    OF    PENNSYLVANIA.  5IC 

Mason  ajid  Dixon's  Line.     By  James  Veech,  1857. 

One  of  the  original  manuscript  reports  of  Mason  and  Dixon,  signed  by  them,  is  in 
the  possession  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Immigrations.  —  Independent  of  the  Welsh  and  Germans,  no  large  bodies  of  emigrants 
came  to  Pennsylvania  during  the  first  decade  of  its  existence,  except  from  England  and  some 
Quakers  from  Ireland.  The  prosperity  of  the  new  colony  attracted  settlers  from  other 
parts  of  British  America  and  the  West  Indies  ;  but  nearly  all,  judging  from  the  religious 
annals  of  the  community,  were  either  Quakers  or  in  sympathy  with  them.  In  studying 
the  Welsh  emigration, >/?«  ap  Thomas  and  his  Friends:  a  Cotttribution  to  the  Earty 
History  of  Merion,  Pa.,  by  James  J.  Levick,  M.D.,  should  be  read;  see  Pennsylvania 
Mac^azijte  of  History,  iv.  301.  It  is  a  history  of  the  first  company  which  came  from 
Wales,  in  1682.  The  History  of  Delaware  County  by  Dr.  George  Smith  contains  much 
on  the  subject,  with  a  map  of  the  early  settlements  ;  cf.  B.  H.  Smith's  Atlas  of  Delaware 
Co2uity,  with  a  History  of  Land-Titles,  Philadelphia,  1880.  The  agreement  entered  into 
between  an  emigration  party  from  Wales  and  the  captain  of  a  vessel  in  1697-1698  will  be 
found  in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  i.  330. 

The  German  or  Dutch  emigration  can  be  studied  in  The  Settletnent  of  Germantown, 
and  the  Causes  which  led  to  it,  by  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker ;  see  Pennsylvania  Magazine 
of  History,  iv.  i.  It  is  a  thorough  examination  of  the  question,  showing  how  the  emi- 
grants came  from  the  neighborhood  of  Crefeld,  a  city  of  the  Lower  Rhine,  near  Holland. 
The  several  publications  we  have  mentioned  printed  in  Dutch  and  German  must  also  be 
consulted.  William  Penn's  Travels  in  Holland  and  Germany,  by  Professor  Oswald 
Seidensticker,  already  mentioned  (see  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  ii.  237),  shows 
how  naturally  the  event  came  about.  Professor  Seidensticker  has  also  contributed  "  Pas- 
torius  und  die  Grundung  von  Germantown"  to  tht  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  iii.  pp.  8,  56,  78, 
and  "Francis  Daniel  Pastorius  "  to  the  Penn  Monthly,  vol.  iii.  pp.  i,  51. 

Special  Subjects.  —  There  remain  a  few  monographs  worthy  of  mention. 

History  of  Manners  and  Custojns  of  the  hidian  Nations  who  once  i7ihabited  Penn- 
sylvania and  the  Neighboring  States,  by  the  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  Philadelphia,  1819, 
8vo.  This  work  was  first  published  as  vol.  i.  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Historical  and 
Literary  Co7nmittee  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society.  It  was  reprinted  by  the  His- 
torical Society  of  Pennsylvania,  with  notes  by  the  Rev.  William  C.  Reichel,  in  1876,  and 
forms  vol.  xii.  of  its  Memoirs.  Opinions  regarding  this  work  differ  widely.  It  was 
favorably  reviewed  by  Nathan  Hale  in  the  North  American  Review,  ix.  178,  and  severely 
criticised  by  General  Lewis  Cass  in  the  same  publication,  xxvi.  366.  "A  Vindication"  of 
the  History  by  William  Rawle  will  be  found  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  i.  258;  2d  ed.  p.  268.  There  is  a  portrait  of  Heckewelder  in  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  and  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Historical  Society  ;  see  Catalogue  of  Paint- 
ings, etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  Society,  no.  85.  As  a  further  contribution  to  the 
aboriginal  history,  we  may  mention  Azotes  respecting  the  Indians  of  Lancaster  County^ 
Pa.,  by  William  Parker  Foulke  ;  see  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Petinsylvania^ 
vol.  iv.  part  ii.  p.  189.     This  treats  largely  of  the  Susquehannocks. 

Contributions  to  the  Medical  History  of  Pennsylvania,  by  Caspar  Morris,  M.D. ;  see 
Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  337,  or  2d  ed.,  p.  347. 

Notices  of  Negro  Slavery  as  connected  with  Pennsylvafiia,  by  Edward  Bittle  ;  see 
Ibid.,  i.  351,  or  2d  ed.,  p.  365  ;  cf.  also  Williams's  Negro  Race  in  America. 

Address  delivered  at  the  Celebration  by  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  May  20,  1863, 
of  the  Two  Htindredth  Birthday  of  William  Bradford,  who  introduced  the  Art  of  Print- 
ing into  the  Middle  Colonies,  etc.,  by  John  William  Wallace.  Albany,  1863,  8 vo,  p.  114. 
Together  with  the  report  made  by  Horatio  Gates  Jones  at  the  same  time.  Cf .  Thomas  I . 
Wharton's  "  Notes  on  the  Provincial  Literature  of  Pennsylvania,"  in  the  Mefnoirs  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  99,  or  2d  ed.,  p.  107  ;  and  J.  W.  Wallace's  paper  on 


5l6  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

the  "  Friends'  Press  "  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  iv.  432.  The  Britiley  Cata- 
logue, no.  3,367,  gives  a  considerable  enumeration  of  the  issues  of  Bradford's  press. 

"  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Lower  Dublin  (or  Pennepek)  Baptist  Church,  Philadelphia," 
etc.,  by  Horatio  Gates  Jones,  in  Historical  Magazine,  August,  1868,  p.  76. 

"  Local  Self-Government  in  Pennsylvania,"  by  E.  R.  L.  Gould,  of  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vi.  156.  It  is  ia  comparison  of  present 
local  administration  in  Pennsylvania  w^ith  that  under  the  Duke  of  York's  government. 

Maps.  —  A  Portraiture  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  Province  of  Pe7insylvania, 
in  America,  by  Thomas  Holme,  Surveyor-General.  Sold  by  John  Thornton  in  the  Min- 
ories,  and  Andrew  Sowle  in  Shoreditch,  London.     i8j^  X  n^  inches. 

The  original,  of  which  a  reduced  heliotype  is  given  in  this  chapter,  will  be  found  in 
Penn's  Letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  printed  in  1683,  which  also  contains  a  de- 
scription of  Philadelphia,  in  which  the  map  is  referred  to.  In  one  of  the  editions  of  the 
Letter  to  the  Free  Society  a  list  of  the  lot-owners  in  Philadelphia  is  given,  with  numbers 
referring  to  property  marked  on  the  map.  This  is  the  earliest  map  of  Pennsylvania.  All 
issued  previous  to  it  show  the  country  while  under  a  different  dominion. 

A  Map  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  containing  the  three  coimties  of  Chester, 
Philadelphia,  and  Bucks,  as  far  as  yet  surveyed  and  laid  out.  The  divisions  or  distinc- 
tions made  by  the  different  coulters  respecting  the  settlements  by  way  of  townships.  By 
Thomas  Holme,  Surveyor-General.  Sold  by  Robert  Green,  at  the  Rose  and  Crown  in 
Budge  Row,  and  by  John  Thornton  at  the  Piatt  in  the  Minories,  London. 

This  is  the  most  important  of  all  the  early  maps  issued  shortly  after  1681.  It  contains 
the  names  of  many  of  the  early  settlers,  and  shows  Penn's  idea  of  settling  the  country. 
In  some  cases  the  lots  front  on  a  square,  which  it  is  presumed  was  dedicated  to  public 
uses.  This  feature  is  still  noticeable  in  one  or  two  of  the  original  settlements.  It  was 
republished  at  Philadelphia  by  Lloyd  P.  Smith  in  1846,  and  by  Charles  L.  Warner  in 
1870. 

A  Mapp  of  ye  Improved  parts  of  Pennsilvania,  in  America,  Divided  into  County  es, 
Townships,  and  Lotts.  Surveyed  by  Tho.  Hohne.  It  is  dedicated  to  William  Penn  by 
Jno.  Harris,  who,  it  is  presumed,  was  the  publisher.  It  measures  16  X  21^  inches,  and 
is  a  reduction  of  the  larger  map  by  Holme. 

A  map  to  illustrate  the  successive  purchases  from  the  Indians  was  published  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  in  1875.     Cf.  Egle's  Pennsylvania,  p.  208. 

Pennsylvania  Historical  Society.  —  [The  chief  instrumentality  in  the  fostering  of 
historical  studies  in  the  State  rests  with  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  which  dates 
from  1824;  and  in  1826  it  printed  the  first  volume  of  its  Memoirs,  which  was,  under  the 
editing  of  Edward  Armstrong,  reprinted  in  1864.  The  objects  of  the  Society  were  set 
forth  by  William  B.  Reed  in  a  discourse  in  1848;  and  again  at  the  dedication  of  its  new 
hall  in  1872,  Mr.  J.  W.  Wallace  delivered  an  address.  Besides  its  occasional  addresses  and 
its  Memoirs,  and  the  work  it  has  done  in  prompting  the  State  to  the  printing  of  its  doc- 
umentary history,  it  has  also  supported  the  publication  of  the  Pennsylvajiia  Magazine  of 
History.  —  Ed.] 


Y^^Z^ 


SECTION    OF    HOLME'S    MAP    OF    PEXXSVLVAXIA. 


** 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE   ENGLISH   IN   MARYLAND,    1632-1691. 

BY    WILLIAM   T.   BRANTLY, 

Of  the  Maryland  Historical  Society. 

IV/r  ARYLAND  was  the  first  Proprietary  colony  established  in  America; 

iVl  and  its  charter  contained  a  more  ample  grant  of  power  than  was 
bestowed  upon  any  other  English  colony.  To  Maryland  also  belongs  the 
honor  of  having  been  the  first  government  which  proclaimed  and  practised 
rehgious  toleration.  The  charter  was  granted  in  1632,  by  Charles  I.,  to 
Cecilius,  second  Lord  Baltimore.  But  the  true  founder  of  Maryland  was 
George  Calvert,  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  a  man  of  singular  merit,  whose 
influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  colony  was  such  that  his  character  and 
career  belong  to  its  history. 

George  Calvert  was  descended  from  a  Flemish  family  which  had  long  been 
settled  in  Yorkshire,  where  he  was  born  in  the  year  1582.  Graduating 
Bachelor  of  Arts  at  Oxford,  he  travelled  on  the  Continent,  and  then  entered 
public  life  under  the  patronage  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil.  Calvert  filled  various 
offices  until  Cecil  became  Lord  High  Treasurer,  when  he  was  appointed 
clerk  of  the  Privy  Council.  He  was  knighted  in  161 7,  and,  upon  the  dis- 
grace of  Sir  Thomas  Lake,  in  February,  1619,  he  was  appointed  by  James  I. 
one  of  the  two  principal  secretaries  of  state.  He  was  selected  for  this  im- 
portant post  because  there  was  work  to  be  done,  and  he  had  made  himself 
valued  in  public  life  for  his  industry  and  ability.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that  his 
theory  of  the  Constitution  was  similar  to  that  held  by  the  King.  He  had 
always  been  allied  with  the  Court  as  distinguished  from  the  Country  party, 
and  was  a  stanch  supporter  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown.  In  the  Par- 
liament of  1 62 1  he  was  the  leader  of  the  Government  forces,  and  the  imme- 
diate representative  of  the  King  in  the  House  of  Commons.  When  he  came 
to  draw  the  charter  of  Maryland  he  framed  such  a  government  as  the  Court, 
during  this  period,  conceived  that  England  ought  to  be. 

Calvert  was  not  altogether  friendly  to  Spain. ^  It  is  a  mistake  to  sup- 
pose that  his  political  fortunes  were  so  bound  up  with  the  success  of  the 
Spanish  match,  that,  upon  its  final  rupture  in  1623,  his  position  became  un- 

1  S.  R.  Gardiner's  Pri7tce  Charles  and  tke  Spanish  Marriage,  i.  164. 


5i8 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tenable.  He  did  not  resign  his  secretaryship  until  February,  1625  ;  and 
there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  believing  that  he  did  not  then  do  so  volun- 
tarily. Fuller,  the  chief  contemporary  authority,  says  that  *'  he  freely  con- 
fessed to  the  King  that  he  was  then  become  a  Roman  Catholic,  so  that  he 


must  be  wanting  in  his  trust  or  violate  his  conscience  in  discharging  his 
office."  It  is  certain  that  he  had  not  forfeited  the  favor  of  the  King,  nor  in- 
curred the  enmity  of  the  all-powerful  Buckingham.  He  was  allowed  to  sell 
his  secretaryship  to  his  successor  for  £6,000,  and  was  retained  in  the  Privy 

1  See  an  account  of  this  picture  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  in  the  Critical  Essay. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  519 

Council.  A  few  weeks  after  his  withdrawal  from  office  he  was  created  Baron  , 
of  Baltimore  in  the  Irish  peerage;  and  in  1627  Buckingham  summoned  him 
to  a  special  conference  with  Charles  I.  upon  foreign  afif^iirs.  The  date  of 
his  conversion  to  the  Church  of  Rome  has  been  the  subject  of  much  dis- 
cussion, but  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  that  it  preceded,  for  any  length 
of  time,  the  open  profession  of  his  new  faith. 

From  early  manhood  Sir  George  Calvert  had  been  interested  in  schemes 
of  colonization.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Company  until  its  disso- 
lution, and  was,  as  secretary  of  state,  one  of  the  committee  of  the  Council 
for  Plantation  Affairs.  While  secretary  he  determined  to  become  himself  the 
founder  of  a  colony,  and  in  1620  he  purchased  from  Sir  William  Vaughan 
the  southeastern  peninsula  of  Newfoundland.  In  the  following  year  he  sent 
a  body  of  settlers  to  this  region,  and  expended  a  large  amount  of  money  in 
estabhshing  them  at  Ferryland.  James  I.  granted  him  in  1623  a  patent 
constituting  him  the  Proprietary  of  this  portion  of  Newfoundland  which 
was  called  Avalon,  —  a  patent  which  afterwards  became  the  model  of  the 
charter  of  Maryland.  The  fertility  and  advantages  of  Avalon  had  been 
described  to  Lord  Baltimore  with  the  usual  exaggeration  of  discoverers. 
He  rnade  a  short  visit  to  it  in  the  summer  of  1627,  and  in  the  following 
year  he  went  there,  accompanied  by  several  members  of  his  family,  with  the 
intention  of  remaining  permanently ;  but  the  severity  and  long  duration  of 
the  winter  convinced  him  that  the  attempt  to  plant  an  agricultural  colony  on 
that  inhospitable  shore  was  doomed  to  failure.  In  August,  1629,  he  wrote 
to  the  King  that  he  found  himself  obliged  to  abandon  Avalon  to  fishermen, 
and  to  seek  for  himself  some  warmer  climate  in  the  New  World.  He  also 
announced  his  determination  to  go  with  some  forty  persons  to  Virginia,  and 
expressed  the  hope  that  the  King  would. grant  him  there  a  precinct  of  land, 
with  privileges  similar  to  those  he  enjoyed  in  Newfoundland.  Charles  I.,  in 
reply,  advised  him  to  desist  from  further  attempts  and  to  return  to  England, 
where  he  would  be  sure  to  enjoy  such  respect  as  his  former  services  merited, 
—  *'  well  weighing,"  added  the  King,  *'  that  men  of  your  condition  and  breed- 
ing are  fitter  for  other  employments  than  the  framing  of  new  plantations 
which  commonly  have  rugged  and  laborious  beginnings." 

Without  waiting  for  an  answer  to  his  letter  Lord  Baltimore  sailed  for 
Virginia,  where  he  arrived  in  October,  1629.  To  the  Virginians  he  was  not 
a  welcome  visitor.  They  either  honestly  objected  to  receiving  Catholic 
settlers,  being  proud  of  their  conformity  to  the  Church  of  England,  or  were 
apprehensive  that  he  had  designs  upon  their  territory.  They  tendered  to 
him  and  his  followers  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy.  The  latter 
was  one  which  no  Catholic  could  conscientiously  take,  and  it  was  there- 
fore refused  by  Baltimore.  His  offer  to  take  a  modified  oath  was  rejected 
by  the  council,  and  they  requested  him  to  leave  the  colony. 

While  in  Virginia  Lord  Baltimore  learned  that  the  northern  and  southern 
portions  of  the  territory  comprised  within  the  old  charter  limits  of  the  colony 
had  not  been  settled,  and  he  determined  to  ask  for  an  independent  grant  of 


520 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


a  part  of  this  unsettled  region.    Upon  his  return  to  England  he  learned  that 
the  King  was  willing  to  accede  to  his  request.      Baltimore  finally  selected 

for  his  new  colony  the  country 
north  of  the  Potomac,  and  pre- 
pared a  charter  to  be  submitted 
to  the  King,  modelled  upon  the 
Avalon  patent.  The  name  of 
the  colony  was  left  to  the  choice 
of  the  King,  who  desired  that  it 
should  be  called  Terra  Mariae  — 
in  English,  Maryland  —  in  honor 
of  his  Queen  Henrietta  Maria. 
This  name  was  accordingly  in- 
serted in  the  patent ;  but  before 
it  passed  the  seals  Lord  Balti- 
more died.  His  death  took 
place  April  15,  1632,  and  he 
was  buried  beneath  the  chancel 
of  St.  Dunstan's  Church.  But 
his  great  scheme  did  not  die 
with  him.  His  rights  were  trans- 
mitted to  his  son  and  heir  Cecilius,  second  Lord  Baltimore,  to  whom  the 
charter  was  finally  issued,  June  20,  1632. 

The  territory  granted  was  defined  with  accuracy.  The  southern  boun- 
dary was  the  further  bank  of  the  Potomac,  from  its  source  to  its  mouth  in 
the  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  and  ran  thence  to  the  promontory  called  Watkins 
Point,  and  thence  east  to  the  ocean.  The  eastern  boundary  was  the  ocean 
and  Delaware  Bay  to  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude  ;  and  the  northern  boun- 
dary was  a  right  line,  on  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  to  the  meridian  of 
the  fountain  of  the  Potomac,  where  the  southern  boundary  began.  It  will 
be  seen  that  Maryland,  as  originally  defined,  comprised  all  of  the  present 
State  of  Delaware  and  a  large  part  of  what  is  now  Pennsylvania. 

The  country  described  in  the  charter  was  expressly  erected  into  a  Prov- 
ince of  the  empire ;  and  the  Baron  of  Baltimore,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  were 
constituted  the  absolute  lords  and  proprietaries  of  the  soil.  Their  tenure 
was  the  most  liberal  known  to  the  law.  They  held  the  Province  directly  of 
the  kings  of  England,  in  free  and  common  socage,  by  fealty  only,  yielding 
therefor  two  Indian  arrows,  on  the  Tuesday  of  Easter  week,  to  the  King  at 
the  Castle  of  Windsor.    The  Province  was  made  a  county  palatine  ;   and  the 


THE    BALTIMORE   ARMS.^ 


•  [This  is  a  fac-simile  of  the  arms  as  engraved 
on  the  map  accompanying  the  Relation  of  1635. 
The  motto  was  also  that  of  the  great  seal,  fur- 
nished to  the  Province  in  1648  by  the  second 
Lord  Baltimore,  which,  by  a  vote  of  the  legisla- 
ture in  1876,  was  re-estgiblished  on  the  seal  of  the 
State.     See  the  Critical  Essay. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  when  an  agent  of 


Virginia  was  sent  to  London  in  i860,  to  discover 
papers  relating  to  the  bounds  between  that  State 
and  Maryland,  he  found  the  representative  of  the 
Calverts,  and  possessor  of  their  family  papers,  a 
prisoner  in  the  Queen's  Bench  prison,  in  a  con- 
finement for  debt  which  had  then  lasted  twenty 
years.  Colonel  McDonald's  Report,  March,  1861. 
—  Ed.] 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  52I 

Proprietary  was  invested  with  all  the  royal  rights,  privileges,  and  prerogatives 
which  had  ever  been  enjoyed  by  any  Bishop  of  Durham  within  his  county 
palatine.  To  the  Proprietary  was  also  given  all  the  power  that  any  captain- 
general  of  an  army  ever  had ;  and  he  was  authorized  to  call  out  the  whole 
fighting  population,  to  wage  war  against  all  enemies  of  the  Province,  to  put 
captives  to  death,  and,  in  case  of  rebellion  or  sedition,  to  exercise  martial 
law  in  the  most  ample  manner.  He  was  empowered  to  establish  courts  and 
appoint  judges,  and  to  pardon  crimes.  He  had  also  the  right  to  constitute 
ports  of  entry  and  departure,  to  erect  towns  into  boroughs  and  boroughs 
into  cities  with  suitable  immunities,  and  to  levy  duties  and  tolls  upon  ships 
and  merchandise  exported  and  imported.  He  could  make  grants  of  land 
to  be  held  directly  of  himself,  and  erect  portions  of  the  land  granted  into 
manors  with  the  right  to  hold  courts  baron  and  leet  It  was  further  pro- 
vided that,  lest  in  so  remote  a  region  all  access  to  honors  might  seem  to 
be  barred  to  men  well  born,  the  Proprietary  might  confer  rewards  upon 
deserving  provincials,  and  adorn  them  with  any  titles  and  dignities  except 
such  as  were  then  in  use  in  England.  All  laws  were  to  be  made  by  the 
Proprietary  with  the  advice  and  assent  of  the  freemen,  who  should  be  called 
together,  personally  or  by  their  deputies,  for  the  framing  of  laws  in  the 
manner  chosen  by  the  Proprietary.  In  the  event  of  sudden  accidents  the 
Proprietary  might  make  ordinances  for  the  government  of  the  Province,  pro- 
vided they  should  not  deprive  offenders  of  life,  limb,  or  property.  Freedom 
of  trade  to  all  English  ports  was  guaranteed. 

Liberty  to  emigrate  to  the  Province  and  there  settle  was  given  to  all  sub- 
jects of  the  Crown,  and  all  colonists  and  their  children  were  to  enjoy  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  native-born  liegemen.  There  was  an  express  cove- 
nant on  the  part  of  the  Crown  that  at  no  time  should  any  tax  or  custom  be 
imposed  upon  the  inhabitants  or  their  property,  or  upon  any  merchandise 
to  be  laden  or  unladen  within  the  Province.  The  charter  concluded  by  di- 
recting that,  in  case  any  doubt  should  arise  concerning  the  true  sense  of 
any  word  or  clause,  that  interpretation  should  always  be  made  which  would 
be  most  beneficial  to  the  Proprietary,  "  provided,  always,  that  no  interpre- 
tation thereof  be  made  whereby  God's  holy  and  true  Christian  religion,  or 
the  allegiance  due  to  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  may  in  anywise  suffer  by 
change,  prejudice,  or  diminution." 

It  is  especially  to  be  remarked  that  the  charter  contained  no  provision 
requiring  the  provincial  laws  to  be  submitted  to  the  Crown  for  approval. 
Nothing  was  reserved  to  the  Crown  except  the  allegiance  of  the  inhabitants 
and  the  fifth  part  of  all  the  gold  and  silver  ore  which  might  be  found  within 
the  limits  of  the  Province.  But  the  powers  conferred  on  the  Proprietary 
were  of  a  sovereign  character:  he  was  lord  of  the  soil,  the  fountain  of 
honor,  and  the  source  of  justice.  These  privileges  were  the  work  of  a 
friend  of  high  prerogative;  yet  the  rights  of  the  people  were  not  neglected. 
The  freemen  of  the  Province  were  entitled  to  participate  in  the  law-making 
power,  to  enjoy  freedom  of  trade,  exemption  from  Crown  taxation,  and  all 

VOL.  ni.  — 66. 


522  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

the  rights  and  Hberties  of  native-born  EngHshmen.  All  the  laws  of  the 
Province  must  be  consonant  with  reason  and  not  repugnant  to  the  laws 
of  England.  If  it  be  true  that  the  powers  given  to  the  Proprietary  were 
greater  than  those  ever  conferred  on  any  other  Proprietary,  it  is  equally  true 
that  the  rights  secured  to  the  inhabitants  were  greater^^tnan  in  any  other 
charter  which  had  then  been  granted.  / 

The  charter  expressly  separated  the  Province  from  Virginia  and  made 
it  immediately  dependent  on  the  Crown.  The  entire  territory  of  Maryland' 
had  been  included  in  the  grants  made  in  1609,  and  subsequently  to  the 
London  company  for  the  first  colony  of  Virginia.  This  company  became 
obnoxious  both  to  the  Crown  and  the  colonists,  and,  in  1624,  a  writ  of 
quo  warranto  was  issued  against  its  patents,  the  judgment  upon  which  re- 
voked all  the  charters  and  restored  to  the  Crown  all  the  franchises  formerly 
granted.  Virginia  then  became  a  royal  colony,  and  there  could  be  no  ques- 
tion of  the  right  of  the  King  to  partition  its  territory  at  pleasure.  But  the 
grant  of  Maryland  nevertheless  caused  a  great  discontent  in  Virginia.  Al- 
though no  permanent  settlements  had  been  made  north  of  the  Potomac,  the 
Virginians  regarded  all  the  territory  comprised  within  the  old  charter  limits 
as  still  belonging  to  them,  and  objected  to  having  it  partitioned. 

One  member  of  the  Virginia  company  had,  indeed,  established  stations 
for  traffic  with  the  Indians  on  Kent  Island,  almost  in  the  centre  of  Mary- 
land, and  on  Palmer's  Island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  River. 
This  man  was  William  Clayborne,  destined  to  become  famous  in  the  early 
history  of  the  Province.  He  had  been  Secretary  of  the  Virginia  colony 
and  one  of  the  Council.  Before  the  visit  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore  to 
Jamestown,  Clayborne  had  been  commissioned  to  explore  the  great  bay 
and  to  trade  with  the  Indians.  He  may  then  have  set  up  trading  stations 
upon  Kent  and  Palmer's  islands.  In  May,  163 1,  he  obtained  from  Charles 
I.  a  license  authorizing  him  to  trade  for  furs  and  other  commodities  in  all 
the  coasts  "  in  or  near  about  those  parts  of  America  for  which  there  is  not 
already  a  patent  granted  to  others  for  sole  trade."  This  license,  which  was 
merely  passed  under  the  privy  signet  of  Scotland,  could  not  be  construed 
as  granting  any  title  to  the  soil  or  government.  In  Baltimore's  charter 
Maryland  was  described  as  hitherto  unsettled,  —  hactenus  inculta,  —  and 
this  unlucky  phrase  was  afterwards  the  source  of  innumerable  difficulties. 
At  the  time  of  his  visit  to  Virginia  the  region  was  probably  unsettled  so  far 
as  he  could  learn. 

When  intelligence  of  the  grant  of  Maryland  reached  Virginia  the  plant- 
ers were  moved  to  sign  a  petition  to  the  King,  in  which  they  remonstrated 
against  the  grant  of  a  portion  of  the  lands  of  the  colony  which  would  cause 
a  "  general  disheartening  "  to  them.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  Privy . 
Council,  which,  after  hearing  both  parties,  decided,  in  July,  1633,  that  Lord 
Baltimore  should  be  left  to  his  patent  and  the  Virginians  to  the  course  of 
law ;  and  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  two  colonies  should  **  assist  each  other 
on  all  occasions  as  becometh  fellow-subjects." 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


523 


There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  from  the  outset,  Lord  Baltimore  intended 
that  Maryland  should  be  a  place  of  refuge  for  the  English  Catholic^^Jho 
had  as  much  reason  as  the  Puritans  to  flee  from  persecution.  The  polittcal 
and  religious,  hatred  with  which  the  mass  of  the  English  people  regarded 
the  Church  of  Rome  was  increasing  in  bitterness,  and  the  Parliament  of 
1625  had  besought  the  King  to  enforce  more  strictly  the  penal  statutes 
against  recusants.  Soon  after  the  grant  of  his  charter  Lord  Baltimore 
treated  with  the  Provincial  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in  England,  for  his  as- 
sistance in  establishing  a  mission  in  the  new  colony.  At  the  same  time  he 
wrote  to  the  General  of  the  Order  asking  him  to  designate  certain  priests 
to  accompany  the  first  emigration,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  confirm  the 
Catholics  in  their  faith,  convert  the  Protestant  colonists,  and  propagate  the 
Roman  faith  among  the  savages.  These  requests  were  granted,  and  the  first 
expedition  was  accompanied  by  two  Jesuits. 

But  Maryland  was  to  be  something  more  than  a  Catholic  colony.  Lord 
Baltimore  had  already  determined  that  it  should  be  a  "  free  soil  for  Chris- 
tianity." When  the  charter  was  granted,  it  was  well  known  that  Baltimore 
purposed  to  settle  Maryland  with  Catholics.  How  came  it  to  pass  that, 
under  these  circumstances,  a  Protestant  king  made  a  grant  of  such  large 
powers  to  a  Catholic  nobleman?  Different  views  have  been  taken  of  the 
clauses  of  the  charter  relating  to  religion.  One  view  is  that  by  the  patent 
the  Church  of  England  was  established,  and  any  other  form  of  worship  was 
unlawful ;  another  that  the  glory  of  Maryland  toleration  is  due  to  the  char- 
ter, and  under  it  no  persecution  of  Christians  was  lawful ;  while  a  third  view 
is  that  the  charter  left  the  whole  matter  vague  and  undetermined,  and  there- 
fore within  the  control  of  the  Proprietary  and  his  colonists.  The  only  ref- 
erences to  religion  in  the  charter  that  need  be  considered  are  two:  the 
first,  in  the  fourth  section,  giving  the  Proprietary  the  advowsons  of  all 
churches  which  might  happen  to  be  built,  together  with  the  liberty  of  erect- 
ing churches  and  causing  the  same  to  be  consecrated  according  to  the 
ecclesiastical  laws  of  England;  the  second,  in  the  twenty-second  section, 
providing  that  no  law  should  be  made  prejudicial  to  God's  holy  and  true 
Christian  religion. 

These  are  the  exact  phrases  used  in  the  Avalon  patent,  which  was  issued 
to  Sir  George  Calvert  while  still  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England.  In 
that  case  they  probably  operated  as  an  establishment  of  that  church.  But 
these  phrases  were  not  retained  in  the  charter  granted  to  a  Roman  Catholic 
without  good  reason.  The  fourth  section  merely  empowered  the  Proprie- 
tary to  dedicate  the  churches  which  might  be  built;  it  did  not  compel  him 
to  build  them :  and  the  fact  of  being  a  Catholic  did  not  then  disable  one 
from  presenting  to  Anglican  churches.  There  is,  moreover,  nothing  in  this 
section  disabling  the  Proprietary  from  building  churches  of  other  faiths. 
The  proviso  in  the  twenty-second  section  was  conveniently  vague.  It  can- 
not be  held  either  to' establish  the  Church  of  England  or  to  prohibit  the 
exercise  of  any  other  worship.     No  such  construction  was  ever  placed  upon 


524  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

it  by  the  Crown,  or  the  Proprietary,  or  the  people.  It  is  certain  that  Balti- 
more would  not  have  accepted  a  charter  requiring  the  establishment  of  a 
church  from  which  he  and  those  whom  he  intended  to  be  his  colonists  dis- 
sented. It  is  still  more  certain  that  he  would  not  have  accepted  a  charter 
prohibiting  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  worship. 

The  most  plausible  view  of  these  provisions  is  that  they  covered  a  secret 
understanding  between  the  Proprietary  and  the  King,  to  the  effect  that  both 
Catholics  and  members  of  the  Established  Church  should  enjoy  the  same 
religious  rights  in  Maryland.^  The  opinion  entertained  by  some  that  the 
charter  itself  enforced  toleration  is  altogether  untenable.  These  provisions 
did  not  prevent  the  Church  of  England  from"  being  afterwards  established 
in  Maryland  nor  avert  disabihties  from  Catholics  and  Dissenters.  Apart 
from  the  supposed  agreement  between  Baltimore  and  the  King,  any  perse- 
cution of  Conformists  in  the  Province  would  have  been  extremely  impolitic ; 
it  would  have  resulted  in  the  speedy  loss  of  the  patent.  But  Baltimore 
could  without  danger  have  prohibited  the  immigration  of  Puritans,  and 
could  have  discouraged  in  many  ways  the  settlement  even  of  Conformists. 
Not  only  did  he  not  do  any  of  these  things,  but  he  invited  Christians  of 
every  name  to  settle  in  Maryland.  It  is  the  glory  of  Lord  Baltimore  and 
of  the  Province  that,  from  the  first,  perfect  freedom  of  Christian  worship 
was  guaranteed  to  all  comers.  Because  the  event  proved  that  this  mag- 
nanimity was  the  truest  wisdom  and  resulted  in  populating  the  Province, 
there  have  not  been  wanting  those  who  declare  that  it  was  not  magnanimity 
at  all,  but  only  enlightened  self-interest. 

By  the  decision  of  the  Privy  Council  in  July,  1633,  upon  the  petition  of 
the  Virginia  planters.  Lord  Baltimore  achieved  his  first  victory  in  the  long 

struggle  he  was  destined  to  wage 
with  the  enemies  of  his  colony. 
Regarding  his  title  to  the  terri- 
tory as  unquestionable,  he  now 
hastened  his  preparations  for  its 
colonization.  He  had  purposed 
to  lead  the  colonists  in  person,- 
but,  finding  it  necessary  to  aban- 
don this  intention,  he  confided  the  expedition  to  the  care  of  his  brother, 
Leonard  Calvert,  whom  he  commissioned  as  Lieut.-General.  Jerome  Haw- 
ley  and  Thomas  Cornwallis  were  as-  ^^  ^^  ^ 
sociated  as  councillors,  and  George  <^  "  /  /^  .  /  ^  t  ^  r  » 
Calvert,  another  brother  of  the  ^^^T^**  "  C^rtn^CSzuJ  * 
Proprietary,  was  one  of  the  emi-  ^-^ 
grants.  Lord  Baltimore  provided  two  vessels,  —  the  "  Ark,"  of  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  tons  burden,  and  the  '*  Dove,"  a  pinnace  of  about 
fifty  tons.  In  October,  1633,  the  colonists,  —  *'  gentlemen  adventurers 
and   their  servants,"  —  to   the   number  of   about  two   hundred,   embarked 

1  S.  R.  Gardiner's  Personal  Government  of  Charles  /.,  ii.  290. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


525 


at  Gravesend.  The  vessels  stopped  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  Fathers 
White  and  Altham  (the  Jesuits  who  had  been  designated  for  the  service) 
and  some  other  emigrants  were  received  on  board.  They  finally  set  sail 
from  Cowes  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  November,  1633,  and  took  the 
old  route  by  the  Azores  and  West  Indies. 

Soon  after  their  departure  Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  his  own  and  his 
father's  friend,  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  that,  after  having  overcome  many  dif- 


OCEANVS    ORIEISTTALIS    —  ^.u.*^- 

MAP   OF   MARYLAND,    1635.^ 

ficulties,  he  had  sent  a  hopeful  colony  to  Maryland  with  a  fair  expectation 
of  success.  *'  There  are  two  of  my  brothers  gone,"  he  added,  **  with  very 
near  twenty  other  gentlemen  of  very  good  fashion,  and  three  hundred  la- 
boring men  well  provided  in  all  things." 

The  vessels  remained  for  some  time  at  Barbadoes,  and  did  not  arrive  at 
Point  Comfort  until  the  27th  of  February,  1634.  Here  the  colonists  were 
received  by  Governor  Harvey,  of  Virginia,  **  with  much  courtesy  and  hu- 
manity," in  obedience  to  letters  from  the  King.  Fresh  supplies  having  been 
procured  in  Virginia,  the  *' Ark"  and  *' Dove  "  weighed  anchor  and  sailed 
up  the  bay  to  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac,  which  they  entered  and  proceeded 
up  about  fourteen  leagues,  to  an  island  which  they  called  St.  Clement's. 


1  This  is  a  reduced  fac-simile  of  the  map  ac-     Critical  Essay.  Compare  the  heliotype  of  Smith's 
companying  A  Relation  of  Maryland,  1635.     See     map  of  Virginia,  in  chapter  v. 


526  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

The  emigrants  landed  here,  and  took  formal  possession  of  Maryland  "  for 
our  Saviour,  and  for  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  of  England." 

Governor  Calvert  left  the  **  Ark  "  at  the  island  and  sailed  up  the  river 
with  two  pinnaces,  in  order  to  explore  the  country  and  conciliate  the  Indian 
chieftains.  He  was  accompanied  by  Captain  Henry  Fleet,  of  the  Virginia 
colony,  who  was  versed  in  the  Indian  tongues  and  acquainted  with  the 
country.  They  assured  the  chiefs  that  the  strangers  had  not  come  to  make 
war  upon  them,  but  to  impart  the  arts  of  civilization  and  show  their  sub- 
jects the  way  to  heaven.  Not  deeming  it  prudent  to  seat  the  first  colony 
so  far  in  the  interior,  Calvert  returned  down  the  river  and  was  conducted 
by  Captain  Fleet  up  a  tributary  stream  which. flows  into  the  Potomac,  from 
the  north,  a  few  miles  above  its  mouth.  This  river,  which  is  now  called  the 
St.  Mary's,  is  a  deep  and  wide  stream.  Six  or  seven  miles  above  its  mouth 
the  Governor's  exploring  party  came  to  an  Indian  village,  situate  on  a  bluff 
on  the  left  bank.  They  determined  to  settle  here,  but,  instead  of  forcibly 
dispossessing  the  feeble  tribe  in  possession,  they  purchased  thirty  miles  of 
the  land  from  them  for  axes,  hatchets,  and  cloth,  and  established  the  colony 
with  their  consent.  And  thus  the  method  of  William  Penn  was  antedated 
by  half  a  century.  By  the  terms  of  the  agreement  the  Indians  were  to  give 
up  at  once  one  half  of  the  town  to  the  English  and  part  of  the  growing 
crops,  and  at  the  end  of  the  harvest  to  leave  the  place  altogether.  The 
*'Ark"  was  sent  for,  and  on  the  27th  of  March,  1634,  amid  salvoes  of  ar- 
tillery from  the  ships,  the  emigrants  disembarked  and  took  possession  of. 
their  new  home,  which  they  called  St.  Mary's. 

Attention  was  first  given  to  building  a  guardhouse  and  a  general  store- 
house, their  intercourse  meanwhile  with  the  natives  being  of  the  most  genial 
character.  The  Indian  women  taught  them  how  to  use  corn  meal,  and  with 
the  Indian  men  they  hunted  deer  and  were  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of 
woodcraft.  They  planted  the  cleared  land,  and  in  the  autumn  of  the  same 
year  were  able  to  send  a  cargo  of  corn  to  New  England  in  exchange  for  salt 
fish  and  other  provisions.  P'rom  Virginia  the  colonists  procured  swine  and 
cattle ;  and,  within  a  few  months  after  landing,  the  settlement  was  enjoying 
a  high  degree  of  prosperity.  The  English  race  had  now  learned  the  art  of 
colonization. 

Although  Governor  Harvey  visited  St.  Mary's  and  seems  always  to  have 
been  friendly  to  the  new  colony,  the  Virginians  were  bitterly  hostile.  Cap- 
tain Young  wrote  to  Sir  Tobie  Matthew  from  Jamestown,  in  July,  1634, 
that  it  was  there  "  accounted  a  crime  almost  as  heinous  as  treason  to  favor, 
nay,  to.  speak  well  of,  that  colony"  of  Lord  Baltimore.  Sympathy  with 
what  they  regarded  as  Clayborne's  wrongs  increased  their  enmity.  Soon 
after  the  *'  Ark  "  and  "  Dove  "  left  Point  Comfort,  Clayborne  informed  the 
Governor  and  Council  of  Virginia  that  Calvert  had  notified  him  that  the 
settlement  upon  Kent  Island  would  henceforth  be  deemed  a  part  of  Mary- 
land, and  requested  the  opinion  of  the  Board  as  to  his  duty  in  the  prem- 
ises.    The  Board  expressed  surprise  at  the  question,  and  said  that  there 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  527 

was  no  more  reason  for  surrendering  Kent  Island  than  any  other  part  of 
the  colony;  and  that,  the  validity  of  Lord  Baltimore's  patent  being  yet 
undetermined,  they  were  bound  to  maintain  the  rights  of  their  colony.  It 
was  probably  on  account  of  remonstrances  from  Virginia  that  the  com- 
mittee of.  the  Privy  Council  for  plantations  wrote  to  the  Virginians  in  July, 
1634,  that  there  was  no  intention  to  affect  the  interests  which  had  been 
settled  when  Virginia  was  under  a  corporation,  and  that  for  the  present  they 
might  enjoy  their  estates  with  the  same  freedom  as  before  the  recalling  of 
their  patents.  This  letter,  which  was  merely  designed  to  show  that  Balti- 
more's charter  should  not  invade  any  individual  right,  appears  to  have  been 
regarded  by  Clayborne  as  justifying  his  resistance  to  Calvert's  claim  of 
jurisdiction  over  his  trading  stations. 

Clayborne  endeavored  at  once  to  incite  the  Indians  to  acts  of  hostility 
against  the  colony.  He  told  them  that  the  new-comers  were  Spaniards, 
enemies  of  the  English,  and  had  come  to  rob  them.  These  insinuations 
caused  a  change  in  the  demeanor  of  the  Indians,  which  greatly  alarmed  the 
people  of  St.  Mary's.  The  suspicions  of  the  natives,  however,  were  soon 
dispelled  and  friendly  relations  with  them  were  renewed.  Clayborne  now 
resolved  to  wage  an  open  war  against  the  colony.  Early  in  1635  ^  ^^J?^-$" 
belli  was  found  in  the  capture  by  the  Maryland  authorities  of  a  pinnace  be- 
longing to  Clayborne,  upon  the  ground  that  it  was  a  Virginia  vessel  trading 
in  Maryland  waters  w^ithout  a  license.  Clayborne  thereupon  placed  an 
armed  vessel  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Warren,  with  orders  to  seize 
any  of  the  ships  belonging  to  St.  Mary's.  Governor  Calvert  determined  to 
show  at  once  that  this  seditious  opposition  would  not  be  tolerated.  He 
equipped  two  small  vessels  and  sent  them  against  Kent  Island.  A  naval 
engagement  between  the  hostile  forces  took  place  in  April,  1635,  which 
resulted  in  the  killing  of  one  of  the  Maryland  crew,  and  of  Lieutenant 
Warren  and  two  others  of  the  Kent  Island  crew.  Clayborne's  men  then 
surrendered  and  were  carried  to  St.  Mary's.  Clayborne  himself  took  refuge 
in  Virginia,  and  Governor  Calvert  demanded  his  surrender.  This  demand 
was  not  granted,  and  two  years  later  Clayborne  went  to  England.  He  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  King,  complaining  that  Baltimore's  agents  had 
sought  to  dispossess  him  of  his  plantations,  killing  some  of  his  men  and 
taking  their  boats.  He  offered  to  pay  the  King  £100  per  annum  for  the 
two  islands,  and  prayed  for  a  confirmation  of  his  license  and  an  order  di- 
recting Lord  Baltimore  not  to  interfere  with  him. 

This  petition  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  before 
which  Clayborne  appeared  in  person,  and  arguments  upon  both  sides  were 
heard.  The  committee  decided,  in  April,  1638,  that  Clayborne's  license  to 
trade,  under  the  signet  of  Scotland,  gave  him  no  right  or  title  to  the  Isle  of 
Kent,  or  to  any  other  place  within  the  limits  of  Baltimore's  patent,  and  did 
not  warrant  any  plantation,  and  that  no  trade  with  the  Indians  ought  to  be 
allowed  within  Maryland  without  license  from  Lord  Baltimore.  As  to  the 
wrongs  complained  of,  the  committee  found  no  reason  to  remove  them,  but 


528  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

left  both  sides  to  the  ordinary  course  of  justice.  Clayborne  returned  to 
Virginia,  postponing  but  not  abandoning  his  vengeance,  and  Kent  Island 
was  subjected  to  the  government  of  St.  Mary's,  Captain  George  Evelyn 
being  appointed  commander  of  the  isle.  In  the  same  year  Palmer's  Island 
was  seized,  and  Clayborne's  property  there  confiscated. 

In  February,  1635,  the  first  legislative  assembly  of  the  Province  was 
convened.  Owing  to  the  destruction  of  most  of  the  early  records  during 
Ingle's  Rebellion,  no  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Assembly  has  come 
down  to  us.  The  charter  required  the  assent  of  the  Proprietary  to  the 
laws,  and  when  the  acts  of  this  Assembly  were  laid  before  Lord  Baltimore 
he  disallowed  them.  In  April,  1637,  he  sent  over  a  new  commission,  con- 
stituting Leonard  Calvert  the  lieut.-general,  admiral,  and  commander,  and 
also  the  chancellor  and  chief-justice  of  the  Province.  In  certain  cases,  he 
was  directed  to  consult  the  council,  which  was  composed  of  Jerome  Haw- 
ley,  Thomas  Cornwallis,  and  John  Lewger.  The  governor  was  directed  to 
assemble  the  freemen  of  the  Province,  or  their  deputies,  upon  the  25th  of 
January  ensuing,  and  signify  the  Proprietary's  dissent  from  the  laws  made  at 
the  previous  assembly,  and  at  the  same  time  to  submit  to  them  a  body  of 
laws  which  he  would  himself  send  over.  John  Lewger,  the  new  member 
/7  jk  of  the  council,  and  secretary 

4^   J^tou<ft^  Jc^^iA^      ^^  '^^  Province,  came  to  St. 
V!^  Wf^^-^t-^.    ^^^y^    in   November,    1637, 

accompanied  by  his  family 
and  several  servants.  He  was  distinguished  as  a  scholar  at  Oxford,  and 
had  been  converted  to  Catholicism  by  the  celebrated  controversialist  Chil- 
lingworth.  His  appointment  is  an  evidence  of  the  solicitude  shown  by  the 
Proprietary  for  the  affairs  of  his  plantation.  During  the  first  years  of  the 
settlement  he  and  his  friends  expended  above  ;£40,ooo  in  sending  over  col- 
onists and  providing  them  with  necessaries,  of  which  sum  at  least  ^20,000 
was  out  of  Baltimore's  own  purse. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Proprietary  contemplated  the  founda- 
tion of  an  aristocratic  State,  with  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  hands  of  indi- 
viduals who  would  be  interested  in  upholding  his  authority.  He  published, 
from  time  to  time,  certain  "conditions  of  plantation,"  stating  the  jquantity  of 
land  to  which  emigrants  would  be  entitled.  In  the  conditions  issued  in 
1636  he  directs  that  to  every  first  adventurer,  for  every  five  men  brought 
into  the  Province  in  1634,  there  should  be  granted  two  thousand  acres  of 
land  for  the  yearly  rent  of  four  hundred  pounds  of  wheat;  and  to  each 
bringing  a  less  number,  one  hundred  acres  for  himself,  and  one  hundred  acres 
for  his  wife  and  each  servant,  and  fifty  acres  for  every  child,  under  the  rent 
of  ten  pounds  of  wheat  for  each  fifty  acres.  The  conditions  offered  to  sub- 
sequent adventurers  were,  naturally,  less  favorable.  All  these  grants  were 
of  fee-simple  estates  of  inheritance,  and  the  colonists  received  in  addition 
grants  of  small  lots  in  the  town  of  St.  Mary's.  Each  tract  of  a  thousand 
acres   or  more  was  erected   into  a  manor,  with  the  right   to  hold    courts 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  529 

baron  and  leet,  and  the  other  privileges  belonging  to  manors  in  England. 
A  large  number  of  manors  were  laid  off  in  the  Province,  and  in  some 
instances  courts  baron  and  leet  were  held.^ 

It  was  only  in  this  regard  that  the  design  of  transplanting  the  institu- 
tions of  expiring  feudalism  to  the  New  World  was  carried  out.  Political 
and  social  equality  resulted  from  the  conditions  of  the  environment.  The 
"  freemen,"  who  were  entitled  to  make  lawD,  were  early  held  to  include  all 
but  indented  servants,  whether  they  owned  a  freehold  or  not.  The  second 
Assembly,  which  met  in  January,  1638,  was  a  pure  democracy.  Writs  of 
summons  had  been  issued  to  every  freeman  directing  his  personal  attend- 
ance. The  governor  presided  as  speaker,  and  the  council  sat  as  members. 
Those  freemen  who  did  not  choose  to  attend  gave  proxies.  Proclamation 
was  made  that  all  persons  omitted  in  the  writs  should  make  their  claim  to  a 
voice  in  the  Assembly,  "whereupon  claim  was  made  by  John  Robinson, 
carpenter,  and  was  admitted."  Upon  the  question  of  the  adoption  of  the 
body  of  laws  proposed  by  Lord  Baltimore,  the  Speaker  and  Lewger  (who 
counted  by  proxies  fourteen  voices)  were  in  the  affirmative,  and  all  the 
rest  of  the  Assembly,  being  thirty-seven  voices,  in  the  negative.  Thus  was 
begun  a  constitutional  struggle  between  the  people  and  the  Proprietary. 
The  latter  held  that,  under  the  charter,  the  right  of  originating  legislation 
belonged  exclusively  to  him.  For  this  reason,  he  had  rejected  the  laws 
made  in  1635,  ^^^  had  himself  proposed  a  number  of  bills.  The  colonists 
were  unwilling  to  concede  this  claim,  and  now  rejected,  in  turn,  the  propo- 
sitions of  the  Proprietary.  This  early  evidence  of  the  persistence  with 
which  a  handful  of  emigrants  maintained  what  they  conceived  to  be  their 
rights  possesses  a  peculiar  interest.  The  immediate  result  of  the  contest 
was  to  leave  the  colony  without  any  laws  under  which  criminal  jurisdiction 
could  be  exercised.  This  subject  next  occupied  the  attention  of  the  House. 
Subsequently  a  number  of  laws  were  made,  but  with  the  exception  of  an 
act  of  attainder  against  Clayborne,  their  titles  only  remain.  They  were 
sent  to  Lord  Baltimore,  who  promptly  exercised  his  veto  power  upon  them. 
In  February,  1638,  a  county  court  was  held  at  which  Thomas  Smith,  who 
had  been  captured  in  the  naval  engagement  described  above,  and  subse- 
quently held  a  prisoner,  was  indicted  by  a  grand  jury  for  murder  and  piracy. 
There  being  no  court  legally  constituted  to  try  Smith,  he  was  arraigned  and 
tried  before  the  Assembly,  Secretary  Lewger  acting  as  the  prosecuting  at- 
torney. The  House  found  him  guilty,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice,  and  he 
was  sentenced  to  be  hanged. 

Soon  after  Lord  Baltimore  had  for  the  second  time  rejected  the  acts  of 
the  Assembly,  he  wisely  determined  to  yield  his  claim  of  the  right  to  origi- 
nate legislation.  Accordingly  he  wrote  to  his  brother  in  August,  1638, 
giving  him  power  to  assent  to  such  laws  as  he  might  approve.  The  assent 
of  the  governor  was  to  give  force  to  the  laws  till  the  dissent  of  the  Proprie- 

1  In  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  are  pre-     baron  and  leet  held  in  St.  Clement's  manor  at 
served  the  original  manuscript  records  of  courts     different  times  from  1659  to  1672. 
VOL.  III.  —  67. 


530  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

tary  should  be  signified.  This  double  veto  power  was  similar  to  that  which 
existed  in  most  of  the  royal  colonies,  where  the  first  negative  was  in  the 
governor  and  the  second  in  the  king.  In  a  Palatinate  government,  like 
Maryland,  the  Proprietary  exercised  the  royal  prerogative.  There  being  no 
further  obstacle  to  legislation  an  Assembly  was  called  to  meet  in  February. 
1639,  which  body  was  composed  partly  of  delegates  elected  by  the  people, 
and  partly  of  freemen  specially  summoned  by  the  governor's  writ.  It  was 
also  held  that  any  freeman,  who  had  not  participated  in  the  election  of 
deputies,  might  sit  in  his  individual  right.  The  laws  passed  at  this  session 
provided  principally  for  the  administration  of  justice  in  criminal  and  civil 
cases.  It  was  enacted  that  the  inhabitants  phould  have  all  their  rights  and 
liberties  according  to  the  Great  Charter. 

One  of  the  acts  declared  that  "  Holy  Church  within  this  Province  shall 
have  all  her  rights  and  liberties."  A  similar  law  was  made  in  the  following 
year.  Both  are  founded  upon  the  first  clause  of  Magna  Charta  and  must 
be  held  to  apply  to  the  Roman  Church,  since  the  phrase  "  Holy  Church  " 
was  never  used  in  speaking  of  the  Church  of  England.  But  these  acts  can 
hardly  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  an  intention  to  establish  the  Roman 
Church.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  had  any  practical  effect  whatever.  We 
have  seen  that  Lord  Baltimore  purposed  to  make  all  creeds  equal  in  Mary- 
land. Apart  from  this  fixed  purpose,  from  which  he  never  swerved,  the 
impolicy  of  granting  any  peculiar  privileges  to  the  Catholic  Church,  in  a 
province  subject  to  England,  was  so  apparent  that  it  was  recognized  by  the 
Jesuits  themselves.  Among  the  Stonyhurst  Manuscripts  there  is  preserved 
the  form  of  an  agreement  between  the  Provincial  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
and  Lord  Baltimore,  in  which,  after  a  statement  of  the  manner  in  which 
Maryland  had  been  obtained  and  settled,  it  is  recited  that  it  is  **  evident  that, 
as  affairs  now  are,  those  privileges,  etc.,  usually  granted  to  ecclesiastics  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  by  Catholic  princes  in  their  own  countries,  could 
not  possibly  be  granted  here  without  grave  offence  to  the  King  and  State 
of  England  (which  offence  may  be  called  a  hazard  both  to  the  Baron  and 
especially  to  the  whole  colony)."  The  agreement  then  binds  the  members 
of  the  society  in  Maryland  not  to  demand  any  such  privileges  except  those 
relating  to  corporal  punishments.^ 

It  is  certain  that,  from  the  time  the  emigrants  first  landed  at  St.  Mary's, 
religious  toleration  was  the  established  custom  of  the  Province.  The 
history  of  Maryland  toleration  does  not  begin  with  the  famous  Act  of 
1649.  That  was  merely  a  legislative  confirmation  of  the  unwritten  law. 
Long  before  that  enactment,  at  a  time  when  intolerance  and  martyrdom 
was  almost  the  law  of  Christendom,  and  while  the  annals  of  the  other 
colonies  of  the  New  World  were  being  stained  with  the  record  of  crimes 
committed  in  the  name  of  religion,  in  Maryland  the  doctrine  of  religious 
liberty  was  clearly  proclaimed  and  practised.  It  is  the  imperishable  glory 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  of  the  State.     For  the  first  time  in  the  history  0/ 

1  Records  of  the  English  Province  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.     London,  1 878,  iii.  362. 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  53I 

the  world  there  was  a  regularly  constituted  government  under  which  all 
Christians  possessed  equal  rights.  All  churches  were  tolerated,  none  was 
established.  To  this  "  land  of  the  sanctuary"  came  the  Puritans  who  were 
whipped  and  imprisoned  in  Virginia,  and  the  Prelatists  who  were  persecuted 
in  New  England.  In  1638  one  William  Lewis  was  fined  by  the  council 
•five  hundred  pounds  of  tobacco,  and  required  to  give  security  for  his  good 
behavior,  because  he  had  abused  Protestants  and  forbidden  his  servants  to 
read  Protestant  books.  The  Puritans  were  invited  to  settle  in  Maryland. 
In  1643  Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  Captain  Gibbons  of  Boston,  offering  land 
to  any  inhabitants  of  New  England  that  would  remove  to  his  province,  with 
liberty  in  matter  of  religion,  and  all  other  privileges.^ 

It  appears  from  a  case  that  came  before  the  Assembly  in  1642  that  there 
was  at  that  time  no  Protestant  clergyman  in  Maryland.  The  only  religious 
guides  were  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  and  they  formed  the  only  Catholic  mis- 
sion ever  established  in  any  of  the  English  colonies  in  America.  Two 
priests,  as  we  have  seen,  accompanied  the  first  emigration.  In  1636  the 
mission  numbered  four  priests  and  one  coadjutor.  They  labored  among 
the  Indians  in  the  spirit  of  Xavier,  establishing  stations  at  points  distant 
from  St.  Mary's.  Their  efforts  to  elevate  the  savage  were  not  without  suc- 
cess. One  of  their  converts  was  Tayac,  the  chief  of  the  Piscataways.  He 
and  his  wife  were  baptized  in  1640,  when  Governor  Calvert  and  many  of  the 
principal  men  of  the  colony  were  present  at  the  ceremony.  The  Jesuits 
also  succeeded  in  converting  many  Protestants.  The  annual  letter  of 
1638,  as  communicated  to  their  Superior,  states  that  nearly  all  the  Prot- 
estants who  came  from  England  in  that  year,  and  many  others,  had  been 
converted. 

Although  the  missionaries  did  much  towards  conciliating  the  Indians, 
and  a  fair  and  gentle  treatment  of  them  was  the  constant  policy  of  the 
colony,  it  was  yet  impossible  to  preserve  a  perfect  peace  with  all  the  tribes. 
The  increase  of  the  colonists  began  to  alarm  them,  and  they  were  con- 
stantly committing  petty  depredations.  All  the  inhabitants  capable  of 
bearing  arms  were  trained  in  military  discipline,  and  a  certain  quantity  of 
arms  and  ammunition  was  required  to  be  kept  at  each  dwelling-house. 
Expeditions  were  frequently  made  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  particular 
tribes  which  had  committed  "  sundry  insolencies  and  rapines."  Scarcely 
anything  is  known  of  the  details  of  these  Indian  wars.  It  was  made  a 
penal  offence  for  the  colonists  to  supply  any  Indian  with  arms,  but  the 
Swedes  on  the  Delaware  had  no  scruples  in  this  respect. 

In  1640  another  Assembly  was  held.  St.  Mary's  County  had  now  been 
divided  into  hundreds,  and  conservators  of  the  peace  appointed  for  each 
hundred.  In  addition  to  the  burgesses  elected  in  each  hundred,  the  gov- 
ernor summoned  certain  freemen  by  special  writ,  as  had  been  previously 
done.  The  theory  upon  which  this  Assembly  and  those  held  in  the  fol- 
lowing years  proceeded,  m  framing  laws,  was  that  justice  should  be  done 

J  [See  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  p.  278.  —  Ed.] 


532  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

according  to  the  law  of  England,  except  in  so  far  as  changed  by  provincial 
enactments. 

The  Civil  War  was  now  at  its  height  in  England,  and  that  mighty  con- 
vulsion filled  all  the  colonies  with  alarm  and  uncertainty.  The  supremacy 
of  the  Puritans  foreboded  danger  to  the  colony  of  a  Catholic  nobleman, 
who  still  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  King.  Governor  Calvert  determined 
to  consult  his  brother  personally  in  regard  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  in 
this  crisis.  Delegating  his  powers  to  Giles  Brent,  he  sailed  for  England 
and  soon  after  joined  his  brother  at  Oxford.  They  received  from  the  King 
a  commission  to  seize  any  London  ships  that  might  come  to  St.  Mary's. 
Baltimore  sent  this  commission  to  Maryland;  and  in  January,  1644,  when 
one  Richard  Ingle  appeared  in  the  Province  with  an  armed  ship  from  Lon- 
don, Governor  Brent  seized  the  vessel,  and  issued  a  proclamation  against 
Ingle,  charging  him  with  treason  to  the  King.  Ingle  was  taken,  but  soon 
after  made  his  escape  and  returned  to  England.  Governor  Calvert  arrived 
in  September,  1644,  and  found  the  Province  torn  with  internal  feuds  and 
harassed  by  Indian  incursions.  Many  thought  that  the  triumph  of  Par- 
liament would  put  an  end  to  the  Proprietary  dominion.  Clayborne  availed 
himself  of  the  confusion  to  renew  his  designs  upon  Kent  Island,  and,  by 
the  end  of  the  year,  he  had  regained  his  former  possession.  Ingle  soon 
after  arrived  in  another  ship,  with  parliamentary  letters  of  marque.  The 
Proprietary  was  as  powerless  as  the  King  with  whose  fortunes  his  own  were 
thought  to  be  linked.  Ingle  landed  his  men,  allied  himself  with  the  dis- 
affected, and  easily  took  possession  of  the  government.  Governor  Calvert 
fled  to  Virginia,  and  the  insurgents  were  undisturbed.  The  records  of  the 
Province  brand  Ingle  as  a  pirate.  To  plunder  seems  indeed  to  have  been 
his  main  purpose,  and  it  is  not  clear  that  he  even  professed  to  act  on  behalf 
of  the  Commonwealth.  He  afterwards  alleged,  in  a  petition  to  Parliament, 
that,  when  he  arrived  in  Maryland,  he  found  that  the  governor  had  received 
a  commission  from  Oxford  to  seize  all  London  ships,  and  to  execute  a 
tyrannical  power  against  Protestants ;  and  that,  therefore,  he  felt  himself  to 
be  conscientiously  obliged  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  Protestants  against 
the  Papists  and  Malignants.  His  only  statement  as  to  his  proceedings  in 
the  Province  is  that  "  it  pleased  God  to  enable  him  to  take  divers  places 
from  them,  and  to  make  him  a  support  to  the  well-affected."  It  is,  how- 
ever, certain  that  the  period  of  Ingle's  usurpation  was  marked  with  much 
oppression  and  extortion.  The  Jesuits  were  sent  in  chains  to  England, 
and  most  of  those  deemed  loyal  to  the  Proprietary  were  deprived  of  their 
property  and  banished. 

Towards  the  close  of  1646  Governor  Calvert,  who  had  been  watching 
the  progress  of  events  from  Virginia,  deemed  that  the  time  was  ripe  for 
a  counter  revolution.  He  appeared  at  St.  Mary's,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
force  levied  in  Virginia,  and  regained  the  government  without  resistance. 
Ingle  left  the  Province,  and  the  body  of  the  people  returned  to  their 
allegiance  with  marked  alacrity.     The  most  permanent  evil  caused  by  this 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  533 

usurpation  — commonly  called  Clayborne  and  Ingle's  Rebellion,  although 
they  do  not  appear  to  have  acted  in  concert  — was  the  destruction  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  then  existing  records.  The  entire  period  is,  conse- 
quently, involved  jn  obscurity ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  determine  why  it  was 
that  so  many  of  the  inhabitants  were  ready  to  join  Ingle  in  what  they 
afterwards  called  his  ''heinous  rebelHon."  Kent  Island  alone  held  out, 
and  Governor  Calvert  went  there  in  person,  and  brought  back  the  island 
to  subjection.  The  entire  Province  was  now  tranquillized;  but  Leonard 
Calvert  did  not  live  to  enter  upon  his  labors.  On  the  9th  of  June,  1647, 
he  died  at  the  little  capital  of  St.  Mary's,  which  he  had  founded  seven- 
teen years  before,  and  where  he  had  long  exercised,  with  wisdom  and 
moderation,  the  highest  executive  and  judicial  functions.  He  had  led  out 
the  colony  from  England  when  a  young  man  of  twenty-six  years,  and 
in  the  discharge  of  various  offices  he  had,  in  the  language  of  his  commis- 
sion, displayed  "such  wisdom,  fidelity,  industry,  and  other  virtues  as  ren- 
dered him  capable  and  worthy  of  the  trust  reposed  in  him."  Upon  his 
death-bed  he  named  Thomas  Greene  his  suc- 
cessor, who  now  assumed  the  duties  of  gover-  ^  __  t/  .  C^ 
nor.     Greene  proclaimed  a  general  pardon  to  ' 

those  in  the  Province  who  had  "  unfortunately  run  themselves  into  a  rebel- 
lion," and  a  pardon  to  those  who  had  fled  the  Province,  "  acknowledging 
sorrow  for  his  fault,"  except  **  Richard  Ingle,  mariner."  ^ 

The  cause  of  the  monarchy  was  now  prostrate  in  England,  and  in  the 
supremacy  of  Parliament  Lord  Baltimore  saw  great  danger  threatening  his 
colonial  dominion.  It  was  necessary  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  his  ene- 
mies to  say  that  Maryland  was  a  Catholic  colony,  and  at  the  same  time  he . 
felt  bound  to  protect  his  co-religionists.  He  therefore  determined  to  pursue 
at  once  a  policy  of  conciliation  to  the  Puritans  and  of  protection  to  the 
Catholics.  The  course  he  adopted  was  one  well  calculated  to  attain  this 
double  end.  In  August,  1648,  he  removed  Greene,  who  was  a  Catholic, 
and  appointed  William  Stone  governor.  Stone  was  a  Virginian,  and  well 
known  as  a  zealous  Protestant  and  adherent  of  the  Parliament.  Lord  Balti- 
more at  the  same  time  issued  a  new  commission  of  the  Council  of  State 
appointing  five  councillors,  three  of  whom  were  Protestants,  and  he  also 
appointed  a  Protestant  secretary.  Accompanying  the  commissions  were 
oaths  to  be  taken  by  the  governor  and  councillors.      Each  was  required 

1  At  a  session  of  the  Assembly  held  in  Janu-     women.     Miss  Margaret  Brent  —  who  was  the 
uary,  1648,  an  incident  occurred  which  annalists     administratix  of  Governor  Calvert,  and  as  such 

held  to  be  the  attorney,  in  fact,  of  Lord  Balti- 
more —  applied  to  the  Assembly  to  have  a  vote  in 
the  House  for  herself,  and  another  as  his  lord- 
ship's attorney.  Upon  the  refusal  of  her  de- 
mand, the  lady  protested  in  form  against  all  the 
proceedings  of  the  House.     The  Assembly  after- 

wards  defended  her  from  the  censures  passed  by 

have  generally  deemed  worthy  of  mention  as  the  Lord  Baltimore  upon  her  management  of  his 
first  instance  of  a  demand  of  political  rights  for     affairs  in  the  Province. 


jmM^^t 


534  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

to  swear  that  he  would  not  trouble  or  molest  any  person  in  the  Province 
professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  *'  and  in  particular  no  Roman  Catho- 
lick  for,  or  in  respect  of,  his  or  her  religion."  While  the  usual  power  to 
assent  to  laws  in  the  name  of  the  Proprietary  was  given  to  Stone,  his  com- 
mission contained  a  proviso  that  he  should  not  assent  to  the  i^epeal  of  any 
^     ^  rk  law — already  made  or  which  should   there- 

llJly(\(t^  (^iv^njQ  j  ^^^^^  ^^  made  —  which  might  in  any  way 
^^^  concern  matters  of  religion,  without  special 
warrant  under  the  seal  of  the  Proprietary.  The  object  of  this  restriction 
was  to  prevent  the  repeal,  by  subsequent  legislatures,  of  the  act  of  religious 
toleration  which  Lord  Baltimore  purposed  to  have  passed  by  the  next 
Assembly.  By  this  act  he  did  not  design  to  have  the  custom  of  religious 
liberty,  which  had  prevailed  from  the  settlement,  at  all  enlarged,  but  only 
to  be  a  law  of  the  land  beyond  the  reach  of  alteration.  This  security 
was  the  more  necessary  since  Stone  had  agreed  to  procure  five  hundred 
settlers  to  reside  in  Maryland,  and  these  might  create  an  overwhelming 
Protestant  majority. 

The  new  governor  and  council  entered  upon  their  duties  in  the  begin- 
ning of  1649,  and  in  April  of  that  year  the  Assembly  met.  The  first  law 
made  was  the  famous  *'  act  concerning  religion ; "  which,  at  least  so  far  as  it 
related  to  toleration,  was  doubtless  one  of  the  sixteen  proposed  laws  which 
Lord  Baltimore  had  sent  over  in  the  preceding  year  with  the  new  commis- 
sions. The  memorable  words  of  this  act,  the  first  law  securing  religious 
liberty  that  ever  passed  a  legally  constituted  legislature,  provide  that  — 

"  Whereas,  the  inforcing  of  the  conscience  in  matters  of  religion  hath  frequently- 
fallen  out  to  bee  of  dangerous  consequence  in  those  commonwealths  where  it  hath 
beene  practised,  and  for  the  more  quiet  and  peaceable  government  of  this  province, 
and  the  better  to  preserve  mutuall  love  and  unity  amongst  the  inhabitants  here,"  it  was 
enacted  that  no  person  "  professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ  shall,  from  henceforth, 
be  any  waies  troubled,  molested,  or  discountenanced  for,  or  in  respect  of,  his  or  her 
religion,  nor  in  the  free  exercise  thereof  within  this  province,  ...  nor  any  way  com- 
pelled to  the  beleefe  or  exercise  of  any  other  religion,  against  his  or  her  consent." 

The  Assembly  was  composed  of  sixteen  members,  nine  burgesses,  the 
governor,  and  six  councillors.  Their  faith  has  been  a  matter  of  dispute,  but 
the  most  recent  investigations  make  it  certain  that  a  majority  were  Catholics. 
The  governor,  three  of  the  council,  and  two  of  the  burgesses  were,  without 
doubt,  Protestants.  It  is  equally  certain  that  three  of  the  council  and  five 
burgesses  were  Catholics.  The  faith  of  the  remaining  two  members  is 
doubtful ;  and  there  is  also  doubt  whether  the  governor  and  council  sat  as  a 
distinct  upper  house  or  not. 

By  the  other  sections  of  the  **  act  of  toleration,"  blasphemy,  and  denying 
the  divinity  of  Christ,  or  the  Trinity,  were  made  punishable  with  death ;  and 
those  using  reproachful  words  concerning  the  Virgin  Mary  or  the  Apostles, 
or  in  matters  of  religion  applying  opprobrious  epithets  to  persons,  were 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  535 

-punishable  by  a  fine,  and  in  default  of  payment  by  imprisonment  or  whip- 
pmg.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  these  penalties  were  ever  inflicted. 
The  toleration  established  by  this  act 
is  so  far  in  advance  of  all  contempo- 
rary legislation,  that  it  would  be  invidi- 
ous to  reproach  the  law-givers  because 
they  were  not  still  more  enlightened. 
It  may  have  been  that  they  regarded    /O^  J      -  \f  h^ OzP   ^    / 


any  broader  toleration  as  prohibited  by    i>r;  •'      ,       ,^-^y^  V 

the  provision  of  the  charter  respecting    •^'•y^*^^^'^Jj&^^  - 

the  Christian  religion,  or  as  likelv  to  ex-     >-***^^^^*»^>^  Af*^»Wr«^ 


the  Christian  religion,  or  as  likely  to  ex-     -        y^-  ^^  ^ — 

cite  the  animadversion  of  the  Puritans    -^^^^o^^^^^^^^;    uj^. 

in  England.      Parliament  had  recently  /f^ff^^i^/O^o  • 

passed  a  law  (iYct  of  1648,  chapter  1 14)     fp/r  •/•      /nH 

for   the    preventing   of  the    growth   of  ^itA^(/l /d^Cf^ 

heresy  and    blasphemy,   by  which  the  /     K^ 

''  maintaining  with  obstinacy  "  of  any  one 

r  i_  r  .11  .  ENDORSEMENT   OF  THE   TOLERATION 

01  a  number  of  enumerated  heresies  — 

Acr. 
such  as  that  Christ  is  not  ascended  into 

heaven  bodily,  or  that  the  bodies  of  men  shall  not  rise  again  after  they  are 

dead  —  was  made  a  felony  punishable  with  death. 

In  1649  Governor  Stone  invited  a  body  of  Puritans  who  were  banished 
from  Virginia,  on  account  of  their  refusal  to  conform  to  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, to  settle  in  Maryland.  These  Puritans,  the  fruits  of  a  mission  which 
had  been  sent  from  New  England  to  ''convert  the  ungodly  Virginians,"  num- 
bered over  one  hundred.  Stone  having  promised  them  liberty  in  the  matter 
of  religion  and  the  privileges  of  English  subjects,  they  accepted  the  invita- 
tion, and  in  this  year  settled  at  a  place  which  they  called  Providence,  —  now 
the  site  of  Annapolis.  The  settlement  was,  at  the  next  Assembly,  erected 
into  a  county,  and  named  Anne  Arundel,  in  honor  of  Lord  Baltimore's  wife, 
recently  deceased,  who  was  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel.  The  con- 
ditions of  plantation  required  every  person  taking  up  land  in  the  Province 
to  subscribe  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  his  lordship,  acknowledging  him  to  be 
"  the  true  and  absolute  lord  and  Proprietary  of  this  province."  The  Puri- 
tans objected  to  this  oath  as  being  against  their  consciences,  because  it 
required  them  to  acknowledge  an  absolute  power,  and  bound  them  to  obey 
a  government  which  countenanced  the  Roman  religion.  It  is  clear  that 
these  refugees  from  intolerance  were  eager  to  be  intolerant  themselves. 
During  a  temporary  absence  of  Stone  in  November,  1649,  Greene,  the 
deputy-governor,  foolishly  proclaimed  Charles  II.  king,  and  granted  a 
general  pardon  in  furtherance  of  the  common  rejoicing.  Although  this 
act  was  promptly  disavowed,  it  afterwards  became  a  formidable  weapon 
against  Lord  Baltimore. 

Notwithstanding  their  scruples,  the  Providence  Puritans  sent  two  bur- 
gesses to  the  Assembly  of  1650,  one  of  whom  was  elected  speaker  of  the 


536  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

lower  house.  At  this  session  there  was  first  made  a  permanent  division  of 
the  'Assembly  into  two  houses,  which  lasted  till  the  Revolution  of  1776. 
The  lower  house  consisted  of  the  burgesses,  and  the  upper  of  the  governor, 
secretary,  and  council.  The  majority  of  this  Assembly  were  Protestants ; 
but  they  made  a  law  enacting,  as  "  a  memorial  to  all  posterities  "  of  their 
thankfulness,  fidelity,  and  obedience  to  the  Proprietary,  that,  "  being  bound 
thereunto  by  the  laws  both  of  God  and  man,"  they  acknowledged  him  "  to 
be  the  true  and  absolute  lord  and  Proprietary  of  this  province,"  and  declar- 
ing that  they  would  maintain  his  jurisdiction  till  "  the  last  drop  of  our  blood 
be  spent."  Another  act  was  passed  altering  the  oath  of  fidelity  prescribed 
by  the  conditions  of  plantation.  The  new  oath  afforded  ample  opportunity 
for  mental  reservation.  By  it  the  subscribers  bound  themselves  to  main- 
tain *'the  just  and  lawful"  right  and  dominion  of  the  Proprietary,  *' not  in 
any  wise  understood  to  infringe  or  prejudice  liberty  of  conscience  in  point 
of  religion." 

Lord  Baltimore's  trimming  at  this  crisis  aroused  the  displeasure  of  Charles 
II.  Although  a  powerless  exile,  he  deposed  the  Proprietary,  and  appointed 
Sir  William  Davenant  royal  governor  of  Maryland,  on  the  ground  that 
Baltimore  *'  did  visibly  adhere  to  the  rebels  in  England,  and  admitted  all 
kinds  of  sectaries  and  schismatics  and  ill  affected  persons  into  the  plantation." 
Baltimore  afterwards  used  this  assertion  to  prove  his  fidelity  to  Parliament. 
Sir  William  collected  a  force  of  French  and  sailed  for  Maryland,  but  was 
captured  in  the  channel. 

Lord  Baltimore  was  soon  after  threatened  from  a  much  more  formidable 
quarter.  The  revolt  of  the  island  of  Barbadoes  called  the  attention  of  Par- 
liament to  the  necessity  of  subjecting  the  colonies  to  its  power,  and  by 
an  act  passed  Oct.  3,  1650,  for  reducing  Barbadoes,  Antigua,  "  and  other 
islands  and  places  in  America "  to  their  due  obedience,  the  Council  of 
State  was  authorized  to  send  ships  to  any  of  the  plantations,  and  to  com- 
mission officers  ''  to  enforce  all  such  to  obedience  as  do  or  shall  stand 
in  opposition  to  Parliament."  When  the  news  of  this  act  reached  Mary- 
land, the  Puritans  of  Providence  thought  that  the  days  of  the  Proprietary 
dominion  were  numbered,  and  they  consequently  refused  to  send  burgesses 
to  the  Assembly  which  met  in  March,  165 1.  Upon  information  of  their 
conduct  and  of  the  perturbed  state  of  the  Province  being  transmitted  to 
Lord  Baltimore,  he  sent  in  August,  165 1,  a  long  message  to  the  governor 
and  Assembly.  He  declared  that  the  reports  concerning  the  dissolution  of 
his  government  were  unfounded,  and  directed  that  in  case  any  of  the  inhab- 
itants should  persist  in  their  refusal  to  send  burgesses  to  the  Assembly,  they 
should  be  proceeded  against  as  rebels.  He  also  requested  the  governor 
and  council  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to  suppress  such  false  rumors,  and 
suggested  that  a  law  be  made  punishing  those  spreading  false  news. 

But  they  who  asserted  that  the  Proprietary  dominion  was  about  to  fall, 
did  not  "  spread  false  news."  That  steps  were  not  immediately  taken  to  ex- 
ecute the  Act  of  1650  was  probably  owing  to  the  fact  that  Scotland  was  now 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   MARYLAND. 


537 


in  arms  under  the  banner  of  Charles  XL  But  after  the  "  crowning  mercy  " 
of  the  battle  of  Worcester,  the  Council  of  State,  Sept.  20,  1651,  appointed 
two  officers  of  the  navy,  and  Richard  Bennett  and  William  Clayborne  of 
Virginia,  commissioners  under  the  act.  They  were  directed  to  use  their 
"  best  endeavors  to  reduce  all  the  plantations  within  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake 
to  their  due  obedience  to  the  Parliament  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Eng- 
land." Maryland  was  at  first  expressly  named  in  these  instructions ;  but 
before  they  were  issued,  Baltimore  went  before  the  committee  of  the  Coun- 
cil and  showed  that  Governor  Stone  had  always  been  well  affected  to  Par- 
liament; proved  by  merchants,  who  traded  to  Maryland,  that  it  was  not  in 
opposition,  and  declared  that  when  the  friends  of  the  Commonwealth  had 
been  compelled  to  leave  Virginia  he  had  caused  them  to  be  well  received  in 
his  province.  The  name  of  Maryland  was  thereupon  stricken  out  of  the  in- 
structions ;  but  when  they  were  finally  issued,  a  term  was  used  under  which 
the  Province  might  be  included. 

Clayborne  and  Bennett  were  in  Virginia;  the  other  commissioners  soon 
after  sailed  with  a  fleet  carrying  a  regiment  of  men,  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Scotch  prisoners  who  were  to  be  sold  as  servants  in  Virginia.  A  part 
of  the  fleet  finally  reached  Jamestown  in  March,  1652.  The  commissioners 
speedily  came  to  terms  with  Sir  William  Berkeley,  and  then  turned  their 
attention  to  Maryland.  They  appeared  at  St.  Mary's  toward  the  last  of 
March,  and  demanded  submission  in  two  particulars :  first,  that  all  writs  and 
proclamations  should  be  issued  in  the  name  of  the  Keepers  of  the  Liberties 
of  England,  and  not  in  that  of  the  Proprietary;  and  second,  that  all  the 
inhabitants  should  subscribe  the  test,  called  "  the  engagement,"  which  was 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  Parliament.  The  instructions  of  the  commissioners 
expressly  authorized  them  to  insist  upon  these  terms.  The  governor  and 
council  acceded  to  the  second  demand,  but  refused  the  first  on  the  ground 
that  process  in  Maryland  had  never  run  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  that 
it  was  not  the  intention  of  Parliament  to  deprive  Lord  Baltimore  of  his 
rights  in  the  Province.  The  commissioners  immediately  removed  Stone 
and  appointed  a  council  of  six  to  govern  the  Province  independently  of  the 
Proprietary.  Bennett  and  Clayborne  then  returned  to  Virginia,  where  they 
appointed  themselves  respectively  governor  and  secretary  of  that  colony. 
A  few  months  later  Stone,  deeming  that  he  could  best  subserve  the  interests 
of  the  Proprietary  by  temporizing,  submitted  to  the  terms  of  the  commis- 
sioners, who,  finding  that  Stone  was  too  popular  a  man  to  be  disregarded, 
reinstated  him  in  his  office  June  28,  1652. 

Now  that  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  both  under  the  authority  of  the 
same  commissioners,  the  Virginians  thought  that  the,  time  had  arrived  when 
an  attempt  to  regain  their  lost  territory  was  likely  to  prosper.  In  August, 
1652,  a  petition  was  presented  to  Parliament  praying  that  Virginia  might 
have  its  ancient  limits  as  granted  by  the  charters  of  former  kings,  and  that 
Parliament  would  grant  a  new  charter  in  opposition  to  those  intrenching 
upon  these  limits.     This  petition  was  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  navy 

VOL.  m.  —  6S. 


538 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


with  directions  to  consider  what  patent  was  proper  to  be  granted  to  Virginia. 
The  committee  reported  Dec.  31,  1652.  They  found  that  Kent  Island  had 
been  settled  three  years  before  the  settlement  of  Maryland;  that  Clay- 
borne  had  been  unlawfully  dispossessed  of  it ;  that  Baltimore  had  exacted 
oaths  of  fealty  to  himself;,  that  several  laws  of  Maryland  were  repugnant  to 
the  statutes  of  England,  such  as  the  one  protecting  Papists ;  that  persons  of 
Dutch,  French,  and  Italian  descent  enjoyed  equal  privileges  with  the  Eng- 
lish in  Maryland;  and  that  in  March,  1652,  the  governor  and  council  of 
Maryland  had  refused  to  issue  writs  in  the  name  of  the  Keepers  of  the  Lib- 
erties of  England.  No  action  was  taken  upon  this  report.  Baltimore  had 
previously  presented  a  paper  containing  reasons  of  state  why  it  would  be 
more  advantageous  for  the  Commonwealth  to  keep  Maryland  under  a  sepa- 
rate government  than  to  join  it  to  Virginia.  These  reasons  were  adapted  to 
the  existing  condition  of  affairs,  and  are  sufficiently  ingenious. 

The  Province  seems  to  have  been  quiet  during  the  year  1653.  In  Eng- 
land, Cromwell  turned  Parliament  out  of  doors,  and  the  whole  strength  of 
the  nation  was  devoted  to  the  Dutch  War.  Lord  Baltimore  thought  the  time 
propitious  for  an  attempt  to  recover  his  colony.  Accordingly,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  year,  he  directed  Stone  to  cause  all  persons  who  had  failed  to  sue 
out  patents  for  their  land,  or  had  not  taken  the  amended  oath  of  fidelity  to 
the  Proprietary,  to  do  so  within  three  months  upon  pain  of  forfeiture  of  their 
land.  Stone  was  also  directed  to  issue  all  writs  and  processes  in  the  name 
of  the  Proprietary.  In  pursuance  of  these  instructions  Stone  issued  a  proc- 
lamation in  February,  1654,  requiring  those  seated  upon  lands  to  obtain 
patents,  and  swear  allegiance  to  Lord  Baltimore.  A  few  weeks  later  he 
commanded  all  officers  of  justice  to  issue  their  writs  in  the  name  of  the 
Proprietary,  and  showed  that  this  change  would  not  infringe  their  "  engage- 
ment" to  the  Commonwealth.  In  May  he  proclaimed  Cromwell  Lord 
Protector.  But  the  Puritans  were  not  mollified  by  this  act.  Before  the 
proclamation  of  February  had  been  issued,  information  as  to  Baltimore's  in- 
structions had  reached  the  Puritans  on  the  Severn  and  Patuxent ;  and  they 
had  sent  petitions  to  Bennett  and  Clayborne,  in  which  they  complained  that 
the  oath  of  fidelity  to  be  required  of  them  was  "  a  very  real  grievance,  and 
such  an  oppression  as  we  are  not  able  to  bear,"  and  prayed  for  relief  accord- 
ing to  the  cause  and  power  wherewith  the  commissioners  were  intrusted. 
The  open  disaffection  of  the  Puritans  caused  Stone  in  July,  1654,  to  issue  a 
proclamation  in  which  he  charged  Bennett  and  Clayborne,  and  the  whole 
Puritan  party,  with  leading  the  people  into  "  faction,  sedition,  and  rebellion 
against  the  Lord  Baltimore."  The  commissioners,  still  acting  under  their 
old  authority,  resolved  again  to  reduce  Maryland.  They  put  themselves  at 
the  head  of  the  Providence  party,  and  advanced  against  St.  Mary's.  At  the 
same  time  a  force  levied  in  Virginia,  threatened  an  invasion  from  the  south. 
Stone,  deeming  resistance  hopeless,  submitted.  The  commissioners  de- 
posed him,  and  by  an  order  dated  Aug.  i,  1654,  committed  the  government 
of  the  Province  to  Captain  Fuller  and  a  Puritan  council.     An  Assembly 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  539 


was  called  to  meet  in  the  ensuing  October  for  which  Roman  Catholics  were 
disabled  from  voting  or  being  elected  members.  And  thus  the  fugitives 
from  oppression  proceeded  to  oppress  those  who  had  given  them  an  asylum. 
"  Ingratitude  to  benefactors  is  the  first  of  revolutionary  virtues."  The  new 
Assembly  met  at  the  house  of  an  adherent  on  the  Patuxent  River.  Its  first 
act  was  one\  denying  the  right  of  Lord  Baltimore  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Province.  An  act  concerning  religion  was  passed,  declaring  that  none 
who  professed  the  Popish  religion  could  be  protected  in  the  Province,  **  but 
to  be  restrained  from  the  exercise  thereof." 

When  the  news  of  the  deposition  of  his  officers  reached  Lord  Baltimore 
he  despatched  a  special  messenger  with  letters  to  Stone,  upbraiding  him 
for  having  yielded  the  Province  without  striking  a  blow,  and  directing  him 
to  make  every  effort  to  re-establish  the  proprietary  government.  Stone, 
thus  commanded,  resolved  to  dispute  the  possession  of  the  government 
with  the  Puritans.  He  armed  the  population  of  St.  Mary's,  and  caused  the 
records,  which  had  been  removed  to  the  Patuxent,  and  a  quantity  of  ammu- 
nition to  be  seized.  In  March,  1655,  he  advanced  against  Providence  with 
about  two  hundred  men  and  a  small  fleet  of  bay  craft.  He  sent  ahead  of 
him  envoys  with  a  demand  for  submission  which  was  rejected.  The  Puritans 
obtained  the  aid  of  Roger  Heamans,  master  of  the  ''Golden  Lion,"  an  armed 
merchantman  lying  in  the  port,  and  prepared  for  resistance.  Stone  landed 
his  men  near  the  town  on  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  March,  and  on  the  next 
morning  the  hostile  forces  advanced  against  each  other.  The  battle-cry  of 
the  Puritans  was,  "  In  the  name  of  God  fall  on !  "  that  of  their  opponents, 
"  Hey  for  St.  Mary's !  "  The  fight  was  short  and  decisive.  The  Puritans 
were  completely  victorious.  About  fifty  of  Stone's  men  were  killed  or 
wounded,  and  nearly  all  the  rest,  including  Stone  himself,  who  was  wounded, 
were  taken  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  Puritans  was  trifling,  but  they  did 
not  use  their  victory  with  moderation.  A  drum-head  court-martial  con- 
demned ten  prisoners  to  death,  upon  four  of  whom  the  sentence  was  exe- 
cuted. Among  those  thus  tried  and  condemned  was  Governor  Stone, 
but  the  soldiers  themselves  refused  to  take  his  life.  It  is  said  that  the  inter- 
cessions of  the  women  caused  the  lives  of  the  others  to  be  spared.  They 
were  however  kept  in  confinement,  and  the  estates  of  the  "  delinquents  " 
were  confiscated. 

Each  party  was  now  anxious  to  find  favor  in  the  sight  of  the  Protector. 
Lord  Baltimore  presented  the  affidavit  of  certain  Protestants  in  the  Province 
as  to  the  high-handed  proceedings  of  the  Puritans  ;  while  the  commissioners 
transmitted  documents  to  prove  that  he  was  hostile  to  the  Protector.  In 
the  course  of  the  year  several  pamphlets  were  published  on  either  side  of  the 
controversy.  Cromwell,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  concerned  him- 
self about  the  dispute,  since  both  parties  acknowledged  his  supremacy.  In 
January,  1655,  Baltimore  had  obtained  from  him  a  letter  to  Bennett,  direct- 
ing the  latter  to  forbear  disturbing  the  Proprietary  or  his  people  in  Maryland. 
Soon  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter  Bennett  abandoned  the  governorship 


540  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

of  Virginia  and  went  to  England.  He  there  made  such  representations 
to  the  Protector,  that,  in  September,  1655,  Cromwell  wrote  to  the  "Com- 
missioners of  Maryland,"  explaining  that  his  former  letter  related  only  to 
the  boundary  disputes  between  Maryland  and  Virginia.  After  the  battle 
of  Providence,  Cromwell  referred  the  matter  to  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Great  Seal,  and  declared  his  pleasure  that  in  the  mean  time  the  government 
of  Maryland  should  remain  as  settled  by  Clayborne.  The  Commissioners 
of  the  Great  Seal  reported  to  the  council  of  state  in  the  following  year. 
This  report  was  not  acted  upon,  but  was  itself  referred  to  the  Commissioners 
for  Trade.  It  was  probably  favorable  to  Lord  Baltimore,  for  he  made  an- 
other effort  to  wrest  his  Province  from  the  bands  of  the  Puritans.  In  July, 
1656,  he  appointed  Josias  Fendall  governor  of  the  Province,  with  all  the 
powers  formerly  exercised  by  Stone.  Fendall  was  in  reality  only  a  per- 
j^  ^  r\        ^     sistent   and    unscrupulous    revolutionist, 

^  J/     /      l/^^      1/     ^fj    but  his  activity  had  hitherto  been  exer- 
/y^U^  j^^CnxJ^CCl^     cised  on  behalf  of  the  Proprietary.    Even 
^^  O^  before  his  appointment  his  conduct  had 

excited  the  suspicions  of  the  Puritan  council.  He  was  arrested  by  them  on 
the  charge  of  "  dangerousness  to  the  public  peace,"  and  kept  in  confinement 
till  September,  1656,  when  he  was  released  upon  taking  an  oath  not  to  dis- 
turb the  existing  government  until  the  matter  was  determined  in  England. 

On  the  1 6th  of  September,  1656,  the  Commissioners  of  Trade  reported 
to  the  Lord  Protector  entirely  in  favor  of  Baltimore.  The  report  was  not 
acted  upon,  and  Bennett  and  Matthews,  the  agents  of  the  Puritans,  continued 
the  contest.  In  October  they  sent  to  the  Protector  a  paper  entitled.  Objec- 
tions agamst  Lord  Balthnores  patent,  and  reasons  why  the  government  of 
Maryland  should  not  be  put  into  his  hands.  These  objections  merely  recite 
the  old  grievances.  Baltimore  did  not  wait  for  the  report  to  be  confirmed, 
but,  confident  that  his  province  would  be  restored  to  him,  directed  Fendall 
to  assume  the  administration  of  affairs.  He  also  directed  large  grants  of 
land  to  be  made  to  those  who  had  been  conspicuous  for  their  fidelity  to  him, 
and  instructed  the  Council  to  make  provision,  out  of  his  own  rents,  for  the 
widows  of  those  who  had  lost  their  lives  in  his  service.  Towards  the  close 
of  the  year  the  Proprietary  sent  his  brother,  Philip  Calvert,  to  Maryland  as 
a  member  of  the  Council  and  secretary  of  the  Province.  Maryland  was 
now  divided  between  the  rival  governments.  The  Puritans  held  undisputed 
sway  over  Anne  Arundel,  Kent  Island,  and  most  of  the  settlements,  while 
Fendall's  authority  seems  to  have  been  confined  to  St.  Mary's  County.  But 
there  were  no  acts  of  hostility  between  the  opposing  factions.  In  Septem- 
ber, 1657,  the  Puritans  held  another  Assembly  at  Patuxent,  at  which  they 
again  passed  an  act  in  recognition  of  their  own  authority,  and  imposed  taxes 
for  the  payment  of  the  public  charges. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  when  an  agreement  was  reached  by  Lord 
Baltimore  and  the  Puritan  agents  in  England.  The  favor  with  which  the 
Protector  regarded  the  old  nobility,  and  his  failure  to  notice  the  r^mon- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  54I 

stranees  which  the  Puritan  agents  had  addressed  to  him,  caused  the  latter 
to  despair  of  setting  aside  the  adverse  report  of  the  Commissioners  of 
Trade.  The  new  agent  of  Virginia,  Digges,  acted  as  the  intermediary  be- 
tween Baltimore  and  Bennett  and  Matthews,  and  the  articles  of  agreement 
were  signed  on  the  30th  of  November,  1657.  After  reciting  the  controver- 
sies and  the  *'  very  sad,  distracted,  and  unsettled  condition  "  of  the  Province, 
they  provide  for  the  submission  of  those  in  opposition  to  the  Proprietary 
and  their  surrender  of  the  records  and  great  seal.  Lord  Baltimore,  on  his 
part,  promised  "  upon  his  honor "  that  he  would  punish  no  offenders,  but 
would  grant  land  to  all  having  claims  under  the  conditions  of  plantation, 
and  that  any  persons  desiring  to  leave  the  Province  should  have  liberty  to 
do  so.  The  Puritans  now  desired  the  protection  of  the  Toleration  Act,  and 
Lord  Baltimore  therefore  stipulated  that  he  would  never  assent  to  its  repeal. 
Fendall,  who  had  gone  to  England  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  the  Pro- 
prietary, immediately  returned  to  Maryland  with  a  copy  of  this  agreement. 
At  the  same  time  Bennett  wrote  to  Captain  Fuller,  apprising  him  of  the 
engagement  which  had  been  made  on  behalf  of  his  party.  Fendall  arrived 
in  the  Province  in  February,  1658;  and  the  Providence  council  were  re- 
quested to  meet  the  officers  of  Lord  Baltimore  in  order  to  treat  for  the 
performance  of  the. agreement.  A  meeting  of  the  rival  councillors  accord-' 
ingly  took  place  in  March.  The  Puritans,  fatigued  by  the  long  struggle, 
were  not  unwilling  to  submit,  but  insisted  upon  making  some  changes  in 
the  articles  of  surrender.  Fendall  accepted  their  terms,  and  the  new  agree- 
ment was  signed  on  the  24th  of  March,  1658.  It  was  stipulated  that  the 
oath  of  fidelity  should  not  be  pressed  upon  the  people  then  resident  in  the 
Province,  but  that,  in  its  place,  each  person  should  subscribe  an  engagement 
to  submit  to  Lord  Baltimore,  according  to  his  patent,  and  not  to  obey  any 
in  opposition  to  him.  It  was  further  agreed  that  no  persons  should  be  dis- 
armed ;  that  there  should  be  a  general  indemnity  for  all  acts  done  since 
December,  1649,  and  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Puritan  assemblies  and 
courts,  in  cases  relating  to  property  rights,  should  not  be  annulled.  Proc- 
lamation was  then  made  of  this  agreement  and  of  the  governor's  commis- 
sion, and  writs  were  issued  for  an  Assembly  to  be  held  in  the  ensuing  April. 
At  this  Assembly  the  articles  of  surrender  were  confirmed.  And  thus,  after 
six  years  of  civil  broils,  the  Proprietary  sway  was  re-established. 

But  the  spirit  of  that  revolutionary  epoch  was  not  yet  extinct  in  Mary- 
land. Another  attempt  to  subvert  the  authority  of  Lord  Baltimore  was 
made  in  the  following  year.  This  time  the  leader  was  Fendall  himself,  who, 
after  having  broken  faith  with  the  Puritans,  now  broke  faith  with  the  Pro- 
prietary. Upon  the  confusion  which  followed  the  death  of  Cromwell,  Fen- 
dall thought  that  the  opportune  moment  had  come  for  shaking  off  the  rule 
of  his  feudal  lord.  At  a  session  of  the  Assembly  held  in  March,  1660,  the 
burgesses,  in  pursuance  of  Fendall's  scheme,  sent  to  the  upper  house  a 
message,  in  which  they  claimed  to  be  a  lawful  assembly,  without  depend- 
ence on  any  other  power,  and  the  highest  court  of  judicature.     "  If  any 


542  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

objection  can  be  made  to  the  contrary,"  the  message  concluded,  •'  we  desire 
to  hear  it."  A  conference  between  the  houses  was  held,  at  which  Fendall 
stated  that  he  was  only  commissioned  to  confirm  laws  till  the  Proprietary 
should  declare  his  dissent,  but  that  in  his  opinion  the  true  meaning  of  the 
charter  was  that  the  laws  made  by  the  freemen  and  published  by  them  in 
his  lordship's  name  should  at  once  be  of  full  force.  On  the  same  day  the 
lower  house  came  in  a  body  to  the  upper,  and  declared  that  they  would  not 
permit  the  latter  to  continue  its  sittings,  but  that  its  members  might  take 
seats  among  them.  Fendall  then  dissolved  the  upper  house,  and,  surren- 
dering the  powers  he  had  received  from  the  Proprietary,  accepted  a  new 
commission  from  the  burgesses.  Philip  Calvert  protested  against  the  pro- 
ceedings, and  left  the  house.  The  burgesses  sought  to  fortify  their  au- 
thority by  making  it  a  felony  to  disturb  the  government  as  established  by 
them. 

Lord  Baltimore  made  short  work  of  these  treacherous  proceedings.  As 
soon  as  the  tidings  reached  him,  in  the  following  June,  he  appointed  Philip 
Calvert  governor.  Soon  after  he  obtained  from  Charles  II.  a  letter  com- 
manding all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province  to  submit  to  his  authority. 
Philip  Calvert  was  sworn  in  at  the  Provincial  Court  held  at  Patuxent  in 
December,  1660,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  control  of  the  Province. 
No  one  ventured  to  disobey  the  commands  of  a  monarch  who  had  just  been 
restored  to  the  throne  amid  universal  enthusiasm.  Fendall,  indeed,  at- 
tempted to  excite  an  insurrection,  but,  failing  in  this,  surrendered  himself 
voluntarily.  Lord  Baltimore  had  instructed  his  deputy  not  to  permit  Fen- 
dall to  escape  with  his  life ;  and  subsequently,  while  proclaiming  a  general 
amnesty,  he  excepted  Hatch  and  *'  that  perfidious  and  perjured  fellow 
Fendall,  whom  we  lately  entrusted  to  be  our  lieutenant  of  Maryland." 
Notwithstanding  these  instructions,  Fendall  was  punished  only  by  a  fine 
and  disfranchisement. 

Charles  II.  was  duly  proclaimed,  and  the  power  of  King  and  Proprietary 
permanently  revived.  The  tranquillity  which  now  came  to  the  exhausted 
colony  was  destined  to  last,  without  interruption,  till  the  mighty  wave  of 
another  revolution  in  England  proved  fatal  to  the  lord  paramount  of  Mary- 
land. Clayborne,  who  has  been  called  the  evil  genius  of  the  Province,  now 
disappears  from  its  history.  His  courage  and  energy  have  won  the  admi- 
ration of  some  writers ;  but,  according  to  the  settled  principles  of  public  law, 
his  claim  upon  Kent  Island  was  entirely  without  foundation.     Towards  the 

^^y^  close  of  1 66 1  Charles  Calvert,  the 

,  /^  jy         y<^    eldest  son  of  the  Proprietary,  was 

J   /  Z2^^^^^-4^^  ^  appointed  governor,  and  remained 

I       J  in  that  office  till  the  death  of  his 

V-^  '  father.     The  history  of  the  Prov- 

ince becomes  the  record  of  peaceful  progress  under  his  wise  and  just 
administration.  The  population,  which  in  1660  was  12,000,  had  increased, 
five  years  later,  to    16,000.      In   1676   Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  the  Privy 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


543 


Council  that  the  population  was  20,0CX).  The  provincial  assemblies  con- 
tinued to  be  held  at  St.  Mary's,  and  new  counties  were  from  time  to  time 
erected. 

The  cultivation  of  tobacco  was,  from  the  earliest  period,  the  main  occu- 
pation of  the  colonists.  Indeed,  the  prosperity  of  all  the  middle  colonies 
reposed  chiefly  upon  this  foundation.  It  was  almost  the  sole  export  of 
Maryland.  There  were  no  manufactures  and  no  large  towns  in  the  Prov- 
ince. It  was  an  agricultural  community,  scattered  along  the  shores  of  the 
,  noble  bay,  and  of  the  Potomac  and  other  tributary  streams  which  inter- 
sected the  country  in  every  direction.  The  abundance  of  these  natural 
highways  relieved  the  infant  State  from 
a  large  part  of  the  burden  of  maintain- 
ing roads.  Every  large  planter  had  at 
his  own  door  a  boat-landing,  where  he 
received  his  supplies,  and  from  which 
his  tobacco  was  taken  to  be  shipped 
upon  foreign-bound  vessels.  The  high 
price  of  tobacco  in  the  second  quarter 
of  the  seventeenth  century  (ten  times 
its  present  value),  and  the  large  de- 
mand for  it  by  Dutch  traders,  led  the 
colonists  to  devote  themselves  so  ex- 
clusively to  its  cultivation,  that,  on 
more  than  one  occasion,  they  suffered 
from  a  scarcity  of  food.     Beginning  in 

1639,  numerous  acts  were  passed  to  enforce  the  planting  of  cereals, 
order  to  maintain  the  excellence  of  the  tobacco  exported,  the  Assembly 
in  1640  enacted  the  first  tobacco-inspection  law,  —  and  thus  began  a  sys- 
tem which  has,  in  some  form,  been  maintained  down  to  the  present  day. 
According  to  the  Act  of  1640,  no  tobacco  could  be  exported  till  sealed 
by  a  sworn  viewer ;  and  when  a  hogshead  was  found  bad  for  the  greater 
part,  it  was  to  be  burned. 

Tobacco  was  not  only  the  great  staple  of  the  Province,  but  also  its  chief 
currency.  Taxes  were  assessed,  fines  imposed,  and  salaries  paid  in  tobacco. 
After  the  Restoration  the  restrictive  measures,  to  which  we  shall  refer,  and 
the  overproduction  of  tobacco  caused  great  depreciation  in  the  value  of 
the  article.  The  consequent  inconvenience  was  such  that  in  1661  the  As- 
sembly prayed  the  Proprietary  to  establish  a  mint  for  the  coining  of  money. 
Lord  Baltimore,  by  a  doubtful  stretch  of  his  palatinate  prerogatives,  caused 
a  large  quantity  of  shillings,  sixpences,  and  groats  to  be  coined  for  the  Prov- 
ince.    These  coins  were  put  into  circulation  under  an  act,  passed  in  1662, 

1  [See  a  "  Sketch  of  the  Early  Currency  of  cimens  of  the  coins  were  given  by  the  late  George 

Maryland  and  Virginia,"  by  S.   F.  Streeter,  in  Peabody  to  the  Maryland    Historical    Society; 

Historical Magazine,Y&hxviZxy,\Zr^?>,vo\.\\.v.^2',  but   they    have    been    surreptitiously    removed, 

and  Crosby's  Early  Coins  of  America,  from  which  Other  originals  are  in  the  cabinet  of  William  S. 

we  have  been  permitted  to  borrow  our  cuts.    Spe-  Appleton,  Esq.,  of  Boston.  —  Ed.] 


THE    BALTIMORE   COINS. 


In 


544  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

requiring  every  freeman  to  take  up  ten  shillings'  worth  of  them  per  poll  for 
every  taxable  person  in  his  custody,  and  to  pay  for  the  same  in  tobacco  at 
the  rate  of  two  pence  per  pound.  But  their  introduction  did  not  give  per- 
manent relief,  and  tobacco  continued  to  be  the  chief  medium  of  exchange. 
Its  value  decreased  so  much,  that,  early  in  1663,  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed by  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  consider  the  evil  and  its  remedy. 
They  could  only  suggest  a  diminution  of  the  quantity  raised.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  the  Virginia  agents  represented  to  the  Privy  Council  the  neces- 
sity of  lessening  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and 
offered  proposals  for  effecting  it.  These  proposals  did  not  meet  the  ap- 
proval of  Lord  Baltimore.  The  Privy  Council  ordered  that  there  should 
be  no  cessation  of  the  planting  of  tobacco ;  but,  in  order  to  encourage  the 
planters  in  cultivating  other  articles,  directed  that  pitch,  tar,  and  hemp,  of 
the  production  of  those  colonies,  should  be  imported  into  England  free  of 
duty  for  five  years.  In  1666  an  agreement  was  made  between  delegates 
from  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Carolina,  providing  for  a  total  cessation  in 
the  planting  of  tobacco  for  one  year.  The  legislatures  of  these  colonies 
passed  acts  to  enforce  this  agreement;  but  the  Maryland  act  was  vetoed 
by  Lord  Baltimore,  upon  the  ground  that  it  would  work  great  injury  to  the 
poorer  sort  of  planters,  as  well  as  cause  a  loss  of  revenue  to  the  Crown. 
For  various  reasons  these  efforts  to  control  the  market  by  limiting  the 
supply  never  succeeded. 

The  colonists  did  not  then  fully  perceive  where  the  root  of  the  evil  lay. 
There  was  not  too  much  tobacco  but  too  few  buyers ;  and  the  number  of 
buyers  had  been  artificially  lessened.  The  real  cause  of  this  colonial  dis- 
tress was  the  famous  Navigation  Act  and  the  statutes  which  had  been  made 
in  pursuance  of  the  policy  then  begun.  The  Navigation  Act,  passed  by  the 
Long  Parliament  in  October,  165 1,  provided  that  no  goods  should  be  im- 
ported from  Asia,  Africa,  or  America  but  in  English  vessels,  under  the 
penalty  of  the  forfeiture  of  both  goods  and  ship.  Originally  designed  as 
a  blow  at  the  commercial  supremacy  of  the  Dutch,  this  Act  became,  to  use 
the  language  of  Burke,  the  corner-stone  of  the  policy  of  England  with  re- 
gard to  the  colonies.  This  Act  was  supplemented  by  still  more  restrictive 
statutes  passed  in  1660  and  in  1663  (15  Car.  II.  c.  7).  The  result  of  these 
regulations  was  that  the  colonists  could  buy  nothing  except  from  English 
merchants,  and  could  sell  nothing  except  to  Enghsh  merchants.  They  were 
not  even  permitted  to  export  their  own  goods  in  their  own  vessels.  They 
suffered  from  a  triple  monopoly  of  sale,  of  purchase,  and  of  transportation. 
They  bought  in  the  dearest  and  sold  in  the  cheapest  market. 

The  chief  source  of  the  revenue  derived  by  the  Proprietary  from  the 
Province  arose  from  the  quit-rents  which,  from  the  earliest  period,  had  been 
charged  on  all  grants  of  land.  These  rents  were  at  first  payable  in  wheat. 
In  later  grants  they  were  made  payable  in  money  or  the  commodities  of 
the  country,  at  the  option  of  the  Proprietary,  until  1 671,  when  an  export  duty 
of  two  shillings  per  hogshead  was  imposed  on  all  tobacco,  one  half  of  which 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


545 


went  to  the  support  of  the  government,  and  the  other  half  was  granted  to 
the  Proprietary  in  consideration  of  his  commuting  his  money  quit-rents  and 
alienation  fines  for  tobacco,  at  the  rate  of  two  pence  per  pound.  After 
1658  another  source  of  Proprietary  revenue  was  an  alienation  fine  of  one 
year's  rent,  \vhich  was  made  a  condition  precedent  to  the  validity  of  every 
conveyance.  In  166 1  there  was  given  to  the  Proprietary  a  port  and  anchor- 
age duty  of  half  a  pound  of  powder  and  three  pounds  of  shot  on  all  for- 
eign vessels  trading  to  the  Province.  The  fines  and  forfeitures  imposed  in 
courts  of  justice  inured  to  the  Proprietary  as  the  fountain  of  justice  and 
standing  in  loco  regis.  The  royal  nature  of  the  Proprietary  dominion  was 
also  shown  in  the  use  of  his  name  in  all  writs  and  processes,  as  the  name  of 
the  king  was  used  in  England.  Provincial  laws  were  enacted  in  his  name, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  upper  and  lower  houses.  In- 
dictments, including  those  upon  the  penal  statutes  of  England,  charged  the 
offences  to  be  against  his  peace,  good  rule,  and  government. 

The  first  mention  of  negro  slaves  occurs  in  an  act  passed  in  1664;  but 
they  had  probably  been  previously  introduced  into  the  Province  from  Vir- 
ginia, where  slavery  existed  before  the  settlement  of  Maryland.  In  167 1 
an  act  was  passed  to  encourage  their  importation,  and  slavery  was  thence- 
forth established.  It  was  long,  however,  before  slaves  took  the  place  of  in- 
dented servants,  who  formed  a  large  part  of  the  population  down  to  the 
time  of  the  Revolution.  They  at  first  consisted  of  those  who  had  signed 
an  indenture  of  service  for  a  limited  number  of  years  and  were  brought 
into  the  Province  by  the  masters  themselves.  Subsequently  the  traffic  in 
servants  was  taken  up  by  shipowners  and  others,  who  sold  them  for  the 
remainder  of  their  term  to  the  highest  bidders.  The  term  of  service,  which 
was  at  first  five  years,  was  reduced  by  the  Act  of  1638  to  four  years.  Upon 
the  expiration  of  his  indenture  a  servant  was  entitled  to  fifty  acres  of  land 
and  a  year's  supply  of  necessaries.  These  servants  were  called  "  Redemp- 
tioners,"  and  many  of  them  became  valuable  citizens.  After  the  Restora- 
tion the  practice  of  kidnapping  men  in  English  seaports  and  selling  them 
as  servants  in  the  colonies  became  very  common.  Among  the  Maryland 
papers  is  the  petition  of  one  Mrs.  Beale  to  the  king,  complaining  that  the 
master  of  a  ship  had  taken  her  brother  as  his  apprentice  on  a  voyage  to 
Maryland,  and  there  sold  him  as  a  servant.  The  lord  mayor  and  alder- 
men of  London  complained  to  the  Council  that  "  certain  persons,  called 
spirits,  do  inveigle,  and,  by  lewd  subtilities,  entice  away  "  youth  to  be  sold 
as  servants  in  the  plantations.  Owing  to  its  equable  climate,  Maryland  had 
more  of  these  indented  servants  than  any  other  colony,  and  the  statute  book 
contains  many  acts  relating  to  them.  The  practice  of  sending  convicts  to 
America,  however,  was  warmly  resisted,  and  in  1676  an  act  was  passed  to 

prevent  it. 

A  temporary  exception  to  the  universal  religious  toleration,  which  was  a 
capital  principle  of  government  in  Maryland,  occurred  in  the  case  of  the 
Quakers.     The  first  Quaker  missionaries  appeared  in  Maryland  in   1657. 

VOL.    III.  —  69. 


54^ 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


Two  years  later  other  preachers  of  that  sect  visited  the  Province  and  caused 
**  considerable  convincement."  Their  refusal  to  bear  arms,  or  to  subscribe 
the  engagement  of  fidelity,  or  to  give  testimony,  or  to  serve  as  jurors,  was 
mistaken  for  sedition.  On  July  23,  1659,  under  Fendall's  administration, 
an  order  was  passed  directing  that  if  "  any  of  the  vagabonds  and  idle  per- 


CECIL,    SECOND    LORD    BALTIMORE. ^ 

sons  known  by  the  name  of  Quakers  "  should  again  come  into  the  Province, 
the  justices  of  the  peace  should  arrest  them  and  cause  them  to  be  whipped 
from  constable  to  constable  out  of  the  Province.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
this  penalty  was  ever  enforced.  The  most  active  Quaker  missionary  simply 
received  a  sentence  of  banishment ;  and  after  the  suppression  of  Fendall's 
rebellion  there  was  no  persecution  of  the  Quakers.  They  found  a  refuge 
in  Maryland  from  the  intolerance  of  New  England  and  Virginia.     In  1672 

1  [See  the  Critical  Essay  for  an  account  of  this  picture.  —  Ed.] 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   MARYLAND.  5.7 

George  Fox  arrived  in  the  Province  and  attended  two  "  general  meetings 
for  al  Maryland  Friends,"  which  he  describes  in  his  journal  as  having 
been  largely  attended,  not  only  by  Quakers  but  by  -  other  people,  divers 
of  whom  were  of  considerable  quality  in  the  worid's  account."  Maryland 
was  also  sought  by  many  French,  Bohemian,  and  Dutch  families.  In  1666 
the  first  act  of  naturalization  was  passed  admitting  certain  French  and  Bo- 
hemians to  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  from  that  time  forward  numerous 
similar  acts  were  passed. 

On  the  30th  of  November,  1675,  died  Cecilius,  Lord  Baltimore,  after 
havmg  mscribed  his  name  upon  one  of  the  fairest  pages  in  the  history  of 
America.  The  magnificent  heritage  left  him  by  his  father  was  beset  with 
difficulties;  but  his  courage,  perseverance,  and  skill  had  triumphed  over  the 
hostility  of  Virginia  and  the  intrigues  of  Clayborne.  over  domestic  insurrec- 
tion and  Puritan  hatred.  The  first  ruler  who  established  and  maintained  re- 
ligious toleration  is  entitled  to  enduring  honor  in  the  eyes  of  posterity.  His 
name  is  that  of  one  of  the  most  enlightened  and  magnanimous  statesmen 
who  ever  founded  a  commonwealth. 

In  the  year  following  his  death,  Governor  Charies  Calvert,  now  the  Lord 
Proprietary,  called  an  assembly  at  which  a  thorough  revision  of  the  laws  of 
the  Province  was  made.  Among  the  laws  continued  in  force  was  the  Tolera- 
tion Act  of  1649.  In  the  same  year  Lord  Baltimore  appointed  Thomas 
Notley  deputy-governor,  and  then  sailed  for  England,  where  he  remained 
three  years.  Upon  his  arrival  he  found  that  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of 
England,  named  Yeo,  residing  in  Maryland,  had  written  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  under  the  date  of  25th  May,  1676,  begging  him  to  solicit  from 
Lord  Baltimore  an  established  support  for  the  Protestant  ministry.  "  Here 
are  ten  or  twelve  counties,"  he  writes,  ''and  in  them  at  least  twenty  thousand 
souls,  and  but  three  Protestant  ministers  of  the  Church  of  England.  The 
priests  are  provided  for,  and  the  Quakers  take  care  of  those  that  are  speakers, 
but  no  care  is  taken  to  build  up  churches  in  the  Protestant  religion.  The 
Lord's  day  is  profaned.  Religion  is  despised,  and  all  notorious  vices  are 
committed,  so  that  it  is  become  a  Sodom  of  uncleanncss  and  a  pest-house 
of  iniquity."  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  letter  was  an  exagge- 
rated libel.  At  any  rate  the  writer  considered  it  easy  to  cure  the  evil.  It 
would  be  sufficient  to  impose  an  established  church  upon  the  Province.  The 
Archbishop  referred  the  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  asked  the 
Privy  Council  to  *'  prevail  with  Baltimore  to  settle  a  revenue  for  the  min- 
istry in  his  province."  The  Privy  Council  wrote  to  Baltimore  communi- 
cating the  unfavorable  information  with  regard  to  the  dissolute  life  of  the 
inhabitants  of  his  province,  and  desiring  an  account  of  the  number  of  Es- 
tablished and  Dissenting  ministers  there.  Lord  Baltimore  replied  that  in 
every  county  of  the  Province  there  were  a  sufficient  number  of  churches 
which  were  supported  by  the  voluntary  contributions  of  those  attending 
them,  and  that  there  were,  to  his  knowledge,  four  clergymen  of  the  Church 
of  England  in  the  Province.     He  also  urged  that  at  least  three  fourths  of 


548  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORV^    OF   AMERICA. 

the  inhabitants  were  Presbyterians,  Independents,  Baptists,  and  Quakers,  the 
members  both  of  the  Church  of  England  and  of  the  Church  of  Rome  being 
the  fewest,  "  so  that  it  will  be  a  most  difficult  task  to  draw  such  persons  to 
consent  unto  a  law  which  shall  compel  them  to  maintain  ministers  of  a 
contrary  persuasion  to  themselves,  they  having  already  assurance  by  an 
Act  for  Religion  that  they  shall  have  all  freedom  in  point  of  religion  and 
divine  worship,  and  no  penalties  imposed  upon  them  in  that  particular." 
The  Council,  however,  directed  that  some  provision  should  be  made  for 
the  ministry  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  that  the  laws  against  vice 
should  be  enforced.  Baltimore  returned  to  Maryland  in  1680,  but  nothing 
was  done  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the  Council. 

Soon  after  his  return  the  restless  Fendali,  in  conjunction  with  John 
Coode,  attempted  to  stir  up  an  insurrection  of  the  Protestants  against  the 
Proprietary.  Baltimore,  having  early  notice  of  the  proceedings,  arrested 
Kendall.  He  was  punished  by  fine  and  banishment,  and  the  enterprise 
ended  almost  as  soon  as  it  began.  The  great  preponderance  of  the  Pro- 
testant population,  and  the  course  of  affairs  in  England  were  fast  making 
the  position  of  a  Catholic  Proprietary  untenable.  Complaints  of  the  favor 
shown  to  Cathohcs  were  constantly  sent  to  England.  In  October,  1681,  the 
Privy  Council  wrote  to  Baltimore  that  impartiality  must  be  shown  in  admit- 
ting Catholics  and  Protestants  to  the  council  and  in  the  distribution  of  arms. 
In  reply  to  these  complaints  a  declaration  was  issued  in  May,  1682,  signed 
by  twenty-five  Protestants  of  the  Church  of  England  residing  in  the  Prov- 
ince. This  declaration  certified  that  places  of  honor,  trust,  and  profit  were 
conferred  on  the  most  qualified,  without  any  regard  to  the  religion  of  the 
participants,  and  that  in  point  of  fact  most  of  the  offices  were  filled  with 
Protestants,  one  half  of  the  council,  and  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  jus- 
tices of  the  peace  and  militia  officers,  being  Protestants.  The  subscribers 
published  to  the  world  the  general  freedom  and  privilege  which  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Province  enjoyed  in  their  lives,  liberties,  and  estates,  and  in 
the  free  and  public  exercise  of  their  religion. 

The  first  Proprietary  had  finally  come  off  successful  in  the  long  contest 
for  his  territory  with  Virginia  and  Clayborne.  The  second  Proprietary  was 
now  called  upon  to  begin  a  longer  and  less  successful  struggle  with  William 
Penn.  The  charter  limits  of  Maryland  included  the  present  State  of  Dela- 
ware and  a  large  part  of  Pennsylvania.  In  1638  a  settlement  of  Swedes 
was  made  on  the  Delaware,  which  was  brought  under  subjection  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  States  General  in  1655.^  In  1659  the  governor  and  council, 
in  pursuance  of  Lord  Baltimore's  instructions,  ordered  Colonel  Utie  to 
''  repair  to  the  pretended  governor  of  a  people  seated  on  the  Delaware 
Bay,  within  his  lordship's  province,  and  to  require  them  to  depart  the 
province."  Utie  had  an  interview  with  the  authorities  of  New  Amstel, 
and  threatened  them  with  war  in  case  of  a  refusal  to  leave.  They  replied 
that  the  matter  must  be  left  to  their  principals  in  England  and  Holland. 

1  [See  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  549 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  the  Dutch  sent  Augustine  Hermann  and 
Resolved  Waldron  as  ambassadors  to  Maryland.  They  had  an  interview 
with  the  governor  and  council  in  which  the  claim  of  Holland  to  the  ter- 
ritory in  question  was  formally  presented.  The  governor  asserted  the  title 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  demanded  the  submission  of  the  settlements.  This 
demand  was  rejected  and  the  interview  terminated.  The  Dutch  power  in 
America  was  soon  after  brought  to  an  end  by  the  Duke  of  York,  to  whom 
Charles  II.  in  1664  granted  all  the  territory  between  the  Connecticut  and 
Delaware  rivers.^  In  1680  Penn  asked  for  a  grant  of  the  territory  west  of 
the  Delaware  and  north  of  Maryland.  In  his  patent,  which  passed  the 
seals  in  March,  1681,  the  southern  boundary  of  his  province  was  a  *♦  circle 
of  twelve  miles  drawn  around  New  Castle  to  the  beginning  of  the  forty 
degrees  of  latitude,"  —  a  description  which  it  was  impossible  to  gratify. 
In  April,  1681,  the  King  wrote  to  Baltimore  notifying  him  of  Penn's  grant, 
and  directing  him  to  aid  Penn  in  seating  himself,  and  to  appoint  some  per- 
sons to  make  a  division  between  the  provinces,  in  conjunction  with  Penn's 
agents.2  Lord  Baltimore  met  Penn's  deputy,  in  September,  1682,  at  Upland 
(now  Chester),  when  it  was  found,  by  a  precise  observation,  that  the  for- 
tieth degree  of  latitude  was  beyond  Upland  itself.  The  knowledge  of  this 
fact  caused  Penn  to  be  anxious  to  obtain  a  grant  of  Delaware.  Though 
the  Duke  of  York's  grant  did  not  extend  south  of  the  Delaware,  Penn, 
by  dint  of  importunity,  obtained  from  him  in  August,  1682,  a  grant  of 
the  territory  twelve  miles  around  New  Castle,  and  southward,  along  the 
river,  to  Cape  Henlopen.  Penn  asked  for  that  which  he  knew  to  be  with- 
in the  boundaries  of  Maryland,  and  beyond  the  power  of  the  Duke  to 
grant.  He  also  received  a  release  of  the  Duke's  claim  to  the  territory 
of  Pennsylvania,  and   soon  afterwards  sailed   for  his  province. 

On  August  19,  1682,  he  had  procured  from  the  King  a  letter  to  Bal- 
timore directing  the  latter  to  hasten  the  adjustment  of  the  boundaries. 
An  interview  between  the  two  Proprietaries  took  place  in  December,  when 
Penn  handed  to  Lord  Baltimore  the  King's  letter.  Baltimore  insisted  upon 
the  fortieth  degree  as  his  northern  boundary,  and  the  conference  was  fruit- 
less. They  had  another  interview,  at  New  Castle,  in  the  following  year, 
which  also  made  it  apparent  that  no  agreement  between  the  rival  Pro- 
prietaries was  possible.  Penn  now  raised  against  the  Maryland  charter  an 
objection  similar  to  that  which  had  been  urged  by  Virginia  and  Clayborne, 
—  that  Delaware  had  been  settled  by  the  Dutch  before  the  grant  of  the 
charter,  and  that,  if  this  were  not  the  case,  Baltimore  had  forfeited  his  rights 
by  failure  to  extend  his  settlements  there. 

Both  Penn  and  Lord  Baltimore  now  resolved  to  go  to  England  to  contest 
the  matter  before  the  King  and  Council.  Baltimore  called  an  assembly  — 
the  last  over  which  he  presided  in  person  — in  April,  1684.  He  acquainted 
them  with  the  necessity  he  was  under  of  going  to  England,  and  assured 
them  that  his  stay  would  be  no  longer  than  requisite  for  the  decision  of  the 

1  [See  chapter  x.  —Ed.}  *^  [See  chapter  xii.  —  Ed.] 


550  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OP^   AMERICA. 

differences  between  Penn  and  himself.  The  Assembly  then  proceeded  to 
revise  the  laws  of  the  Province;  after  which  the  Proprietary  appointed  a 
council  of  nine,  under  the  presidency  of  William  Joseph,  to  govern  the 
Province  during  his  absence,  and  sailed  for  England.  Baltimore  found 
that  he  was  no  match  in  court  influence  for  Penn.  In  November,  1685, 
the  Board  of  Trade  decided  that  the  Maryland  charter  included  only 
"  lands  uncultivated  and  inhabited  by  savages,  and  that  the  territory 
along  the  Delaware  had  been  settled  by  Christians  antecedently  to  his 
grant,  and  was  therefore  not  included  in  it;"  and  they  directed  that  the 
peninsula  between  the  two  bays  should  be  divided  equally  by  a  line  drawn 
from  the  latitude  of  Cape  Henlopen  to  the  fortieth  degree,  and  that  the 
western  portion  was  Baltimore's  and  the  eastern  Penn's.  The  Revolution, 
however,  came  in  time  to  prevent  the  execution  of  this  decision,  and  the 
vexed  question  was  not  finally  settled  till  the  middle  of  the  following 
century. 

The  accession  of  James  II.  brought  increased  danger  to  Lord  Baltimore. 
To  a  king  who  designed  the  subversion  of  the  liberties  of  the  colonies  as 
well  as  of  England,  the  liberal  charter  of  Maryland  was  especially  odi- 
ous. In  April,  1687,  an  order  in  Council  was  made  directing  the  prose- 
cution of  a  writ  of  qiw  warranto  against  the  Maryland  charter.  In  that 
age  the  issuing  of  such  a  writ  seldom  failed  to  achieve  its  object;  but 
before  judgment  could  be  obtained  against  Baltimore  the  Revolution  of 
1688  had  occurred,  and  the  Stuart  dynasty  was  at  an  end.  The  tidings 
that  a  writ  had  been  issued  against  Baltimore's  charter  alarmed  the  imagi- 
nations of  the  provincials.  When  the  Assembly  met  in  Novem.ber,  1688, 
President  Joseph  sought  to  counteract  this  state  of  feeling  in  a  manner 
which  only  served  to  increase  the  anxiety.  In  his  opening  speech  he 
claimed  his  right  to  rule  jure  divino,  tracing  it  from  God  to  the  King,  from 
the  King  to  the  Proprietary,  and  from  the  Proprietary  to  himself.  He  then 
took  the  unprecedented  step  of  demanding  an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the 
Houses.  The  burgesses  at  first  refused,  and  were  with  difficulty  persuaded 
to  yield.  The  Assembly  showed  its  loyalty  to  the  monarch,  who  was  then  a 
fugitive  from  his  kingdom,  by  passing  an  act  for  a  perpetual  thanksgiving 
for  the  birth  of  the  prince,  and  fixed  a  commemoration  of  it  each  succeed- 
mg  tenth  day  of  June. 

Upon  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary  the  Privy  Council  directed 
Lord  Baltimore  to  cause  their  majesties  to  be  proclaimed  in  Maryland.  He 
immediately  despatched  a  messenger  with  orders  to  his  council  to  proclaim 
the  king  and  queen  with  the  usual  ceremonies.  This  messenger  unfor- 
tunately died  at  Plymouth,  and,  although  William  and  Mary  had  been  ac- 
knowledged in  the  other  colonies,  the  Maryland  council  shrank  from  acting 
without  orders  from  the  Proprietary,  while  they  alarmed  the  inhabitants  by 
collecting  arms  and  ammunition.  Information  of  this  delay  was  sent  to  the 
Board  of  Trade  from  Virginia.  Baltimore  was  consequently  summoned  be- 
fore it,  when  he  explained  that  he  had  sent  the  required  directions  to  Mary- 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  55 1 

land,  but  that  they  had  failed  to  arrive.  He  was  ordered  to  despatch 
dupHcate  instructions,  but  before  they  reached  the  Province  the  Proprie- 
tary's power  was  overthrown.  The  absence  of  all  colonial  records  from  the 
close  of  the  session  of  1688  to  the  year  1692  makes  it  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  exact  cause  of  this  revolution.  Enough  appears  from  other 
sources,  however,  to  show  that  it  was  a  rebellion  fostered  by  falsehood 
and  intimidation, —"a  provincial  Popish  plot."  In  April,  1689,  John 
Coode  and  other  disaffected  persons  formed  "An  Association  in  arms 
for  the  defence  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  for  asserting  the  right  of 
King  William  and  Queen  Mary  to  the  Province  of  Maryland  and  all  the 
English  dominions."  Early  in  July  they  began  to  gather  in  large  numbers 
on  the  Potomac.  They  alleged  that  the  Catholics  had  invited  the  northern 
Indians  to  join  them  in  a  general  massacre  of  the  Protestants  in  the  follow- 
ing month,  and  that  they  had  taken  arms  to  defeat  this  conspiracy.  When 
a  similar  rumor  had  been  set  on  foot,  in  the  preceding  March,  a  declara- 
tion had  been  published,  signed  by  several  of  those  who  were  now  Associa- 
tors,  asserting  that  the  subscribers  had  examined  into  all  the  circumstances 
of  the  pretended  design,  and  "  found  it  to  be  nothing  but  a  sleveless  fear 
and  imagination  fomented  by  the  artifice  of  some  ill-minded  persons." 
But  in  July  the  Association  availed  itself  of  this  baseless  rumor  to  obtain 
the  adherence  of  those  who  were  foolish  enough  to  believe  it ;  while  to 
others  they  asserted  that  their  purpose  was  only  to  proclaim  William  and 
Mary. 

By  these  means  the  neutrality  or  support  of  the  greater  part  of  the  pop- 
ulation was  secured,  and  the  Associators  moved  upon  St.  Mary's.  The 
council  prepared  for  resistance,  but,  upon  the  approach  of  Coode  with 
greatly  superior  forces,  they  surrendered  the  State  House  and  the  provin- 
cial records.  The  Association  then  published  a  "  Declaration  of  the  reasons 
and  motives  for  the  present  appearing  in  arms  of  their  Majesties'  Protestant 
subjects  in  the  Province  of  Maryland."  This  Declaration,  dated  July  25, 
1689,  signed  by  Coode  and  many  others,  was  printed  at  St.  Mary's.^  It  is  an 
ingenious  and  able  paper,  but  certainly  an  audacious  calumny,  which  could 
only  have  found  credence  in  England.  It  set  forth  that,  by  the  contrivances 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  his  officers,  "  the  tyranny  under  which  we  groan  is 
palliated,"  and  "  our  grievances  shrouded  from  the  eye  of  observation  and 
the  hand  of  redress."  These  grievances  were  then  stated  in  general  terms. 
In  the  mean  time  Joseph  and  his  council  retired  to  a  fort  on  the  Patuxent. 
When  Coode  marched  against  them  with  several  hundred  men  they  were 
again  compelled  to  surrender,  and  the  Associators  became  masters  of  the 
situation.  On  the  third  of  August,  1689,  they  sent  an  address  to  the  king 
and  queen  congratulating  them  upon  having  restored  the  laws  and  liberties 
of  England  to  their  "  ancient  lustre,  purity,  and  splendor,"  and  declaring 
that,  without  the  expense  of  a  drop  of  blood,  they  had  rescued  the  govern- 
ment of  Maryland   from  the  hands   of  their  enemies,   and  would   hold   it 

1  [It  is  reprinted  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  i.  Il8.  —  Ed.] 


552  NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

securely  till  a  settlement  thereof  should  be  made.  A  convention  was  called 
to  meet  on  the  23d  of  August,  to  which  however  several  counties  refused  to 
send  delegates.  The  convention  sent  an  address  to  the  King  asking  that 
their  rights  and  religion  might  be  secured  under  a  Protestant  government. 
The  matter  was  now  to  be  determined  in  England,  and  addresses  from  all 
the  counties  and  from  both  parties  poured  in  to  the  King.  Many  Protes- 
tants favored  the  Proprietary,  and,  in  their  addresses,  denounced  the  false- 
hoods of  the  Associators.  A  number  of  the  Protestants  of  Kent  County 
declared  in  their  address  that  "  we  have  here  enjoyed  many  halcyon  days 
under  the  immediate  government  of  Charles,  Lord  Baron  of  Baltimore,  and 
his  honorable  father,  ...  by  charter  of  your  royal  progenitors,  wherein 
our  rights  and  freedoms  are  so  interwoven  with  his  Lordship's  preroga- 
tive that  we  have  always  had  the  same  liberties  and  privileges  secured  to 
us  as  other  of  your  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  Kingdom  of  England."  The 
greater  number  of  signers,  however,  sided  with  the  revolutionists.  A 
friend  of  Lord  Baltimore  wrote  that  "  people  in  debt  think  it  the  bravest 
time  that  ever  was.  No  courts  open  nor  no  law  proceedings,  which  they 
pray  may  continue  as  long  as  they  live."  The  same  writer  asserted  that 
the  best  men  and  the  best  Protestants  stood  stiffly  up  for  the  Proprietary's 
interest. 

Those  who  had  benefited  by  a  Protestant  Revolution  in  England  were 
naturally  disposed  to  look  with  favor  upon  a  similar  Revolution  in  Amer- 
ica. And  thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Proprietary  government  "  fell 
without  a  crime." 

King  William  on  Feb.  i,  1690,  in  pursuance  of  the  recommendation 
of  the  committee  of  the  Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  wrote  to  those 
in  the  administration  of  Maryland,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  their 
addresses  and  approving  their  motives  for  taking  up  arms.  He  author- 
ized them  to  continue  in  the  administration,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  pre- 
serve the  public  peace.  Lord  Baltimore  struggled  hard  to  retain  his 
province,  although  his  chance  of  obtaining  justice  was  desperate.  He 
presented  to  the  King  and  Council  various  affidavits  and  narratives  show- 
ing the  falsity  of  the  charges  against  his  government.  In  January,  1690, 
he  petitioned  the  Board  of  Trade  to  grant  a  hearing  to  such  inhabitants 
and  merchants  as  had  lived  in  and  dealt  with  Maryland  for  upwards  of 
twenty-five  years,  at  the  same  time  forwarding  a  list  of  their  names.  A 
few  days  later  he  requested  the  Board  to  hear  his  account  of  the  dis- 
turbances, to  the  end  that  the  government  might  be  restored  to  him.  In 
August,  however,  the  Council  directed  the  attorney-general  to  proceed  by 
scire  facias  against  Baltimore's  charter.  Chief-Justice  Holt  had  previously 
given  an  opinion  that  the  King  could  appoint  a  governor  of  Maryland 
whose  authority  would  be  legal ;  and  the  attorney-general  and  solicitor- 
general  were  directed  to  draft  a  commission  of  governor. 

On  the  1 2th  of  March,  1691,  Queen  Mary  wrote  to  the  Grand  Committee 
of  Maryland  that  the  Province  was  taken  under  the  King's  immediate  super- 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


553 


were 


intendence,  that  Copley  would  be  governor,  and,  until  his  arrival,  they 
to  administer  the  government  in  the  names  of  their  Majesties.  In  the 
following  August  Sir  Lionel  Copley  was  commissioned  by  the  king  and 
queen.  He  reached  Maryland  early  in  1692,  and  the  Province  became  a 
royal  colony  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The  Proprietary  was  still  allowed 
to  receive  his  quit-rents  and  export  duty,  but  all  his  other  prerogatives  were 
at  an  end. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

'T^HE  earliest  publication  relating  to  Maryland  was  a  pamphlet  which  appeared  in  Lon- 
-*■  don  in  1634.  It  is  entitled  A  Relation  of  the  Successful  Beginnings  of  the  Lord 
Baltemore's  Plantation  in  Mary-land :  being  an  extract  of  certaine  Letters  written  from 
thence  by  some  of  the  Adventurers  to  their  friends  in  England}  The  similarity  of  the 
language  of  this  relation  with  Father  White's  Relatio  Itineris  would  seem  to  show  that  he 
was  its  author.  The  relation  describes  the  first  setdement  and  the  products  of  the  soil, 
and  narrates  the  naive  wonder  of  the  Indians  at  the  big  ships  and  the  thunder  of  the  guns. 
It  is  dated  "  From  Saint  Marie's  in  Mary-land,  27  May,  1634." 

The  next  publicadon  was,  A  Relation  of  Maryland,  London,  Sept.  8,  1635,  —  a  work 
of  great  value  to  the  student.  It  was  evidently  prepared  under  the  direction  of  Lord  Bal- 
timore, and  is  an  extensive  colonizing  programme.  It  recounts  the  plandng  of  the  colony 
and  their  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  and  describes  the  commodities  which  the  country 
naturally  afforded  and  those  that  might  be  procured  by  industry.  It  also  contains  the 
"conditions  propounded  by  the  Lord  Baltemore  to  such  as  shall  goe  or  adventure  into 
Maryland,"  and  gives  elaborate  instructions  as  to  what  the  adventurers  should  take  with 
them,  together  with  an  estimate  of  the  cost  of  transporting  servants  and  providing  them 
with  necessaries. 2 

A  very  full  account  of  the  voyage  of  the  "  Ark  and  Dove  "  to  Maryland  is  contained 
in  a  letter  written  by  Father  Andrew  White,  S.  J.,  to  the  General  of  the  Order.  The  origi- 
nals of  this  letter,  as  well  as  of  diiferent  letters  from  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in  Maryland 
from  1635  to  1677,  were  discovered,  about  fifty  years  ago,  by  the  Rev.  W.  M.  Sherry,  who 
was  afterwards  Provincial  of  the  Jesuits  in  Maryland,  in  the  archives  of  the  Society  in 
Rome.  The  copy  he  then  made  of  these  manuscripts  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Loyola 
College,  Baltimore.  In  1874  and  1877  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  published  this 
Relatio  Itineris,  and  extracts  from  the  annual  letters,  in  the  original  Mediaeval  Latin,  with 
a  translation  by  Mr.  Josiah  Holmes  Converse.     This  publication  also  contains  an  account  of 

1  A  copy  of  the  original,  which  is  very  rare,  Francis  L.  Hawks.  A  perfe^ct  copy  should  have. 
is  in  the  British  Museum.  It  was  reprinted  by  a  map,  engraved  by  T.  Cecill,  "  Noua  Terraer- 
Munsell,  of  Albany,  as  No.  i  of  Shea's  Early  Mariae  tabula."  It  is  often  wanting,  as  in  the 
Southern  Tracts.  [It  is  suggested  in  the  preface  Harvard  College  copy ;  it  is,  however,  in  the 
of  the  reprint,  which  was  edited  by  Colonel  Library  of  Congress  copy.  Sabin  reproduced 
Brantz  Mayer,  that  it  "  was  perhaps  prepared  by  it  full  size,  and  a  reduced  fac-simile  of  it  is  given 
Cecilius  Calvert,  Lord  Baltimore,  from  the  let-  in  Scharf's  History  of  Maryland,  i.  259.  An- 
ters  of  his  brothers,  Leonard  and  George  Cal-  other  is  given  in  the  text.  The  Chalmers  Cata- 
vert,  who  went  out  with  the  expedition."  It  logiie  says  that  at  the  time  of  the  boundary  dis- 
was  also  reprinted  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  putes  between  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  the 
October   1861;. Ed.]  o"ly  copy  to  be  found  was  in  the  Sir  Hans  Sloane 

2  This  second  tract  was  reprinted  by  Sabin,  Collection.  See  the  Sparks  Catalogue,  and  the 
of  New  York,  in  1865   [under  the  editing  of  Huth  Catalogue,  iii.  926.  —  Ed.] 

VOL.  m.  —  70. 


554  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

the  colony  in  which  the  character  of  the  country  and  its  numerous  sources  of  wealth  are 
set  forth  in  the  glowing  colors  of  anticipation.  The  original  of  this  Declaratio  ColonicE 
was  also  found  at  Rome.  It  was  probably  written  by  Lord  Baltimore  soon  after  the  grant 
of  his  patent,  and  sent  to  the  General  of  the  Society  at  the  time  of  his  request  that  priests 
might  be  sent  out  to  the  colony.  These  pubhcations  are  enriched  with  the  notes  of  the 
late  Rev.  E.  A.  Dalrymple,  S.  T.  D.^  then  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Maryland  His- 
torical Society.  The  letters,  which  have  been  frequently  used  in  the  preceding  narrative, 
throw  much  light  upon  the  early  days  of  the  Province,  and  give  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
activity  of  the  missionaries.^ 

The  reduction  of  Maryland  at  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth  caused  several  pamphlets 
upon  its  affairs  to  be  published  in  London.  The  first  of  these  was  The  Lord  Balteynore^s 
case  concerning  the  Province  of  Maryland^  adjoyning  to  Virginia  ifi  America  with  full 
and  clear  answers  to  all  material  objections  touching  his  Rights^  jurisdiction,  and  Pro- 
ceedings there,  etc.  London,  1653.  This  tract  was  probably  called  forth  by  the  report  of 
the  committee  of  the  Navy  on  Maryland  affairs  in  December,  1652.  Although  written  by 
Lord  Baltimore,  or  under  his  direction,  it  is  a  temperate  and  reliable  statement.  It  con- 
tains his  reasons  of  state  why  it  would  be  more  advantageous  for  the  Commonwealth  to 
keep  Maryland  and  Virginia  separate. 

An  answer  to  this  pamphlet  was  pubhshed  in  London  in  1655,  entitled,  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  or  The  Lord  Baltemore^s  printed  case  uficased  and  answered^  etc.^  This  work 
is  of  value  in  giving  a  full  statement  of  the  Puritan  side  of  the  controversy  down  to  1655. 
It  has  the  proceedings  in  ParHament  in  1652  relating  to  Maryland,  copies  of  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  commissioners  for  the  reduction,  and  other  documents. 

There  are  four  pamphlets  bearing  upon  the  battle  of  Providence  in  March,  1655.  The 
first  is  called.  An.  additional  brief  na7'rative  of  a  late  Bloody  design  against  The  Protes- 
tants in  Ann  Arundel  County  afid  Severn  in  Maryland  in  the  County  of  Virginia.  .  .  . 
Set  forth  by  Roger  Heaman,  Commander  of  the  Ship  Golden  Lyon,  an  eye-witness  there. 
London,  July  24,  1655.  The  author  gives  a  detailed  but  unfair  account  of  the  fight,  and 
of  his  connection  with  it,  and  of  the  previous  proceedings  of  Governor  Stone.  Heamans 
was  answered  by  John  Hammond,  "a  sufferer  in  these  calamities,"  in  a  tract,  called  Hajn- 
mond  vs.  Heamans ;  Or,  an  answer  to  an  audacious  pamphlet  published  by  an  impudent 

1  [Dr.  Dalrymple  was  born  in  Baltimore,  in  of  Converse  is  largely  reprinted  in  Scharf's 
181 7,  and  was  for  twenty-four  years  the  Corre-     Marylajtd,  i.  69,  etc. 

sponding  Secretary  of  the  Maryland  Historical  Various  accounts  of  Father  White  have  been 

Society.    He  is  said  to  have  possessed  the  largest  printed:  B.  U.  Campbell's  in  the  Metropolitan 

private  library  (over  14,000  volumes)  south  of  Catholic  Almanac,  1841,  and  in  the  United  States 

Pennsylvania.     He  died  Oct.  30,  1881.  —  Necrol-  Catholic  Magazine,  vol.  vii.     Mr.  Campbell  also 

o^y  (1881)  of  the  Numismatic  and  Antiquarian  read  before  the   Historical  Society  a  paper  on 

Society  of  Philadelphia.  —  Ed.]  Early  Missions  in  Maryland,  and  printed  a  chap- 

2  [In  1844  Georgetown  College  presented  ter  on  the  same  subject  in  the  6'>z//'^^  ^'/a/^j  Ca/>^- 
to  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  a  copy  of  olic  Magazine  in  1846.  There  is  also  an  account 
McSherry's  transcript  of  the  Relatio  Itineris ;  of  Father  White,  by  Richard  H.  Clarke,  in  the 
and  in  1847  Dr.  N.  C.  Brooks  made  a  transla-  Baltimore  Metropolitan,  iv.  (1856),  and  a  sketch 
tion  from  this  copy,  which  was  later  printed  in  the  Woodstock  Letters.  Upon  all  these  is  based 
in  Force's  Tracts,  iv.  No.  12.  The  Latin  text,  the  account  in  the  ^««<^ /'///^/zfrt;//^^  already  men- 
with  a  revision  of  Brooks's  version,  was  printed  tioned.  Other  accounts  of  the  Maryland  mis- 
privately  in  the  Woodstock  Letters,  in  1872.  Two  sions  may  be  found  in  Shea's  Early  Catholic 
years  later  (1874)  the  Maryland  Historical  So-  Missions;  and  in  Henry  Foley's  Records  of  the 
ciety  reprinted  it  as  stated  in  the  text,  follow-  English  Province  of  the  Society  of  fesus,  London, 
ing,  however,  the  original  McSherry  transcript,  1878,  vol.  iii.  Mr.  Neill  has  used  this  last  in  his 
which  had  been  transferred  to  Loyola  College,  tract.  Light  Thrown  by  the  fesuits  upon  Hitherto 
Baltimore.  This,  however,  then  wanted  the  Obscure  Points  of  Early  Maryland  History,  Min- 
concluding  pages,  but  in  1875  ^^^  whole  was  neapolis.  See  also  his  iS'wo-.  CV/.,  ch.  xv.  —  Ed.] 
found,  which  necessitated  the  printing  of  a  sup-  ^  Reprinted  in  Force's  Historical  Tracts,  vol. 
plement  to  the  Fund  Publication  of  the  Society  ii.  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  Harvard  College 
(No.  7)  which  contained  it.     The  later  version  Librarv. 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND.  555 

and  ridiculous  fellow  fta?ned  Roger  Heainans,  etc.  The  author  was  the  person  des- 
patched by  Stone,  early  in  1655,  to  remove  the  records  from  Patuxent.  He  declares  that 
he  "  went  unarmed  amongst  these  sons  of  Thunder,  and  myself  alone  seized  and  carried 
away  the  records  in  defiance."  In  the  same  year  were  published  both  Babylon's  Fall  in 
Maryland,  etc.,  by  Leonard  Strong,  and  John  Langford's  Refutation  of  Babylon's  Fall,  etc. 
Strong,  the  author  of  the  former  pamphlet,  was  one  of  the  leading  Puritans  of  Providence, 
and  afterwards  their  agent  in  London,  where  he  wrote  the  tract.  It  is  a  party  work,  con- 
taining a  garbled  statement  of  the  facts.  Langford's  Refutation  hafe  a  letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Stone's  wife  to  Lord  Baltimore  describing  the  conduct  of  the  Puritans  and  their 
treatment  of  her  husband.  Langford  was  rewarded  for  this  work  by  Lord  Baltimore  with 
a  gift  of  fifteen  hundred  acres  of  land  in  Maryland. ^ 

In  1656  John  Hammond  published  his  Leah  and  Rachel;  or,  the  Two  fruitfull  Sisters 
Virginia  aitd  Marylajid.  Their  pj-esent  condition  impartially  stated  and  related,  etc.^ 
This  pamphlet  is  favorable  to  Lord  Baltimore  and  condemns  the  Puritans. 

A  highly  curious  production  is,  A  Character  of  the  Province  of  Maryland,  by 
George  Alsop.  London,  1 666.3  Alsop  had  been  an  indented  servant  in  Maryland,  and 
gives  a  favorable  account  of  the  condition  of  Maryland  apprentices.  The  tract  is  written 
in  a  jocular  style,  and  was  designed  to  encourage  emigration  to  the  Province.  It  contains 
some  interesting  details  concerning  the  Indian  tribes. 

Various  causes,  chief  among  which  are  Ingle's  Rebellion,  time,  and  negligence,  have 
resulted  in  the  destruction  of  a  large  part  of  the  early  records  of  the  Province.  The  prin- 
cipal portion  of  what  now  remains  relating  to  the  period  before  the  Protestant  Revolution 
is  contained  in  the  following  manuscript  folio  volumes  :  — 

1.  Liber  Z.  The  Proprietary  Record-book  from  1637-1642.  This  is  the  oldest  record-book 
extant.  It  contains  a  full  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  held  in  1638,  and  of  the 
process  against  William  Lewis  for  his  violation  of  the  proclamation  prohibiting  religious  disputes. 
This  volume  also  has  the  records  of  the  Council  acting  as  a  county  court,  and  of  proceedings  in 
testamentary  causes.  Many  of  the  original  signatures  of  Leonard  Calvert,  Secretary  Lewger,  and 
others  are  scattered  through  the  volume. 

2.  A.  1 647-1 651.  The  original  second  Record-book  of  the  Province.  The  first  fifty-eight  pages 
and  several  of  the  last  are  wanting.  It  has  in  it  proceedings  of  assemblies,  court  records,  appoint- 
ments to  office,  demands  and  surveys  of  land,  wills,  etc. 

3.  Y.  1649-1669.  Journals  and  acts  of  different  assemblies,  commissions  from  the  Proprie- 
tary, etc.  This  volume  contains  the  Toleration  Act  of  1649*  and  the  proceedings  of  Fendall's 
revolutionary  assembly  in  1660. 

4.  H.  H.  1656-1668.  Council  proceedings.  The  original  volume  containing  instructions  from 
the  Proprietary,  commissions  of  Fendall  and  others,  ordinances,  and  the  proceedings  against  the 
Quakers.^ 

5.  A.  M.  1669-1673.     Council  Proceedings.     A  copy  probably  made  in  the  last  century. 

6.  F.  1637-1642.  Council  Proceedings  and  other  documents  in  vol.  i.  of  the  Land-Office 
Records.  This  copy  of  the  original,  which  is  lost,  was  made  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  is  certified  by  a  Judge  of  the  Provincial  Court  to  be  correct.  This  volume  contains 
Governor  Leonard  Calvert's  commission,  Clayborne's  petition  to  the  King,  orders  of  the  Privy 
Council,  etc. 

1  The  documents  transmitted  by  Bennett  and  Gilmary  Shea.  It  has  again  been  reissued  as 
Matthews  to  the  Protector,  during  their  contest  one  of  the  Fund  Publications  of  the  Maryland 
with  Lord  Baltimore  in  1656,  may  be  found  in     Historical  Society.  — Ed.] 

Thurloe's  State  Papers,  v.  482-486.     Copies  of  ^  It  is  reprinted  in  Scharf's  Maryland,  1.  174. 

Strong's  and  Langford's  rare  tracts  are  in  the  ^  [The  early  Quakers  of  Maryland  have  been 

Boston  Athen^um.  the  subject  of  two  publications  of  the  Historical 

2  Reprinted  in  Force's  Histm'ical  Tracts,  vol.  Society :  one  by  J.  Saurm  Norris,  issued  m  1862 ; 
iii  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  Harvard  College  and  the  other.  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Harrison's  Wen- 
Library.     See  Sabin,  viii.  30276.  lock   Christison  and  the  early  Friends  in   Talbot 

3  Reprinted  in  Gowan's  Bibliotheca  Ameri-  County,  1878.  See  also  Ne.ll  s  Terra  Marta, 
cana.  No.  5.  New  York,  1869.  [This  edition  ch.  iv.  On  Wenlock  Christison  see  Memorial 
has  a  map,  with  introduction  and  notes  by  John  History  of  Boston,  i.  187.  — Ed.] 


556  NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

7.  A.  1647-1650.  Council  and  Court  Proceedings.  Some  part  of  the  original  is  lost.  A  copy- 
in  vol.  ii.  of  the  Land-Office  Records. 

8.  B.  1648-1657.  Council  and  Court  Proceedings  and  Acts  of  Assembly.  The  original  is  lost. 
A  copy  is  in  vols.  i.  and  iii.  of  the  Land-Office  Records.  This  volume  contains  the  proceedings  of 
Captain  Fuller's  council  and  of  the  Puritan  Assembly  in  1654,  lists  of  servants  for  whose  importa- 
tion land  was  demanded,  etc. 

9.  Vellum  folio.  1636-1657.  Council  Proceedings.  A  copy  made  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
This  volume  has  Stone's  commission,  the  conditions  of  plantation  in  1648  and  1649,  the  proceed- 
ings of  Bennett  and  Clayborne  in  the  reduction  of  Maryland,  and  of  Stone  and  the  Puritans.  The 
documents  in  this  volume  are  not  arranged  in  chronological  order. 

10.  Vellum  folio.  1637-1658.     Proceedings  of  Assemblies.     A  copy. 

11.  F.  F.  1659-1699.  Upper  House  Journals.  A  copy.  Contains  a  full  account  of  the  pro- 
ceedings. 

12.  X.  1661-1663.  Council-book.  This  original  volume  contains  instructions  from  the  Pro- 
prietary to  Philip  Calvert  and  Fendall,  demands  and  grants  of  land,  etc. 

13.  1 676-1 702.  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  Lower  House.  A  copy  made  by  the  State  Li- 
brarian in  1838  from  the  original  papers,  which  are  not  now  to  be  found.  It  has  the  proceedings  of 
the  Assemblies  in  1676,  1683,  and  1684. 

14.  C.  B.  1683-1684.     The  original  Council-book  for  land. 

The  first  five  of  the  above  volumes  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society,  Baltimore,  having  been  entrusted  to  its  guardianship  by  a  resolution  of  the  Legis- 
lature in  1847.     The  remaining  folios  are  in  the  Land  Office  at  Annapolis. 

The  three  following  manuscript  volumes  are  in  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals,  at  Annapolis  :  — 

15.  Liber  W.  H.  Laws:  erroneously  lettered  on  the  back  1676-1678.  This  volume  contains 
laws  made  at  different  Assemblies  from  1640  to  1688.  They  are  not  placed  in  strict  chronological 
order.  These  copies  were  made  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  many  of  the  transcripts  are  at- 
tested by  Philip  Calvert  as  Cancellarius. 

16.  W.  H.  and  L.  1640-1692.     Laws  made  at  some  of  the  Assemblies  held  during  these  years. 

17.  C.  and  W.  H.  1 638-1 678.  Laws.  A  copy  from  older  books  made  in  1726,  and  certified 
to  be  correct. 

The  two  following  original  volumes  are  in  the  State  Library  at  Annapolis  :  — 

18.  Proprietary,  1642-1644.  Contains  proceedings  of  the  Council  sitting  as  the  Provincial 
Court,  proclamations,  commissions,  etc.  A  part  of  this  volume  has  been  transcribed  into  one  of 
the  Land-Office  Records. 

19.  Provincial  Court  of  Maryland.  Records.  March,  1658-November,  1662.  This  volume 
is  in  bad  condition  and  several  pages  are  wanting.  It  contains  the  records  of  the  Council  as  a 
Court,  oaths  of  officers,  depositions,  etc. 

A  calendar  of  the  state  papers  contained  in  Nos.  i-i's  of  the  above  volumes,  and  in 
some  of  a  later  date,  was  compiled  in  i860  by  the  Rev.  Ethan  Allen,  under  the  direction  of 
J.  H.  Alexander.!  No  systematic  publication  of  extracts  from  these  records  has  ever  been 
made.  After  the  death  of  Mr.  S.  F.  Streeter,  in  1864,  his  large  collection  of  manuscripts 
pertaining  to  the  provincial  history  of  Maryland  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Henry  Stock- 
bridge  Esq.,  who  prepared  them  for  publication,  and  in  1876  some  extracts  from  these  with 
notes  by  Mr.  Stockbridge  were  published  by  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  in  a  volume 
entitled,  Papers  Relating  to  the  Early  History  of  Maryland.,  by  S.  F.  Streeter.  This 
volume  contains  the  proceedings  and  acts  of  the  Assembly  of  1638,  with  a  list  of  the  mem- 
bers and  their  occupations,  the  record  of  the  case  against  William  Lewis,  the  first  will,  the 
first  marriage  license  and  various  court  proceedings. 

The  Legislature  of  Maryland  at  its  January  session,  1882,  passed  an  act  directing  that 

1  This  manuscript  volume  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Maryland  Historical  Society.  An  Index 
to  the  Calendar  was  printed  in  1861. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   MARYLAND.  557 

all  the  records  and  state  papers  belonging  to  the  period  prior  to  the  Revolution  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  custody  of  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  and  appropriating  the  sum  of  two 
thousand  dollars  to  be  expended  by  the  Society  in  the  publication  of  extracts  from  these 
documents. 

In  1694,  when  the  capital  was  removed  from  St.  Mary's  to  Annapolis,-  then  called  Anne 
Arundel  Town,  — the  Assembly  directed  that  the  records  should  be  transported  on  horses, 
and  m  bags  sealed  with  the  great  seal  and  covered  with  hides.  The  persons  charged  with 
this  duty  afterward  reported  to  the  Assembly  that  they  had  safely  delivered  the  books  to 
the  sheriff  of  Anne  Arundel  County.  There  is  a  full  list  of  these  volumes  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Lower  House,  and  one  perceives  with  regret  that  the  greater  part  of  them  no  longer 
exist.  Many  state  papers  were  greatly  damaged  during  this  removal,  and  others  were  lost 
in  the  fire  which  destroyed  the  State  House  in  1704.  When  the  government  of  the  Province 
was  restored  to  Lord  Baltimore  in  1716,  an  act  was  passed  appointing  commissioners  to  in- 
spect the  records  and  to  employ  clerks  to  transcribe  and  bind  them.  The  preamble  to  the 
act  set  forth  the  loss  of  several  important  records,  and  that  a  great  part  of  what  remained 
was  "  much  worn  and  damnified ; "  which  was  partly  owing  to  the  want  of  proper  books  at 
first.  On  such  generaJ  revisions  of  the  laws  as  were  made  in  1676,  1692,  and  at  other  times, 
it  was  customary  to  make  transcripts  in  a  "  Book  of  Laws  "  only  of  those  acts  which  were 
continued  in  force.     The  record  of  the  laws  not  re-enacted  was  then  neglected. 

Very  little  care  was  bestowed  upon  the  state  papers  generally.  Many  of  the  volumes 
cited  by  Bacon  in  his  Laws  of  Maryland,  published  in  1765,  are  not  now  to  be  found.  In 
1836  the  State  librarian  (Ridgely)  made  three  reports  to  the  governor  and  council  upon  the 
early  records,  which  contain  a  partial  list  of  those  then  discovered.  He  says  that  in  the 
treasury  department  he  found  "  the  remains  of  two  large  sea-chests  and  one  box  which 
had  contained  records  and  files  of  papers  which  were  in  a  state  of  total  ruin."  He  also 
discovered  many  early  records,  whose  existence  had  not  been  suspected,  in  different  public 
ofiices,  and  some  "  under  the  stairway  as  you  ascend  the  dome."  ^ 

Other  original  authorities  for  the  history  of  the  Province,  second  in  importance  only  to 
its  own  records,  are  the  documents  preserved  in  the  state-paper  ofiice  in  London.  The 
peculiar  nature  of  the  palatinate  proprietorship  of  Maryland,  and  the  fact  that  the  Proprie- 
tary generally  resided  in  England,  have  caused  the  Maryland  papers  to  be  more  abundant 
than  those  of  any  other  colony.  It  was  customary  to  send  to  the  Proprietary  documents 
concerning  all  the  public  affairs  of  the  Province.  A  large  number  of  these,  as  well  as 
of  the  papers  directly  transmitted  to  the  Privy  Council  or  the  Board  of  Trade,  are  in 
the  state-paper  office. =^  In  1852  Mr.  George  Peabody  gave  to  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society  a  manuscript  index,  prepared  by  Henry  Stevens,  to  the  Maryland  papers,  then 
accessible  in  that  office.  This  index  contains  abstracts  of  1,729  documents  relating  to 
Maryland  affairs  between  the  years  1626  and  1780;  and  the  abstracts  are  somewhat  more 
full  than  those  in  Sainsbury's  Calendars  of  State  Papers.''^ 

Additional  papers  have  been  placed  in  the  state-paper  office  since  the  Peabody  Index 
was  made,  and  it  is  therefore  necessary  to  consult  both  calendars.  There  are  other  man- 
uscripts relating  to  Maryland  in  the  British  Museum,  the  Bodleian  Library,  and  elsewhere 
in  England,  of  which  no  calendars  have  been  published.^ 

1  In  i860  another  valuable  report  to  the  gov-  ander  gave  to  the  State  Library  at  Annapolis 
ernor  on  the  condition  of  the  public  records  was  some  of  the  manuscripts  relating  to  Maryland  in 
made  by  the  Rev.  Ethan  Allen,  D.  D.  Sion  College,  London.     A  number  of  the  Mary- 

2  Cf.  Preface  to  Alexander's  Calendar.  land  papers  in  the  state-paper  ofifice  have  been 
8  Published  in  the  Master  of  the  Rolls  series,     published  in  Scharf's  History  of  Maryland,  and 

[The    Peabody  Index    is    described    in    Lewis  in   the   Report  on  the    Virginia   and  Maryland 

Mayer's  account  of  the  library,  1854.  —  Ed.I  Boundary  Line,  1873.    The  Journal  of  the  Dutch 

*  The    Maryland    Historical    Society   has   a  Embassy  to  Maryland  in  1659,  and  some  of  the 

manuscript  copy  of  some  of  the  Sloane  manu-  communications  between  the  Maryland  Council 

scripts  in  the  British  Museum,  pertaining  to  the  and  the  Dutch  at  New  Amstel  have  been  pub-  • 

first  Lord  Baltimore  and  Maryland.    Mr.  Alex-  lished  in  Documents  Relating  to  the  Colonial  His- 


558 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


A  letter  of  Captain  Thomas  Yong  to  Sir  Tobie  Matthew,  written  from  Virginia  in  July, 
[634,  describes  his  interviews  with  Clayborne  and  Captain  Cornwallis,  and  passes  an  un- 
favorable judgment  upon  the 
former.  Yong  gives  an  account 
of  various  plots  of  Clayborne 
and  other  Virginians  against  the 
colony  at  St.  Mary's,  and  of 
Clayborne's  refusal  to  attend  a 
conference  which  had  been  ar- 
ranged for  the  adjustment  of  the 

controversy.      The  letter  is  printed  in  Documettts  co,nnected  with  the  history  of  South 

Carolina,  edited  by  P   C.  J.  Weston,  London,  1856,  p.  29,  and  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  ix. 

p.  81  (Aspinwall  Papers),  and  in  the  Appendix  to  Streeter's  Papej's  Relating  to  tJte  Early 

History  of  Maryland. 


There  are  scarcely  any  remains  of  the  buildings  erected  in  the  Province  before  1688. 
Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations  in  1678  that 
"  the  principal  place  or  town  is  called  St.  Mary's  where  the  General  Assembly  and  pro- 
vincial court  are  kept,  and  whither  all  ships  trading  there  do  in  the  first  place  resort ;  but 
it  can  hardly  be  called  a  town,  it  being  in  length  by  the  water  about  five  miles,  and  in 
breadth  upwards  towards  the  land  not  above  one  mile,  —  in  all  which  space,  excepting  only 
my  own  house  and  buildings  wherein  the  said  courts  and  offices  are  kept,  there  are  not 
above  thirty  houses,  and  those  at  considerable  distance  from  each  other,  and  the  buildings 
(as  in  all  other  parts  of  the  Province),  very  mean  and  little,  and  generally  after  the  manner 
of  the  meanest  farm-houses  in  England.  Other  places  we  have  none  that  are  called  or  can 
be  called  towns,  the  people  there  not  affecting  to  build  near  each  other,  but  so  as  to  have 
their  houses  near  the  water  for  convenience  of  trade,  and  their  lands  on  each  side  of  and 
behind  their  houses,  by  which  it  happens  that  in  most  places  there  are  not  above  fifty 
houses  in  the  space  of  thirty  miles."  1 

The  principal  building  at  St.  Mary's  was  the  State  House,  erected  in  1674,  at  a  cost  of 
330,000  pounds  of  tobacco.  In  1720  it  was  given  to  the  parish  of  William  and  Mary  to  be 
used  as  a  church;  and  in  1830,  being  very  much  decayed,  it  was  pulled  down,  and  a  new 
edifice  built  in  the  neighborhood.  Lord  Baltimore's  house  —  called  the  Castle  —  stood  on 
the  plain  of  St.  Mary's,  at  the  head  of  St.  John's  Creek.  The  spot  is  marked  by  a  few 
mouldering  bricks  and  broken  tiles,  and  a  square  pit  overgrown  with  bushes. 2  At  St. 
Inigoe's  manor,  near  St.  Mary's,  there  is  preserved  the  original  round  table  at  which  the 
first  council  sat,  besides  a  few  other  rehcs.^ 


lory  of  the  State  of  Neza  York,  ii,  84  ei  seq.  The 
1880  Index,  p.  246,  to  accessions  of  manuscripts 
in  the  British  Museum  shows  various  papers  of 
Cecil  Calvert. 

1  A  description  of  the  occupations  of  the 
planters  of  Maryland,  and  of  the  culture  of  to- 
bacco by  them  in  the  year  1680,  is  contained  in 
the  "Journal  of  a  voyage  to  New  York  and  a  Tour 
in  several  of  the  American  colonies,"  by  Jaspar 
Bankers  and  Peter  Sluyter,  published  in  the 
Memoirs  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society, 
vol.  i.  pp.  194,  214-216,  218-221. 

'•^  An  article  m  Lippincott's  Magazine  for  July, 
187 1,  describes  the  topography  and  the  present 
condition  of  St.  Mary's. 

^  There  is  a  fine  portrait  of  the  first  Lord 
Baltimore  in  the  gallery  of  the  Earl  of  Verulam 
at  Glastonbury,  England.     It  was   painted  by 


Mytens,  court  painter  to  James  I.  An  engraving 
from  it  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Maryland 
Historical  Society.  In  1882  a  copy  of  this  por- 
trait was  presented  to  the  State  of  Maryland  by 
John  W.  Garrett,  Esq.  It  is  engraved  in  Mc- 
Sherry's  Maryland,  p.  21,  as  from  an  original  in 
the  great  gallery  of  Sir  PYancis  Bacon;  and  again 
in  S.  H.  Gay's  Popidar  History  of  the  United 
States,  \.  485.  An  engraved  portrait  of  Cecilius, 
second  Lord  Baltimore,  at  the  age  of  fifty-one, 
made  by  Blotling,  in  1657,  is  in  the  possession  of 
the  Maryland  Historical  Society.  Engravings 
of  these  portraits  of  the  two  lords  are  given  in 
the  present  chapter. 

The  Baltimore  arms  are  those  of  Calverts, 
quartered  with  Crosslands.  The  Calvert  arms 
are :  barry  of  six,  or  and  sable,  over  all  a 
bend    counterchanged.     Crosslands :    quarterly, 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


559 


The  earliest  historian  of  Maryland  was  George  Chalmers,  whose  Political  Annals  of 
the  present  United  Colonies  was  published  in  London  in  1780.  Chalmers  was  a  Maryland 
lawyer,  who  returned  to  England  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.  He  had  access  to 
the  English  state  papers  in  writing  his  work,  and  his  account  of  Maryland  is  fair  and,  for 
the  most  part,  accurate.^ 

The  ablest  man  who  has  written  upon  the  history  of  the  Province  was  John  V.  L. 
McMahon.  He  was  born  in  Cumberland,  Maryland,  in  1800,  and,  after  graduating  at 
Princeton,  began  the  practice  of  the  law  in  Maryland,  where  he  soon  became  one  of  the 
leaders  of  a  very  able  bar.  The  first  volume  of  his  Historical  view  of  the  Government 
of  Maryland  fro?n  its  Colonization  to  the  Present  Day  was  published  in  1831.  Though 
the  author  did  not  die  till  1871,  this  volume  was  never  followed  by  its  promised  successor. 
The  manuscript  of  the  second  volume  is  in  the  possession  of  McMahon's  heirs.  The 
volume  published  brings  the  history  of  the  Province  down  to  the  Revolution,  but  its 
strictly  historical  part  is  less  than  one  half  of  the  whole,  and  treats  the  subject  only  in 
outline.  The  remainder  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  an  examination  of  the  legal  aspects  of 
the  charter,  the  sources  of  Maryland  law,  and  the  distribution  of  legislative  power  under 
the  State  government.  The  work  is  founded  on  an  original  study  of  the  records,  so  far  as 
was  thought  necessary  for  its  limited  historical  scope. - 

The  History  of  Maryland  from  its  first  settlement  in  1633  lo  the  Restoration  in  1660, 
in  two  volumes,  by  John  Leeds  Bozman,  was  published  in  1837.  The  manuscript  of  this 
work  was  offered  to  the  State  m  1834,  after  the  death  of  its  author,  on  condition  of  its 
being  printed  within  two  years.  The  offer  was  accepted  by  the  Legislature,  and  the  book 
was  published  under  its  direction.     The  first  volume  is  introductory,  and  the  history  of  the 


argent  and  gules,  over  all  a  cross  bottony  coun 
terchanged.  Lord  Baltimore  used :  quarterly, 
first  and  fourth  paly  of  six,  or  and  sable,  a  bend 
counterchanged ;  second  and  thud,  quarterly, 
argent  and  gules,  a  cross  bottony  counter- 
changed.  Crest:  on  a  ducal  coronet  proper, 
two  pennons,  the  dexter  or,  the  sinister  sable ; 
the  staves,  gules.  Supporters:  two  leopards, 
guardant  coward,  proper.  Motto:  Fatti  maschii, 
parole  fetnine. 

The  first  great  seal  of  the  Province  was  lost 
during  Ingle's  Rebellion  ;  and  in  1648  the  Pro- 
prietary sent  out  another  seal,  slightly  different. 
This  seal  had  engraven  on  one  side  the  figure  of 
the  Proprietary  in  armor  on  horseback,  with 
drawn  sword  and  a  helmet  with  a  great  plume  of 
feathers,  the  trappings  being  adorned  with  the 
family  arms.  The  inscription  round  about  this 
side  was :  Cecilius  ahsolutus  doi7iinus  Terra  Ma- 
rice  et  AvalonicB  Baro  de  Baltimore.  On  the 
other  side  of  the  seal  was  engraven  a  scutcheon 
with  the  family  arms  ;  namely,  six  pieces  impaled 
with  a  band  dexter  counterchanged,  quartered 
with  a  cross  bottony,  and  counterchanged ;  the 
whole  scutcheon  being  supported  with  a  fisher- 
man on  one  side  and  a  ploughman  on  the  other 
(in  the  place  of  the  family  leopards),  standing 
upon  a  scroll,  whereon  the  Baltimore  motto  was 
inscribed ;  namely,  Fatti  masc/m,  parole  femine. 
Above  the  scutcheon  was  a  count-palatine's  cap, 
and  over  that  a  helmet,  with  the  crest  of  the 
family  arms  ;  namely,  a  ducal  crown  with  two 
half  bannerets  set  upright.  Behind  the  scutcheon 
and  supporters  was   engraven   a   large   ermine 


mantle,  and  the  inscription  about  this  side  of  the 
seal  was,  Sciito  bonce  voluntatis  tuce  coronasti  nos. 
In  1657  Lord  Baltimore  sent  out  another  seal, 
similar  in  design,  which  was  used  till  1705.  Sub- 
sequent changes  were  made  in  the  seal  and 
arms  of  the  Province  and  State,  but  in  1876  the 
last  described  side  of  the  Great  Seal  sent  out 
in  1648  was  adopted  as  the  arms  of  Maryland. 
A  full  account  of  the  pedigree  of  the  Calverts 
will  be  found  in  A71  Appeal  to  the  citizens  of  Mary- 
land, from  the  legitiinate  descendants  of  the  Balti- 
more family^  by  Charles  Browning,  Baltimore, 
1821.  [Fuller's  Worthies  of  England  and  An- 
thony Wood's  Athcncc  Oxoniensis  give  us  im- 
portant facts  regarding  the  first  Lord  Baltimore. 
See  John  G.  Morris's  The  Lords  Baltimore,  1874, 
No.  8  of  the  Fnnd  Publications  of  the  Historical 
Society;  and  Neill's  English  Colonization  in 
North  America,  ch.  xi.  —  Ed.] 

1  [He  undertook  it  at  the  instance  of  Sir 
John  Dalrymple.  See  his  chapters  ix.  and  xv. 
See,  also,  his  Introduction  to  the  History  of  the 
Revolt  of  the  American  Colonies.  Chalmers  had 
come  to  Maryland  in  1763  to  give  legal  assist- 
ance to.  an  uncle  in  pursuing  a  land  claim. 
Many  of  his  papers  were  bought  at  his  sale  by 
Sparks,  and  are  now  in  Harvard  College  Library. 
—  Ed.] 

-  [Compare  George  William  Brown's  Origin 
and  Growth  of  Civil  Liberty  in  Maryland,  a  dis- 
course before  the  Historical  Society  in  1850. 
And  Brantz  Mayer's  Calvert  and  Penn,  —  a  dis- 
course before  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  So- 
ciety in  1852.  —  Ed.] 


56o 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Province  proper  is  contained  in  the  second  volume.  The  work  is  based  on  an  exact  study 
of  the  original  records,  and  is  a  very  careful  and  accurate  summary  in  great  detail.  Boz- 
man  did  not  have  access  to  the  papers  preserved  in  the  English  state-paper  office,  and 
much  other  material  has  been  brought  to  light  since  he  wrote.  His  strict  pursuance  of 
the  chronological  order  often  results  in  sacrificing  the  interest  of  the  narrative.  The  ap- 
pendix to  the  second  volume  has  a  valuable  collection  of  extracts  from  the  records.  The 
work  as  a  whole  may  be  said  to  furnish  materials  for  the  history  of  the  Province  rather 
than  to  be  the  finished  history  itself.^ 

The  History  of  Maryland  from  its  first  Settle?neTtt,  in  1634,  to  the  year  1848,  in  one 
volume,  by  James  McSherry,  a  lawyer  of  Frederick  City,  Maryland,  was  first  published  in 
1849.  It  is  written  in  an  agreeable  style,  and,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  period  under  con- 
sideration, gives  a  clear  summary  of  the  leading  occurrences,  but  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  founded  on  original  investigation  of  the  sources. 

In  Burnap's  Life  of  Leonard  Calvert^  published  in  Sparks's  American  Biography,'^ 
there  is  an  excellent  history  of  the  colony  to  the  death  of  Governor  Calvert  in  1647.  Dr. 
Burnap  was  for  many  years  pastor  of  the  Unitarian  Church  in  Baltimore.  His  chief  au- 
thorities were  Bozman  and  Father  White's  Relatio  Itineris. 

To  Mr.  George  Lynn-Lachlan  Davis,  a  member  of  the  Baltimore  Bar,  who  died  a  few 
years  ago,  is  due  the  credit  of  having  settled  the  vexed  question  of  the  religious  faith  of 
the  legislators  who  passed  the  Toleration  Act  of  1649.  His  work  was  based  on  an  ex- 
amination of  wills,  rent-rolls,  and  other  records.  His  conclusions  are  those  stated  in  the 
preceding  narrative.  The  result  of  his  investigations  was  published  in  1855  in  a  volume 
entitled,  The  Day  Star  of  American  Freedom  :  or,  The  Birth  and  Early  Growth  of  Tol- 
eration in  the  Province  of  Maryland.  It  also  contains  a  summary  of  all  that  is  known  of 
the  entire  personal  history  of  each  member  of  the  Assembly  of  1649.^ 

The  Rev.  E.  D.  Neill's  Terra  Maries:  or,  Threads  of  Alary  land  Colonial  History, 
published  in  1867,  is  a  digressive  account  of  the  career  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  with 
some  notices  of  men  more  or  less  connected  with  the  Province  in  its  early  days.  He 
quotes  many  letters  of  the  seventeenth  century,  but  rarely  refers  to  the  source  from  which 
he  drew  them.*  What  the  volume  contains  relative  to  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Province 
is  not  always  accurate.  Mr.  Neill  has  published  several  pamphlets  and  articles  on  the 
early  history  of  Maryland,  in  which  he  endeavors  to  show  that  Maryland  never  was  a  Ro- 
man CathoUc  colony,  that  a  majority  of  the  colonists  were  from  the  beginning  Protestants, 
and  that  the  Church  of  England  was  established  by  the  charter.^ 

1  [Bozman  was  born  in  1757  and  died  in  r*rotestant  and  Catholic  to  the  spirit  of  tolera- 
1823.  He  had  published  in  181 1  a  preliminary  tion  is  discussed  by  E.  D.  Neill,  in  his  "Lord 
Sketch  of  the  History  of  Maryland  during  the  Baltimore  and  Toleration  in  Maryland,"  in  the 
three  first  years  after  its  Settlement.  Some  of  the  Contemporary  Review,  September,  1876;  by  B. 
old  records,  supposed  to  have  been  lost  since  he  F.  Brown,  in  his  Early  Religious  History  of  Ma- 
used  them,  were  found  at  Annapolis  in  1875,  ^^^  ryland :  Maryland  not  a  Roman  Catholic  Colony, 
serve  to  show  the  accuracy  with  which  he  copied  1876;  in  "Early  Catholic  Legislation,  1634-49, 
them.  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United  on  Religious  Freedom,"  in  the  New  Englander, 
States,  i.  515.  —  Ed.]  November,  1878.     The  Rev.  Ethan  Allen,  in  his 

2  New  Series,  vol.  ix.  Who  were  the  Early  Settlers  of  Maryland?  pub- 
8  [Following   Chalmers,  it    had   been    often     lished  by  the  Historical  Society  in  1865,  aimed 

stated  that  the  Assembly  of  1649  was  Catholic  to  show  that  the  vast  majority  were  Protestant, 
by  majority;  but  four  or  five  years  before  this  Kennedy  also  had  asserted  that  the  Assembly 
publication  of  Davis,  Mr.  Sebastian  F.  Streeter,  of  1649  ^^'^  Protestant.  —  Ed.] 
in  his  Maryland  Two  Hundred  Years  Ago,  had  *  [He  says  in  his  preface  that  he  picked  up 
claimed  that  the  Assembly  which  passed  the  his  threads  from  the  printed  sources  in  the  Li- 
Toleration  Act  was  by  majority  Protestant,  for  brary  of  Congress  while  he  was  one  of  the  Sec- 
which,  so  late  as  January,  1869,  he  was  taken  to  retaries  of  President  Johnson.  —  Ed.] 
task  in  the  Southern  Re7)iew  by  Richard  McSher-  ^  [The  principal  of  Mr.  Neill's  other  contri- 
ry,  M.D.,  who  reprinted  his  paper  in  his  Essays  butions  are  The  Founders  of  Maryland  as  por- 
and  Lectures.     The  question  of  the  relations  of  trayed  in  Manuscripts,  Provincial  Records,  and 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


561 


The  latest  and  most  comprehensive  History  of  Maryland  is  that  by  Mr.  J.  T.  Scharf, 
in  three  octavo  volumes,  published  in  1879.  This  work  extends  from  the  earliest  period  to 
the  present  day.  Mr.  Scharf  publishes  in  full  many  valuable  documents  from  the  English 
state-paper  office,  among  which  is  an  English  translation  of  the  charter  of  Avalon.i 

Histories  of  Kent,  Cecil,  and  some  other  counties  in  the  State  have  also  been  pub- 
lished.2 

The  subject  of  religious  toleration  in  Maryland  — its  causes  and  significance  — has 
given  rise  to  much  discussion  both  within  and  without  the  State.  We  shall  refer  only  to 
a  few  of  the  many  pamphlets  and  articles  which  have  appeared  on  this  topic.  In  1845  the 
late  John  P.  Kennedy  delivered  a  discourse  before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  on  the 
Life  and  Character  of  the  first  Lord  Baltifnore.  He  maintained  that  toleration  was  in 
the  charter  and  not  in  the  Act  of  1649,  and  that  as  much  credit  was  due  to  the  Protestant 
prince  who  granted  as  to  the  Catholic  nobleman  who  received  the  patent,  and  that  the 
settlement  of  the  Province  was  mainly  a  commercial  speculation.  This  discourse  was  re- 
viewed in  1846  by  Mr.  B.  U.  Campbell,  who  contended  with  so  much  show  of  reason  that 
the  honor  of  the  policy  of  toleration  must  be  attributed  to  the  Proprietary  and  the  first 
settlers,  that  Mr.  Kennedy  felt  called  upon  in  the  same  year  to  reply  to  the  review.^  In 
1855  the  Rev.  Ethan  Allen  published  a  pamphlet  on  Marylafid  Toleration,  in  which  he 
upheld  Clayborne's  side  of  the  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore,  denied  that  Maryland 
was  a  Catholic  colony,  and  asserted  that  protection  to  all  religions  was  guaranteed  by  the 
charter.  This  question  was  also  referred  to  in  the  discussion  between  Mr.  Gladstone  and 
Cardinal  Manning,  concerning  the  Vatican  decrees,  in  1875.  Cardinal  Manning  had 
pointed  to  the  toleration  established  by  Catholics  in  Maryland  to  refute  Mr.  Gladstone's 
assertion  that  the  Roman  Church  of  this  day  would,  if  she  could,  use  torture  and  force  in 
matters  of  religious  belief.  Mr.  Gladstone  replied,  in  his  Vaticanism,  that  toleration  in 
Marvland  was  really  defensive,  and  its  purpose  was  to  secure  the  free  exercise  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  because  it  was  apprehended  that  the  Puritans  would  flood  the  Province.* 

^«r/>/Z>^<:«/«^;z/j,  published  by  Munsell,  of  Albany,  2  [Xhe  Rev.  John  G.  Morris,  D.D.,  began  a 
in  1876;  and  English  Colonization  of  America,  Bibliography  of  Maryland  in  the  Historical  Mag- 
chapters  xi.,  xii.,  and  xiii.,  where  he  first  printed  azine  (April  and  May,  1870),  but  it  was  never 
Captain  Henry  Fleet's  Journal  of  163 1.  Streeter,  carried  beyond  "  Baltimore."  If  a  topical  index 
in  his  Papers,  etc.,  gives  an  account  of  Fleet.  —  is  furnished  to  Sabin's  Dictionary,  when  corn- 
Mr.  Neill  also  printed  Maryland  not  a  Roman  pleted,  it  may  supply  the  deficiency ;  but  in  the 
Catholic  Colony,  Minneapolis,  1875.  — Ed.]  mean  time  the  articles  "Baltimore"  and  "Mar>'- 
1  A  manuscript  copy  of  this  charter,  both  in  land "  can  be  consulted.  Of  the  local  works 
Latin  and  English,  is  m  the  Maryland  Historical  references  may  be  made  to  a  few:  George  A. 
Society.  Many  writers,  including  the  Rev.  E.  D.  Hanson's  Old  Kent,  1876,  is  largely  genealogical, 
Neill,  so  late  as  187 1,  in  his  English  Colonization  and  not  lucidly  arranged.  T.  W.  Griffith  pub- 
in  the  Seventeenth  Century,  have  made  the  mis-  lished  in  1821  his  Sketches  of  the  Early  History 
take  of  supposing  that  the  charter  of  Maryland  of  Rfarylattd,  and  in  1841  his  Annals  of  Balti- 
was  copied  from  the  charter  of  Carolina,  granted  more.  J.  T.  Scharf  published  his  Chronicles 
in  1629  to  Sir  Robert  Heath.  The  last  two  of  Baltimore  m  1874.  David  Ridgely  published 
named  charters  were  both  copied  from  the  char-  in  1841  his  Annals  of  Annapolis  (1649-1872). 
ter  of  Avalon,  issued  in  1623.  [The  Marvland  Rev.  Ethan  Allen's  Historical  Notes  of  St.  Ann's 
charter  of  June  20,  1632,  is  printed  by  Scharf,  i.  Paris/i  (1649-1857),  appeared  in  1857;  and 
53,  following  Thomas  Bacon's  translation,  as  George  Johnstone's  History  of  Cecil  County  in 
given  in  his  edition  of  the  Laws,  Annapolis,  1765;  1881 .  —  Ed.]  ,  .  ,  , 
where  is  also  the  original  Latin,  which  is  like-  ^  [Mr.  Kennedy's  reply  appeared  m  the  ^m/^^ 
wise  in  Hazard's  Collection,  i.  327.  Lord  Balti-  States  Catholic  Magazine,  and  Mr.  Michael  Court- 
more  had  printed  it  in  London,  in  1723,  in  a  ney  Jenkins  printed  a  rejomder  m  the  same  num- 
collection  of  the  Acts,  1692-1715,  — an  edition  ber.  — Ed.]  ,  ,  t^  i,-  u 
which  Bacon  had  never  found  in  the  Province.  ^  [Mr.  Gladstone  was  answered  by  Dr.  R.ch- 
See  the  Brinley  Catalogue,  No.  3657-  The  Phil-  ard  H.  Clarke,  in  ,\.^Cathohc  World,  December, 
adelphia  Library  has  an  edition  printed  in  Phil-  1875,  in  a  paper  which  was  later  issued  a^  a 
adelphia  in  1718.-ED.]  pamphlet,  with  the  title,  Mr  Gladstone  and  Ma- 

VOL.    III.  —  71. 


562 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Students  of  Maryland  histor}'^  are  fortunate  in  possessing  an  admirable  edition  of  the 
laws  of  the  Province,  compiled  in  1765  by  Thomas  Bacon,  chaplain  to  the  last  Lord  Balti- 
more. It  contains  all  the  laws  then  in  force,  and  the  titles  of  all  the  acts  passed  in  the 
several  assemblies  from  the  settlement.  There  are  references  to  the  books  where  the  dif- 
ferent acts  are  recorded,  and  numerous  notes  upon  historical  and  legal  points. 

The  chief  impetus  to  the  study  of  the  history  of  Maryland  and  to  the  preservation  of  its 
archives  has  been  given  by  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  which  was  organized  in  1844.^ 
One  of  the  originators  of  this  Society  was  Mr.  Brantz  Mayer,  an  accompHshed  man  of 
letters,  who  until  his  death,  two  years  ago,  was  active  and  efficient  in  promoting  its  welfare. 
The  Society  has  a  large  membership  and  occupies  a  suitable  building  in  Baltimore.  Its 
library  contains  about  20,000  volumes,  including  nearly  every  book  relating  to  the  history 
of  Maryland.  The  collection  of  manuscripts  bearing  upon  the  Colonial  and  Revolutionary 
history  of  the  State  is  large  and  valuable.  It  has  also  many  rare  American  maps,  coins, 
and  pamphlets,  and  a  large  collection  of  Maryland  newspapers  from  the  year  1728.  The 
Society  has  published  about  eight  volumes,  relating  chiefly  to  the  history  of  Maryland. 
It  now  has  a  permanent  publication  fund,  which  it  also  owes  to  the  generosity  of  George 
Peabody. 

Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  many  original  records,  there  is  still  in  the  State  archives 
an  abundance  of  historical  material  which  has  never  been  adequately  worked  up  by  any 
writer.  This  material  is  now  better  known  and  more  accessible  than  formerly.  Many 
documents  in  the  state-paper  office  are  now  being  made  known  for  the  first  time  by  the 
calendars  published  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls.  It  is  probable  that 
the  papers  in  the  British  Museum  and  Bodleian  Library  will  also  be  calendared.  This 
varied  treasure  of  interesting  and  important  material  relating  to  the  provincial  history  of 
Maryland  has  never  been  thoroughly  searched,  and  the  history  in  which  a  satisfactory  use 
of  it  is  made  remains  to  be  written. 


ryland  Toleration.  Mr.  Gladstone  had  reissued 
his  Vaticanism  essays  with  a  preface,  styling  the 
book,  Rome  and  the  Newest  Fashions  in  Religion, 
in  which  he  reiterated  his  arguments. 

It  is  perhaps  largely  owing  to  the  deficiency 
of  early  personal  narratives  bearing  upon  Mary- 
land history  and  throwing  light  upon  character, 
that  there  is  so  much  diversity  of  opinion  regard- 
ing the  interpretation  to  be  put  on  the  charter  as 
an  instrument  inculcating  toleration.  The  shades 
of  dissent,  too,  are  marked.  Hildreth,  History 
of  the  United  States,  says,  "  There  is  not  the  least 
hint  of  any  toleration  in  religion  not  authorized 
by  the  law  of  England."  Henry  Cabot  Lodge, 
Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies,  p.  96,  says, 
"There  is  no  toleration  about  the  Maryland 
charter."  Some  light  regarding  Calvert,  on  the 
side  of  doubt,  may  be  gathered  from  Gardiner's 
Prince  Charles  and  the  Spanish  Marriage. 

In  Baltimore's  controversy  with  Clayborne, 
the  side  of  the  latter  has  been  espoused  by  Mr. 
Streeter  in  his  Life  and  Colonial  Times  of  Wil- 
liam Claiborne,  which  he  has  left  in  manuscript, 
and  of  which  an  abstract  of  the  part  relating  to 
Clayborne's   Rebellion  is  given   by  Mr.   S.  M. 


Allen  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Gene- 
alogical Register,  April,  1873.  -^^''  Streeter  was 
of  New  England  origin,  a  graduate  of  Harvard 
(1831),  and  had  removed  to  Richmond  in  1835, 
and  to  Baltimore  the  following  year,  where  he 
had  been  one  of  the  founders,  and  was  long  the 
Recording  Secretary  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society.  He  contributed  also  in  1868  to  its 
Fund  Publication  (No.  2),  77/1?  First  Commander 
of  Kent  Island,  —  an  account  of  George  Evelin, 
under  whose  administration  the  island  passed 
into  Calvert's  control.  This  tract  has  been  re- 
printed in  G.  D.  Scull's  Evelyns  i?t  America, 
privately  printed  at  Oxford  (England),  1881. 
Streeter's  "  Fall  of  the  Susquehannocks,"  a 
chapter  of  Maryland's  Indian  history,  1675, 
appeared  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  March, 
1857,  being  an  extract  only  from  a  voluminous 
manuscript  work  by  him  on  the  Susquehannocks. 
—  Ed.] 

1  [Lewis  Mayer  published  an  account  of  its 
library,  cabinets,  and  gallery  in  1854;  and  No.  i 
of  its  Fund  Publications  is  Brantz  Mayer's  His- 
tory, Possessions,  and  Prospects  of  the  Society, 
1867.  — Ed.] 


\  B  R  A  P^ 


INDEX 


rReference  is  commonly  made  but  once  to  a  book  i£  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  text ;  but  other  references  are  made 
when  additional  information  about  the  book  is  conveyed.] 


A  A,  Van  der,  Versameling,  79,  188. 

Abelin,  J.  P.  167. 

Accomac,  147,  179. 

Achter  Kol,  429. 

Acomenticus,   charter  of,   364;   river, 

322.     See  Agamenticus. 
Acosta,  map  in  (1598),  196. 
Acquines  (Hawkins),  82. 
Adams,  Annals  of  Portsmouth,  366. 
Adams,    Charles    Francis,    Jr.,    edits 

Morton's  New   English   Canaan, 

348  ;     on    "  old    planters  "    about 

Boston  Harbor,  347. 
Adams,  Clement,  36,  41,  43,  44,  47. 
Adams,  C.  K.,  Manual  of  Historical 

Literature,  166,  368. 
Adams,    Henry,   on   the    Pocahontas 

story,  162. 
Adams,  J.  Q.,  on  the  New  England 

Confederacy,  354. 
"  Admiral,"  ship,  171. 
Adventurers  in  Virginia,  127. 
Agamenticus,  190.     See  Acomenticus. 
Aggoncy,  184. 
Agnese,   Baptista,    map  (1554),    218; 

his  portolanos,  218. 
Agostino,  77. 

Agriculture  in  New  England,  3 16. 
Ahasimus,  422. 
Aitzema,  Histoire,  415. 
Albany,  390,  407.  ' 

Alcocke,  John,  autog.,  338. 
Alden,  John,  in  Duxbur^,  272,  273  ; 

autog.,   268;    last   survivor  of   the 

signers   of  the   Pilgrims'  compact, 

271. 
Aldsworth,  J2I. 
Alexander,   James,    452 ;    his  Bill   in 

Chancery,  452. 
Alexander,  J.  H.,  556. 
Alexander,  Sir  William,  327  ;  his  map, 

306,   341;  his  grant,  299;  his  En- 
couragement to  Colonies,  305. 
Alexandria,  province  of,  306. 
Allard,  C,  view  of  New  York,  416; 

map  of  New  York,  417. 
Allard,  Minor  Atlas,  384, 
Allen,    Rev.    Ethan,    556,   557,   560  ; 

St.  Ann's  Parish,  561  ;  Maryland 

Toleration,  561. 
Allen,  James,  autog.,  319. 
Allen,  Nathaniel,  479. 
Allen,  S.  M.,  562. 
Allen,    Zachariah,    377;   Founding  of 

Rhode  Island,  377. 
Allerton,  Isaac,  273,  276,  277;  autog., 

268 ;  assistant,  275. 
Allyn,  John,  334  ;  autog  ,  335,  374- 
Alsop,    George,   Province  of  Mary- 

land,  555. 
Amadas,  Philip,  io8,  iii,  122. 
Amazons,  118. 


America,   part    of   Asia,  69:   earliest 
English   publications  on,  199 ;  ear- 
liest instance  of  the  name  on  maps, 
214- 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  344. 
Amsterdam,  English  Brownists  in,  261. 
Amyrault,  Moses,  474. 

Anderson,  J.  S.  M.,  History  of  the 
Church  of  England  in  the  Colo- 
nies, 155,  286. 

Andress,  Lawrence,  436. 

Andringa,  Joris,  397. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  his  rule  in 
Plymouth,  282  ;^n  Connecticut,  335 ; 
in  Rhode  Istana,  339 ;  governor  of 
New  York,  3]q8,  429 ;  admniistra- 
tion,  4C0 ;  knighted,  401  ;  vice-ad- 
miral, 401 ;  arrets  Carteret,  401  ; 
portrait,  402  ;  governor  of  New 
England,  407,  444  ;  New  York 
added,  409;  in  Massachusetts,  321 ; 
imprisoned,  411  ;  interferes  in  New 
Jersey,  433,  434  ;  collects  duties  in 
New  Jersey,  431. 

Andros  Tracts,  362. 

Andrus,  Silas,  371. 

Anian  straits,  68,  80,  203  ;  sought  by 
Drake,  69  ;  gulf,  68 ;  regnum,  68. 

"  Ann,"  ship,  292. 

Ann,  Cape.     See  Cape  Ann. 

Annapolis  in  Maryland,  535,  561. 

Anne  Arundel  county  in  Maryland, 
535  ;  town,  557. 

Anonaebo,  77. 

Antillae,  201. 

Antinomian  controversy,  literature  of, 
349.  351 )  352  ;  in  Rhode  Island,  336. 

Antiquary,  a  London  periodical,  160. 

Apian's  map  (1532),  199. 

Appleton,  W.  S.,  543. 

Aquedneck,  336,  376,  377.  See  Rhode 
Island. 

Arber's  English  Garner,  346. 

Arboledo,  Cape,  77. 

Archceologia  Americana,  or  Trans- 
actions of  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  123. 

"  Archangel,"  ship,  175,  191- 

Archdale,  324. 

Archer,  Gabriel,  130;  his  Relation, 
131  ;  his  account  of  Newport's  ex- 
plorations, 154. 

Arctic  regions,  Cabot  in,  36,  39  ;  dis- 
coveries in  1586,42;  bibliographies, 
97.     See  Northwest  Passage. 

Arembec,  170,  185.     See  Norumbega. 

Arenas,  C.  de  las,  197,  213. 

Argall,  Samuel,  159,.  3o«.  305  :  ^'^- 
rested,  142 ;  expedition  to  Acadia, 
140 ;  elected  deputy-governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, 141 ;  on  the  Maine  coast,  178, 
179,  193  ;  at  Jamestown,  134,  139. 


Arica,  67. 

"  Ark,"  ship,  524. 

Arlington,  Lord,  150. 

Armor,  Governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
475- 

Armstrong,  Edward,  510,  516;  edits 
Budd's  Good  Order,  451  ;  edits  the 
Penn  Correspondence,  506  ;  on 
Penn's  landing,  513. 

Arnold,  James  N.,  381. 

Arnold,  S.  G.,  History  of  Rhode  Is- 
land, 376. 

Arran,  Earl  of,  370. 

Arundell,  Earl  of,  297. 

Asher,  G.  'i^i.,  Hudson  tJte  Navigator, 
99,  104;  List  of  Maps  and  Views 
of  Ne7v  York,  417. 

Ashley,  Anthony,  207. 

Ashton,  Robert,  IVorks  and  Life  of 
Robinson,  286. 

Aspinwall,  Colonel  Thomas,  350 ;  his 
library,  159;  on  the  Narragansett 
Patent,  379  ;  papers,  164. 

Assacumet,  i8o. 

Astrolabe,  207. 

Atherton  Company,  338.  See  Narra- 
gansett. 

Atkinson,  Joseph,  History  of  Ne^v 
ark,  456. 

Atlas,  earliest  marine,  207. 

Atwater,  E.  E.,  History  of  N^ew  Ha- 
ven Colony,  375. 

Augu.sta  (Me.),  365. 

Austerfield,  283,  284  ;  map  of  vicinity, 
259;  church  at,  260. 

Avalon,  519,  523  ;  charter,  561. 

"  Ayde,"  ship,  87. 

Baccalaos,  3,  9,  10,  12,  14,  26,  27,  29, 
32,  37,  42,  56,  loi,  185,  203,  213, 
215,  216. 

Backus,  Isaac,  377:  History  of  New 
England,  "sn  '.  Church  History  of 
Neiv  England,  377. 

Bacon,  Francis,  aspersions  on  Ra- 
legh, 120  ;  his  Declaration  about 
Ralegh,  121  ;  autog.,  121  ;  his  Cer- 
tain Considerations,  247  ;  Contro- 
versies of  the  Church  of  England, 
217. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  Genesis  of  the  New 
England  Churches,  285  ;  Thirteen 
Historical  Discourses,  359,  371  ; 
on  New  Haven's  civil  government. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  Jr.,  151. 

Bacon,  Thomas,  561  ;  Laws  of  Mary- 
land, 561. 

Bacon's  laws  (Virginia),  152. 

Bacon's  rebellion,  151  ;  authorities, 
164. 

Badajoz,  junta  at,  4,  48. 


5^4 


INDEX. 


Baffin,  William,  93  ;  autog.,  94 ;  au- 
thorities, 99. 

Baffin's  Bay,  99;  Luke  Fox's  map, 
98. 

Bagaduce,  190,     See  Pentagoet. 

Bagnall,  Anthony,  131. 

Bagnall,  Walter,  322. 

Baillie,  R.,  Anabaptisnt,  288. 

Baker,  Northamptonshire,  457. 

Balboa,  65. 

Ballard,  Edward,  210. 

Baltimore,  Lord.     See  Calvert. 

Baltimore  (town),  histories  of,  561. 

Bamfield,  483. 

Bancroft,  George,  154,  160,  162  ;  on 
the  Cabots,  43 ;  controversy  with 
Josiah  Quincy,  378  ;  on  the  Qua- 
kers, 509. 

Baptists,  228,  377  ;  in  Pennsylvania, 
494- 

Barber,  Connecticut  Historical  Col- 
lectio7ts,  375. 

Barcia,  Ensayo  Chronologico,  48. 

Barclay,  Alex.,  199,  202. 

Barclay,  David,  435. 

Barclay,  Robert,  435,  443;  governor 
of  East  Jersey,  436 ;  autog.,  436  ; 
his  Apology,  436,  503. 

Barclay,  Robert  (of  our  day).  Inner 
Life,  251,  504. 

Bardolo,  G.  G.,  26. 

Barentz,  217. 

Barker,  James  N.,  Settlements  on  the 
Delaware,  463,  512. 

Barker,  J.  W.,  History  of  New  Ha- 
ven, 372. 

Barker,  Thomas,  435  ;  autog.,  484. 

Barlow,  S.  L.  M.,  Bibliotheca  Bar- 
lowiana,  159. 

Barlow,  William,  Navigator's  Supply, 
208. 

Barlowe,  Arthur,  108,  122. 

Barney,  C.  G.,  163. 

Barret,  Charles,  457. 

Barrow,  Sir  John,  Chronological  His- 
tory of  the  Voyages  to  the  A  rctic 
Regions,  97  ;  Life  of  Drake,  79  ; 
Naval  Worthies,  102. 

Barrowism,  219,  254. 

Barry,  J.  S.,  History  of  Massachu- 
setts, 286,  344;  and  the  Bradford 
MS.,  286. 

Bartlett,  John  Russell,  Bibliography 
of  Rhode  Island,  354,  380  ;  Naval 
History  of  Rhode  Island,  380  ; 
Catalogue  of  the  Library  of  fohn 
Carter  Brown,  380;  edits  Rhode 
Island  Records,  377. 

Bartlett,  W.  H.,  Pilgrim  Fathers,  258, 
284,  292. 

Baudet,  Leven  van  Blaeu,  216. 

Bay  Psalm-book,  350. 

Baylie,  Dissuasive ,  351. 

Baylies,  Francis,  Memoir  of  New  Ply- 
mouth, 291. 

Bayne,  Peter,  English  Puritanism, 
252. 

Beach,  Indian  Miscellany,  167. 

Beare,  James,  102. 

Beauvois,  Eugene,  La  Noratnbegue, 
184. 

Becher  on  Frobisher,  103. 

Bedford,  Cape,  90,  91. 

Beechey,  Voyage  towards  the  North 
Pole,  98. 

Behaim,  Martin,  his  astrolabe,  207  ; 
globe.  212,  217  ;  life  by  Ghillany,  8. 

Behring's  Straits,  69. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  A  merican  Biogra- 
P^y^  94. 188,  291  ;  on  Pilgrim  history, 
291 ;  founder  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  344  ;  his  life,  344  ; 
papers,  344,  368  ;  History  of  New 
Hampshire,  ^6-;. 

Bell,  C.  H.,  on  the  Wheelwright  deed, 

366. 
Belle  isle,  213. 

Belleforest,  Cosmographie,  36. 
Bellingham,    Richard,      governor    of 

Massachusetts,  318. 
Bennet,  Richard,  148,  149,  537. 
Bergen,  422,  428. 
Bergenroth,  57. 


Berkeley,  John,  144,  145  ;  in  New 
Jersey,  422  ;  autog.,  422  ;  sells  his 
right,  430. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  147,  537 ;  autog., 
147  ;  governor  of  Virginia,  149 ;  Dis- 
course, 157. 

Bermuda,  216  ;  Gates  wrecked  at,  134. 
i35>  156- 

Bermuda  in  Virginia,  138. 

Bernard,  Recueil  de  voiages,  188. 

Berry,  John,  428,  436,  443. 

Berry,  Leonard,  118. 

Bertms,  Peter,  46. 

Beschrijvinghe  van  Virginia,  415. 

Besse,  Joseph,  on  William  Penn,  505  ; 
Sufferings  of  the  People  called 
Quakers,  359,  503. 

Beste,  George,  True  Discourse,  36, 
102,  204. 

Bevan,  Sylvanus,  475. 

Beverley,  Robert,  History  of  Vir- 
ginia, 164. 

Bezar,  John,  479. 

Bible,  authority  of  the,  227,  229. 

Biddle,  Craig,  507. 

Biddle,  Richard,  Memoir  of  Sebastian 
Cabots  14,  43. 

Biddle,  William,  441. 

Billings,  Hammatt,  293. 

Billington  Sea,  272. 

Binckes,  397. 

Birch,  Thomas,  Lives  of  Bacon,  121  ; 
General  Dictionary,  121. 

Biscayan  fishermen,  12. 

Bishop,  George,  New  England 
Judged,  359.       • 

Bishop,  History  of  A  merican  Manu- 
factures, 166. 

Bittle,  Edward,  515. 

Blackstone,  William,  autog.,  311. 

Blackwell,  Captain  John,  495. 

Blaeu  map  (1685)  of  New  England, 
381,  384;  atlas,  381  ;  globes,  216. 

Blagrave,  John,  Solace  for  Naviga- 
tors, 208. 

Blanco,  Cape,  80,  213. 

Bland,  Colonel  Richard,  158. 

Blaxton.     See  Blackstone. 

"  Blessing,"  ship,  134. 

Block,  Adrian,  376 ;  on  the  Connecti- 
cut River,  368. 

Block  Island,  382. 

Blome,  Richard,  Present  State,  etc  , 
384,  449- 

Bloody  Point  (Maine),  367. 

Bloody  Statute,  The,  231. 

Blue  Hills  (Massachusetts),  198,  342. 
See  Cheviot  Hills,  Massachusetts 
Mount. 

Blue  Laws,  371,  372. 

Blundeviile,  Thomas,  Universall 
Maps,  etc. ,  207 ;  his  Exercises, 
207,  208,  217. 

Bodega  Bay,  74,  75,  80. 

Body  of  Liberties,  314,  350,  371. 

BoUen,  James,  autog.,  428. 

Bollero's  map,  200. 

Boiling,  Robert,  141,  162. 

Boiling,  Thomas,  163. 

Bonavista,  Cape,  216. 

Booth's  Bay,  191. 

Bordone,  Libro,  194. 

Boston,  282,  283  ;  site  of,  visited  by 
Smith,  179 ;  by  Dermer,  183 ;  in 
Smith's  map,  198 ;  publication  of 
its  Record  Commissioners,  343  ; 
Harbor,  old  planters  about,  347; 
histories  of,  362. 

Boterus,  Welt-be schreibung,  102. 

Bourchier,  Sir  John,  300. 

Bourje,  T.  P.,  map  of  New  York, 
418. 

Bourne,  Edward  E.,  210. 

Bourne,  William,  Regiment  of  tJte 
Sea,  207,  208. 

Bouton,  Nathaniel,  363,  366;  edits 
Provincial  Papers,  367. 

Bowden,  Friends  in  America,  314, 
504,  508. 

Bowen,  C.  W.,  Boundary  Disputes  of 
Connecticut,  374. 

Bowen,  Geography,  185,  188. 

Boyle,  Robert,  356  ;  autog.,  356. 


Bozman,  J.  L.,  560  ;  History  of  Mary- 
land, 559. 

Bradford,  Alden,  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 344. 

Bradford  Club,  384. 

Bradford,  William,  notices  of  him,  289  ; 
Plymouth  Plantation,  286,  289  ; 
fac-simile  of  writing,  289,  292  ;  will, 
289 ;  Bible,  289 ;  descendants,  289  ; 
Dialogues,  289  ;  letter  to  Wnithrop, 
289 ;  his  verses,  289  ;  part  autlior 
of  Mourfs  Relation,  290  ;  Letter- 
book,  291  ;  fac-simile  of  record  of 
his  baptism,  260;  autog.,  268,  378  ; 
at  Plymouth,  273  ;  his  manuscripts, 
283  ;  life  by  Cotton  Mather,  283. 

Bradford,   William,  printer,  493,  515, 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  autog.,  338. 

Brain,  James,  435. 

Brant,  Sebastian,  Ship  of  Fools,  199, 
201,  202. 

Brantly,  William  T.,  "The  English 
in  Maryland,"  517. 

Brasil  Island,  loi. 

Brawnde,  Edward,  181. 

Bray  ton,  G.  A.,  Defence  of  Gorton, 
354- 

Brazil,  Pnsilia,  201 ;  Brasiliam,  201. 

Breda,  Treaty  of,  395,  415,  421. 

Bremen  (Maine),  365. 

Brent,  Giles,  532. 

Brent,  Margaret,  459  ;  autog.,  533. 

Brereton,  John,  Brief  and  True  Re- 
lation, 187. 

Breton,  Cape.     6"^^  Cape  Breton. 

Brevoort,  j.  C,  his  V^errazano,  12; 
as  an  historical  scholar,  20,  28,  41, 
53  ;  drawings  of  old  New  York,  419, 
420. 

Brewster,  Edward,  137. 

Brewster,  Jonathan,  autog.,  349. 

Brewster,  William,  at  Scrooby,  258 ; 
teaching  Elder,  277;  date  of  birth, 
287  ;  printer  while  in  Holland,  287  ; 
life  by  Steele,  285, 287  ;  autog.,  268, 
287 ;  his  library,  287 ;  at  Leyden, 
263 ;  in  Duxbury,  273  ;  his  sword, 
274;  his  chair,  278  ;  Brief  Relation 
of  New  England,    192. 

Brigham,  William,  on  Jones  of  the 
"  Mayflower,"  288  ;  edits  Plymouth 
Laws,  292. 

Brinley,  George,  374  ;  Catalogue  of  his 
Library,  211;  rich  in  Connecticut 
history,  375. 

Bristol  (England),  2,  5. 

Bristol  (Maine),  365. 

Bristol  manuscripts,  53. 

Brock,  Robert  A.,  "Virginia,"  127. 

Brockenbrough,  W.  H.,  History  of 
Virginia,  165. 

Brockholls,  Anthony,  398,  401,  402, 
404,  435- 

Brodhead,  J.  R.,  History  of  New 
York,  413,  414 ;  oration  to  com- 
memorate the  English  Conquest, 
414. 

Bronson,  Henry,  on  early  government 
of  Connecticut,  375. 

Brook,  Lord,  326,  331. 

Brooks,  N.  C.,  554. 

Brown,  Alexander,  on  Virginia  history, 
162. 

Brown,  B.  F.,  560. 

Brown,  G.  W.,  Civil  Liberty  in  Mary- 
land, 559. 

Brown,  Henry  Armitt,  456. 

Brown,  John,  of  Pemaquid,  321. 

Brown,  John  Carter,  his  library,  380  ; 
rich  in  Arctic  books,  97  ;  autog.,  381. 

Brown,  Nicholas,  381. 

Brown,  Peter,  273. 

Brown  University,  381. 

Browne,  Fox,  his  English  Merchants, 
78. 

Browne,  Robert,  and  Brownists,  261 ; 
his  autog.,  261. 

Browning,  Charles,  559. 

Brownists,  219,  248,  261. 

Bruce,  E.  C,  123. 

Briin,  Malte,  Histoire  de  la  Giogrof 
phie,  195. 


INDEX. 


565 


Brunswick  (Maine),  365. 

Brydges,  Sir  E.,  Resiituta,  102. 

Buck,  W.  J.,  Montg07nery  County, 
509;  Bucks  County^  510. 

Buckley,  John,  341. 

Budd,  Thomas,  441  ;  GoodOrder,  etc., 

^  450.  499-   . 

Bugg,  Francis,  Ptciiire  0/ Qtiakerism, 
503- 

Bulfinch,  Thomas,  Oregon  and  El 
Dorado,  126. 

Bulkley,  Gershom,  People's  Right  to 
Election,  375. 

Bulkley,  Peter,  autog.,  356. 

Bull,  Henry,  Memoirs  of  Rhode  Is- 
land, 376. 

Bullock,  William,  Virginia  impar- 
tially examined,  157. 

Burdett,  George,  326. 

Burk,  John,  History  of  Virginia,  165. 

Burke,  Edmund,  European  Settle- 
ments, 509. 

Burke,  Bernard,  Commoners,  457 ; 
Landed  Gentry,  457. 

Burleigh,  Lord,  86. 

Burlington  (New  Jersey),  432,  441,  456. 

'2>wxx\?i^,  Life  of  Leonard  Calvert,  560. 

Burnet,  Gilbert,  Reformation,  248. 

Burney,  Voyages  in  the  South  Sea,  78, 

Burras,  Anne,  132. 

Burrough,  Edward,  359  ;  autog.,  359. 

Burrough,  Stephen,  207. 

Burton,  Robert,  English  Hero,  83. 

Burtsell,  R.  L.,  New  Jersey  colonized 
by  Catholics,  457. 

Burwell,  Nathaniel,  164. 

Butler,  B.  F.  (of  New  York),  on 
Smith's  History  of  New  York,  412. 

Butler's  Hudibras,  237. 

Butrigarius,  26. 

Butten,  William,  284. 

Button,  Sir  Thomas,  93. 

Button's  Bay,  gS. 

Buzzard's  Bay,  278. 

Byllynge,  Edward,  435,  440 ;  in  New 
Jersey,  430;  autog.,  430;  trustees 
of,  432  ;  dies,  442  ;  difficulties  with 
the  Province,  451;  tracts  on  the 
difficulty,  451. 

Bylot,  Robert,  93. 

Byrd,  Colonel  William.,  145,  148,  158, 
159,  161, 

Cabell,  N.  F.,  Agrictdture  in  Vir- 
ginia, \iib. 

Cabot,  Anthony,  18. 

Cabot,  John,  maps  now  lost,  8,  24,  35, 
36;  license  (1497-98),  43;  date  of 
his  discovery,  44;  career,  i,  52; 
family,  3  ;  first  voyage,  2,  8,  32,  33, 
51,  216;  second  voyage,  3,  8,  57; 
first  printed  notice,  23  ;  letters  pat- 
ent, 37;  portrait,  58. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  mappe  monde,  6; 
described,  20,  217  ;  fac-simile,  22  ; 
notices  of,  24,  34,  43  ;  rejected  by 
Kohl,  45  ;  career,  2,  12,  52  ;  voyage 
with  Pert,  4  ;  in  Spain,  4,  48 ;  por- 
trait, 5,  31,  47,  58;  not  a  knight, 
32  ;  eaVliest  notice  of,  in  print,  by 
Peter  Martyr,  14,  15;  Hfe  of,  by 
Richard  Kiddle,  14,  43 ;  voyage  of 
1516-17,  28;  maps,  39,  41,  44.  45  ; 
Jwes  of,  43  ;  intrigue  with  Venice, 
/,(,;  refuses  to  return  to  Spain,  51 ; 
pension,  51,  56 ;  on  ascertainmg 
longitude,  207. 

Cabot  family,  58. 

Cabrillo,  68. 

"Cacafuego,"  ship,  67. 

Cadwalader,  John,  464. 

Cadwalader,  R.  M.,  Lmv  of  Ground 
Rents,  512. 

Caesar,  Sir  Julius,  47  ;  autog-,  205. 

Caines,  island,  68. 

Calamy's  Nonconformist  Memorial, 
252. 

Campbell,  B.  U.,  554,  '161. 

Campbell,  Charles,  History  of  Vir- 
ginia, 164. 

Campbell,  J.  W.,  History  of  Virginia, 
164. 

Campbell,  Lord  Neill,  443- 


Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Admirals, 
102. 

Calendar  of  State-Papers,  193,  343. 
See  Sainsbury,  Noel. 

California,  673  ;  visited  by  Portuguese, 
68  ;  gold,  72  ;  Gulf  of,  called  "  Mare 
Vermeo,"  79. 

Callender,  John,  Historical  Discourse, 
376. 

Callender,  Voyages,  79. 

Calvert,  Cecilius,  second  Lord  Balti- 
more, receives  charter  of  Maryland, 
520  ;  his  grants  to  settlers,  528 ;  ap- 
points Protestants  to  office,  533  ; 
deposed  by  Charles  II. ,  536  ;  strug- 
gles to  preserve  his  province,  537, 
539,  540;  succeeds,  541  ;  his  quit- 
rents,  544 ;  portrait,  546,  558  ;'  dies, 

547  ;  papers,  558 ;  tracts,  554. 
Calvert,    Charles,    third    Lord   Balti- 
more, 542,  547  ;  contest  with  Penn, 

548  ;  struggles  to  preserve  his  prov- 
ince, 552  ;  autog.,  542. 

Calvert,  George,  first  Lord  Baltimore, 
517;  autog.,  146,  518;  portrait, 
518,  558;  made  Baron  Baltimore, 
519;  a  Roman  Catholic,  519;  in 
Newfoundland,  519  ;  in  Virginia, 
519;  arms,  520,  558;  dies,  520;  his 
descendants,  520 ;  tracts,  553,  554. 

Calvert,  George ,  the  younger,  524. 

Calvert,  Leonard,  147,  459,  524,  555  ; 
autog.,  524  ;  dies,  533  ;  life  by  bur- 
nap,  560. 

Calvert,  Philip,  556;  autog.,  535. 

Calvert,  Philip,  the  younger,  540,  542. 

Calvert  pedigree,  559. 

Cambridge  Platform,  314,  334,  354. 

Cambridge,  Press  at,  350. 

Camden  Hills  (Maine),  176,  190,  191. 

Canada,  101,  213,  216;  as  an  island, 
203. 

Canada  Company,  327. 

Canaries,  islands,  as  the  first  meridian, 
214- 

Candish.     See  Cavendish. 

Cantino's  map,  218. 

Cape  Ann,  311  ;  settlement  at,  346. 

Cape  Breton  discovered,  2  ;  landfall 
of  Cabot,  24,  56  ;  mentioned,  101, 
201,  213,  216. 

Cape  Cod,  381  ;  visited  by  Gosnold, 
173  ;  on  the  old  maps,  197  ;  Pilgrims 
at,  267  ;  plan  of  the  harbor,  270. 

Cape  Fear,  213. 

Cape.    See  the  various  names  of  capes. 

Captain's  Hill,  272,  273,  284. 

Captivities,  a  hobby  of  collectors,  361. 

Carey's  Swan's  Nest,  93. 

Carleill,  J.,  Discourse,  205. 

Carpenter,  Samuel,  493. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  421  ;  in  Maine,  364; 
autog.,  388,  422. 

Cartagena,  63,  80. 

Cataya.     See  Cathay. 

Cates,  Thomas,  Summary,  82. 

Carter-Brown  Catalogue.  .S"^^  Brown, 
John  Carter. 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  in  New  Jersey, 
422  ;  autog  ,  423  ;  receives  new 
grant,  430;  dies,  433- 

Carteret,  James,  427. 

Carteret,  Philip,  governor,  424,  430; 
autog.,  424  ;  hostility  to  his  govern- 
ment, 426 ;  relations  with  Andros, 
433  ;  imprisoned,  434. 

Cathay,  3,  88,  91. 

Cartier's  Voyage,  204. 

Cartwright,  Colonel  George,  autog., 
388. 

C2iX\:^n^\.'%  Admonition,  233. 

Carver,  John,  284.;  at  Leyden,  263  ; 
governor,  271 ;  his  sword,  274;  dies, 
274  ;  his  chair,  278. 

Cary,  Colonel  Archibald,  145- 

Casco,  190,  382  ;  Treaty  of,  361. 

Cass,  Lewis,  515. 

Castine  (Maine),  190,  365.  See  Baga- 
duce,  Pentagoet. 

Caulkins,  Miss,  History  of  Norivich, 
375  ;  History  of  New  London,  375- 

Cavendish,  Thomas,  74,  77;  in  Vir- 
ginia, hi;  portrait,  83  ;  voyages,  84. 


Cayley,  Arthur,  Life  of  Ralegh,  lai. 

Cedri,  island,  67,  68. 

Cecil,  Sir  Robert,  517  ;  autog.,  206. 

Ceely,  Christopher,  82. 

Chaffin,  John,  441. 

Challer's  Cape,  90. 

Chalmers,  George,  Political  Annals, 

»59.   340,   414.  559;    Revolt  of  the 

American  Colonies,  559. 
Chamberlain,     Joshua,     Maine,    her 

Place   in   History,    190,    210,   211, 

366. 
Champemoun,  365,  366. 
Henry, 

Philip,      . 
Champlain  on  the  New  England  coast. 


Champemoun,  Sir  P 


'huip,  105. 


174  ;  on  the  Maine  coast,  191,  193. 
Champlain,  Lake,  327,  381,  382,  383, 

384- 
Chandler,  Peleg  W.,  Criminal  Trials^ 
^349- 
Charles  II.   proclaimed  in  Massachu* 

setts,  316;  dies,  406. 
Charles  City,  147. 
"Charles,"  ship,  95. 
Charlton  Island,  95. 
Charter  Oak,  375.     See  Connecticut. 
Chasteaux,  213. 
Chauveton,     Histoire    Nowelle    du 

Nouveau   Monde,    36. 
Chaves,  Alonzo  de,  49. 
C\\Gt\QV,fourtialofthe  Pilgrims,  290. 
Chesapeake  Bay,  213,  216;  De  Laet's 

map  (1630),  125  ;  explored  by  John 

Smith,   131  ;  maps  of  167,  465,  501, 

525  ;  visited  by  Spaniards,  167.    See 

Virginia,  maps  of. 
Chester,  Joseph  L.,  ^64. 
Chester  (Pennsylvania),  483. 
Cheviot  Hills  (m  Massachusetts),  198, 

342.     See  Blue  Hills. 
Chiapanak,  213. 
Chicheley,  Sir  Henry,  151,  152. 
Child,  Major  John,  354. 
Child,  Dr.    Robert,   354;   New  Eng- 
land's Jonas,  354,  355. 
Childley,       Catharine,       Independent 

Churches,  288. 
Chilton,  Mary,  272. 
China,  Gulf  of,  67  ;  routes  through  the 

continent  to,  183. 
Christison,  Wenlock,  505  ;  autog.,  314. 
"  Christopher,"  ship,  65. 
Church,  Colonel  Benjamin,  his  sword, 

274;  autog.,  361;  notes  on  Philip's 

War,    etc.,  361;    spurious  portrait, 

361. 
Church,  Thomas,  autog.,  361  ;  Enter- 
taining Passages,   361  ;   edited  by 

Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  361. 
Church  members.     See  Freemen. 
Churchill,  Charles,  his  likeness  passed 

off  for  Colonel  Church's,  361. 
Churchill's  Voyages,  0. 
Churchyard,  'J  homas,  on  Frobisher's 

Voyage,  36,  204. 
Chytroeus,  Variontm  in  Europa  Itin- 

erum  Delicice,  9,  21,  45,  46. 
Cibola,  80. 
Cimaronnes,  65. 
Cladera,  Investigaciones,  212. 
Claesz,  Voyages,  79. 
Claiborne.     See  Claybome. 
Clarendon,  Lord,  310. 
Clarendon  Papers,  414. 
Clark,  Daniel,  autog.,  374. 
Clark,     James     S.,      Congregational 

Churches,  285. 
Clark,  Dr.  John,  portrait,  315. 
Clark's  Island,  271,  272. 
Clarke,  Dorus,  372. 
Clarke,  John  (sectary),  220. 
Clarke,  John,  of  Rhode  Island,  336, 

337,  338. 
Clarke,   Dr.    Jolin,    378  ;    ^^  Newes 

from  New  England,  358,  378. 
Clarke,  Sir  Richard,  187. 
Clarke,  R.  H.,  415,  5154,  S*""- 
Clarke,  Samuel,  Life  of  Drake,  83. 
Clarke,  Maritime  Disco7>ery,  205. 
Clarkson,  Thomas,  Life  of  Penn,  505  ; 

Portraiture  of  Quakerism,  504. 
Claudia,  island,  213,  216. 


566 


INDEX. 


Clayborne,  William,  144,  146,  148,  458, 
522,  526 ;  incites  the  Indians,  527  ; 
war  with  Baltimore,  527 ;  regains 
Kent  Island,  532  ;  his  rebellion, 
533  ;  disappears,  542  ;  commis- 
sioner, 537 ;  in  the  archives,  556 ; 
Yong's  account  of,  558 ;  defended, 
561,  562. 

Claypoole,  James,  481,  492,  497  ;  au- 
tog.,  484  ;  his  letter-book,  497. 

Cleeves,  George,  322,  323. 

Clement,  Joiin,  History  of  Feniuicke^s 
Colony,  456. 

Clerk,  Robert,  212. 

Cluverius,  Introductio,  etc.,   184. 

Clyfton,  Richard,  259,  262. 

Coale,  James,  autog.,  273. 

Coale,  Josiah,  473,  476,  505. 

Coast  names  in  maps,  197. 

Cobbett,  Thomas,  Civtl  Magistrate's 
Power,  378. 

Cod,  Cape.     See  Cape  Cod. 

Coddington,  William,  377  ;  in  Rhode 
Island,  336;  autog.,  336;  portrait, 
378 ;  commission  as  governor  re- 
voked, 378 ;  controversy  with  Mass- 
achusetts, 378  ;  Demonstration  of 
True  Love,  378;  deed  to,  379. 

Coddington  usurpation,  337,  377.  See 
Rhode  Island. 

Codrington,  Thomas,  437,  443. 

Coffin,  Joshua,  History  of  Newbury^ 

315- 

Coke,  Sir  Edward,  300,  307. 

Colburn,  Jeremiah,  Bibliography  of 
Massachusetts,  292,  363. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  on  Smith's  His- 
tory of  New  York,  412. 

Coleman,  James,  Pedigree  of  Penn 
Fatnily,  507. 

Colliber,  S.,  Columna  Restrata ;  or 
English  Sea  Ajfairs,  84,  124. 

Collier,  J.  P.,  Rarest  Books  in  the 
English  Language,  154. 

Collier,  William,  266. 

CoUinson,  Richard,  Voyages  of  Frob- 
isher,  99,  102. 

Columbia  College,  411. 

Columbus'  third  voyage,  218. 

Colve,  Anthony,  397. 

Commelin,  Isaac,  Begin  en  Voort- 
gangh,  79. 

Commerce  of  New  England,  316. 

Comokee,  216. 

Compass  (sea),  208. 

Conant,  Roger,  311. 

"Concord,"'  ship,  172. 

Congregationalism  a  modification  of 
Barrowism,  254;  bibliography  of, 
246,  285,  293. 

Connecticut,  first  settled,  310;  "Old 
Patent,"  310  ;  history  of.  330  ;  first 
constitution,  330;  secures  a  charter, 
334)  374  :  guo  warranto  against  its 
charter,  335  ;  charter  concealed,  335  ; 
first  book  printed  in,  334  ;  sources 
of  its  history,  368  ;  origin  of  name, 
368;  Indian  names  in,  368;  the 
three  towns,  368  ;  original  constitu- 
tion of  them,  368  ;  Say  patent,  369  ; 
notes  on  the  constitutions,  369; 
royal  letters  to  the  governors,  369  ; 
laws,  334,  371,  374,  375  ;  capital 
laws,  371 ;  disputes  with  the  Dutch, 
373  ;  education  in,  373 ;  charter 
uniting  New  Haven,  334,  373 ;  col- 
onial secretaries,  374;  genealogies, 
375  ;  early  constitutions,  375  ;  quar- 
rels with  Rhode  Island,  374  ;  boun- 
dary disputes,  374;  Records  pub- 
lished, 375  ;  histories  of,  375  ;  laws 
under  Andros,  375 ;  local  histories, 
375  ;  Gazetteer,  376  ;  bounds  with 
New  York,  391,  398,  399,  405,  414  ; 
claims  to  land  in  Pennsylvania,  463. 
See  New  Haven. 

Connecticut  River  explored,  368; 
rights  of  the  Dutch  to,  369 ;  Eng- 
lish settle  on  it,  369  ;  map(  1666),  333. 

Connecticut  Valley  Historical  Society, 
^  344- 

Conner,  P.  S.  P.,  Sir  WUliatn  Penn, 
506. 


Conrad,  R.  T.,  513. 

Constable's  hook,  422. 

Constitution  of  Government,  first  writ- 
ten, 330. 

Contarini,  49. 

Converse,  J.  H.,  533. 

Convicts  sent  to  Virginia,  152,  160,  545. 
See  Virginia. 

Coode,  John,  548;  his  rebellion,  551. 

Cooke,  John,  283;  autog.,  268. 

Cooley,  W.  D.,  82. 

Cooper,  Captain  Michael,  181. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  435. 

Coote,  C.  H.  215. 

Cope,  Gilbert,  510. 

Copiapo,  67. 

Copland,  Rev.  Patrick,  144,  166. 

Copley,  Sir  Lionel,  553. 

Copper  in  New  England,  197. 

Cornelius,  Cape,  489. 

Cornell,  W.  M.,  History  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 509. 

Cornwall  county,  Maine,  325. 

Cornwallis,  Thomas,  524,  528;  autog., 
524- 

Coronelli,  map  of  New  England,  384. 

Cortambert,  E.,  217. 

Cortereal,  56,  69  ;  Terra  Cortesia,  201 ; 
Cortereali,  201. 

Cortes,  Martin,  Art  of  Navigation, 
207. 

Cortes'  conquest  of  New  Spain,  204. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  his  map,  2,  8,  194, 
217;  fac-simile,  8. 

Cosmographies  Introductio,  214. 

Cothren,  W.,  Ancient  Woodbury,  375. 

Cotton,  John,  writings,  255  ;  Way  of 
tfie  Churches  Cleared,  334,  351; 
Moses,  his  Judicials,  350;  portrait, 
351;  his  books,  351;  controversy 
with  Roger  Williams,  351,  378; 
with  Hooker,  352;  Bloudy  Tenet, 
351;  Keyes  of  Heaven,  351;  Milk 
for  Babes,  352;  and  the  Cambridge 
Platform,  354 ;  tracts  edited  by 
Guild,  377. 

Cotton,  John,  of  Plymouth,  autog., 
356. 

Cotton,  Josiah,  291. 

Coxe,  Brinton,  452. 

Coxe,  Daniel,  442. 

Cozones,  island,  79. 

Cradock,  Mathew,  311  ;  autog.,  311. 

Craig,  Neville  B.,  514. 

Crandall,  John,  378. 

Crane  Bay,  382.     See  Plymouth. 

Craney  Island,  iii. 

Crashaw,  Ralegh,  132. 

Crashaw,  William,  136;  sermon,  155. 

Cressap,  Thomas,  514. 

Creuxius,  map  of  New  England,  382  ; 
Historia  Canadensis,  382. 

Crispin,  William,  479. 

Croatoan,  112. 

Croese,  Gerard,  Historia  Quakeriana, 
503,  504. 

Crosby,  Early  Coins  of  America,  543. 

Cross-staff,  207,  208. 

Croswell,  Edwin,  372. 

Croswell,  Rev.  Harry,  372. 

Croswell,  Sherman,  372. 

Croswell,  Rev.  William,  372. 

Cro-tV7iinshield  Catalogue,  lofi' 

Cruden,  History  of  Gravesend,  207. 

Cuba,  name  applied  to  North  America, 
201. 

Cudworth,  James,  359. 

Cullick,  John,  autog.,  374. 

Culpepper,  Lord,  150,  152. 

Cumberland  Isles,  90,  91. 

Cunningham,  William,  Cosmographi- 
call  Glasse,  200. 

Curteis,  G.  H.,  Bampton  Lectures, — 
Dissent  in  its  Relation  to  the 
Church  of  England,  i^i,  253. 

Cushman,  David  Q. ,  History  of  Sheep- 
scot,  365.  * 

Cushman,  Mary,  283. 

Cushman,  Robert,  at  Leyden,  263 ; 
negotiates  in  London,  266 ;  in  Ply- 
mouth, 275;  his  Sermon,  290. 

Cushman,  Thomas,  autog.,  271. 

Cushman  Genealogy,  291. 


Cutt,  John,  330. 
Cuttyhunk,  173,  188. 
Cyppo  Bay,  67. 

Dale,  Sir  Thomas,  137 ;  governor  of 
Virginia,  138;  sails  for  England,  141. 

Dalrymple,  E.  A.,  554 ;  dies,  554  ;  his 
library,  554. 

Dalrymple,  Sir  John,  559. 

Daly,  Charles  P.,  Early  History  of 
Cartography,  9,  218. 

Damariscotta  River,  190. 

Damariscove  Islands,  191. 

Danby,  Sir  Thomas,  458. 

Danckaerts,  see  Dankers. 

Danckers'  Atlas,  417;  map  of  New 
York,  417. 

Danforth,  Thomas, in  Maine,  326  ;  au- 
tog., 326. 

Dankers,  Jasper,  fournal,  420. 

Dankers'  and  Sluyter's  fournal,  505, 
558-         . 

Danvers,  Sir  John,  158. 

Dapper,  Die    unbekante    neue   Welt, 

Dare,  Virginia,  114. 

Darnall,  C.,  511. 

D'Avezac,  217. 

Davenant,  Sir  William,  536. 

Davenport,  John,  portrait,  332  ;  autog., 
332;  Civil  Government  in  a  New 
Plantation,  371  ;, memoir  by  Dex- 
ter, 375. 

Davies,  James,  Voyage  to  Sagada- 
hoc, 192. 

Davies,  Richard,  autog.  484. 

Da  Vinci,  Leonardo,  his  map,  14,  214. 

Davis,  G.  L.  L.,  Day  star  of  Amer- 
ican Freedom,  560. 

Davis,  J.,  First  Settlers  of  Virginia, 
162. 

Davis,  Judge  John,  291. 

Davis,  John,  of  Sandridge,  navigator, 
73 J  99;  voyages,  89;  autog.,  80;  au- 
thorities, 99  ;  his  World's  Hydro- 
graphical  Description,  99,  205  ;  his 
maps,  99  ;  Seaman's  Secrets,  207. 

Davis,  John,  of  Limehouse,  99. 

Davis,  WilHam  T. ,  on  the  Pilgrims, 
284,  290. 

Davis,  W.  W.  H.,  Bucks  County,  510. 

D^vis  Straits,  89. 

Davis  Island,  90. 

Davison,  William,  258. 

Day-breaking,  The,  355. 

Day,  Sherman,  Historical  Collections, 
508. 

Daye,  Stephen,  350. 

Dealy,  P.  F.,  415. 

Dean,  John  Ward,  Memoir  of  Na- 
thaniel Ward,  350. 

Deane,  Charles,  his  library,  fassim^; 
on  the  Cabots,  i  ;  on  Virginia  his- 
tory, 153-155,  158,  159,  167;  on  the 
Smith-Pocahontas  story,  161  ;  edits 
Hakluyt's  Westerne  Planting,  208  ; 
notice  of  J.  G.  Kohl,  209 ;  on  the 
Popham  question,  210  ;  on  Smith's 
New  England  Trials,  211;  on 
John  Smith,  212;  interest  in  Pil- 
grim History,  259,  260,  284,  285  ; 
edits  Plymo7ith  Patent,  275  ;  edits 
Bradford's  History,  286 ;  edits  Brad- 
ford's Dialogue,  289 ;  on  Roger 
Williams,  290;  edits  Cushman's 
Sermon,  291 ;  on  "  New  England," 
295;  on  the  Narragansett  Patent, 
379 ;  on  J.  F.  Watson,  509. 

De  Bry,  Voyages,  123,  167. 

De  Bure  globe,  214. 

De  Costa,  B.  F.,  on  "  Norumbega," 
169  :  Northmen  in  Maine,  185  ; 
Cabo  de  Baxos,  188,  197;  Foot- 
prints of  Miles  Standish,  290;  edits 
Voyage  to  Sagadahoc,  190,  192 ; 
Hudson^ s  Sailing  Directions,  193  ; 
Mount  Desert,  194  ;  Verrazant 
the  Explorer,  199. 

Dee,  Dr.  John,  196  ;  his  map  (1580), 
10;  diary,  171,  196. 

Deerfield,  attack  on,  384. 

De  Forest,  J.  W.,  Indians  of  Con' 
necticut,  368. 


INDEX. 


567 


De  Laet,  hir  map  of  Virginia,  125 ; 
map  of  the  Chesapeake,  167  ; 
Nienwe  IVereldt,  184;  map  of  New 
England,  381. 

Delafield,  M.  L.,  412- 

Delaware  Bay,  137,  423,  465. 

Delaware,  northern  bounds  of,  477  ; 
bought  by  Penn,  480  ;  confirmed  to 
Penn,  489  ;  mentioned,  548,  549. 

De  la  Warre,  Lord,  Relation,  81, 156  ; 
governor  of  Virginia,  133  ;  autog., 
133  ;  goes  to  Virginia,  136;  in  Vir- 
ginia, 142  ;  portrait,  142  ;  autog., 
156. 

"  Deliverance,"  ship,  136. 

Dehthaven,  293  ;  Pilgrims  at,  267. 

Demarcation,  papal  line  of,  4. 

Denison,  Daniel,  autog.,  338. 

Denison,  George,  autog.,  338. 

Dennis,  Robert,  148. 

Dennis,  Samuel,  437. 

Denonville,  415;  and  the  Iroquois, 
408. 

Denton,  Daniel,  Brief  Description  of 
New  York,  419. 

De  Peyster,  General  J.  W.,  415. 

De  Quir,  104. 

Derby  (Connecticut),  375. 

Dermer,  Captain,  181-183,  194. 

Desolation,  land,  91,  100. 

De  Vries,  David  Pieterson,  422. 

Dexter,  F.  B.,  "The  Pilgrim  Church 
and  Plym.outh  Colony,"  257  ;  Life 
of  Jokn  Davenport,  375  ;  on  Goffe 
and  Whalley,  375  ;  on  relations  of 
New  Netherland  and  New  England, 

375- 

Dexter,  George,  First  Voyage  of  Gil- 
bert, 187. 

Dexter,  Henry  M.,  Congregational- 
ism, 238,  239,  245,  246,  293;  his 
historical  labors,  246  ;  his  bibliog- 
raphy of  Congregationalism,  246  ; 
visits  to  Scrooby,  284,  285  ;  interest 
in  Pilgrim  history,  285;  explores 
their  Leyden  life,  288 ;  edits  Mourt'' s 
Relation,  288,  290 ;  edits  Church's 
Entertaining  Passages,  36 1  ;  As  to 
Roger  IVilliams,  378 ;  recovers  a 
tract  by  Williams,  378. 

"Diamond,"  ship,  134. 

Diariunt  Europceum,  496. 

Digges,  Sir  Dudley,  94,  103. 

Digges,  Edward,  149. 

Diman,  J.  L.,  edits  Cotton's  Reply  to 
Williams,  378. 

Dipping-needle,  207. 

"Discovery,"  ship,  91-93,  128,  173, 
289. 

Disraeli,  Isaac,  Amenities  of  Litera- 
ture^ 122. 

Dissenters,  221  ;  in  Virginia,  148.  See 
Nonconformists. 

Dixon,  Jeremiah,  autog.,  489. 

Dixon,  William  Hepworth,  William 
Penn,  506. 

Dixwell,  Colonel  John,  374.  See  Re- 
gicides. 

"  Dominus  Vobiscum,"  ship,  185. 

Doncker,  Hendrick,  New  England  in 
his  Paskaert,  382. 

Dongan,  Colonel  Thomas,  439;  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  403,  407  ;  autog., 
403  ;  checks  Penn^s  attempt  to  ex- 
tend bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  404  ; 
retires,  409;  references,  415. 

Doppelmayr,  212. 

Dorchester  Antiquarian  Society,  344. 

Dorchester  Fishing  Company,  311. 

Dor!-,  Benjamin,  509. 

Dorr,  H.  (Z.,  Planting  of  Providence, 

377- 
Doughty  executed,  66. 
Douglass,  William,  346 ;  Summary  of 

British  Settlements,  etc.,  346. 
"  Dove,"  ship,  524. 
Dover  (New  Hampshire),  327  ;  Neck, 

326 ;    Hilton   patent  of,   367.      See 

Hilton. 
Downing,  Sir  George,  333  ;   mtrigues 

of,    387,    389;    pamphlets    agamst, 

415  ;  his  agency,  415  ;  Downingiana, 

4'5- 


Doyle,  J.  A.,  The  English  in  Amer- 
ica, 168. 

Drake,  Francis,  207;  with  Hawkins, 
63  ;  called  "  The  Dragon,"  64  ;  voy- 
ages to  West  Indies,  64  ;  autog.,  65  ; 
sees  the  Pacific,  65  ;  voyage  round 
the  world,  65  ;  on  northwest  coast, 
69  ;  and  the  Indians,  70  ;  takes  pos- 
session of  the  country,  72  ;  author- 
ities, 79;  World  Encompassed, -j^, 
79 ;  Sir  Francis  Drake  Revived, 
79,  82 ;  discovers  California  coast, 
465 ;  at  home,  73  ;  knighted,  73  ; 
again  with  Hawkins,  73  ;  dies,  73  ; 
crowned  by  the  Indians,  80;  Le 
Voyage  de  Drack,  79  ;  Le  Voyage 
Curieux,  79  ;  Expeditio  Fmticisci 
Draki,  80 ;  portrait,  81, 84, 168, 465  ; 
his  library,  81  ;  Cates's  Summary, 
82,  123 ;  expedition  with  Norns, 
82  ;  his  log-book,  82  ;  Maynarde's 
account,  82  ;  lives  of,  83  ;  bibliogra- 
phy of,  84  ;  fournalen  van  drie 
Voyagien,  84 ;  latest  notices,  84 ; 
at  Roanoke  Island,  112;  on  the 
New  England  coast,  188. 

Drake,  S.  G.,  Researches  among  the 
British  A  re  hives,  160  ;  Book  of  the 
htdians,  290 ;  editor  of  Baylies' 
New  Plymouth,  291  ;  accounts  of, 
360 ;  reprints  tracts  on  Philip's  War, 
360 ;  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  360 ; 
Narrative  Remarks,  361 ;  History 
of  King  Philip's  War,  361  ;  edits 
Increase  Mather's  Early  History 
of  New  England,  361  ;  edits 
Hubbard's  Narrative,  361  ;  edits 
Church's  Entertaining  Passages, 
361  ;  History  of  Boston,  362 ;  Me- 
moir of  Prince,  346. 

Drake's  Bay,  69;  where  was  it?  74, 
80. 

Dresser,  Matthseus,  Historien  von 
China,  123. 

Drew,  John,  91. 

Drogeo,  90,  loi. 

Drummond,  John,  435. 

Du  Creux.     See  Creuxius. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  portrait,  320;  autog., 
320,  356  ;  president  of  the  Council, 
320,  407. 

Dudley,  Robert,  his  maps,  74;  Ar- 
cano  del  Mare,  74,  194,  196,  303  ; 
his  Coast  of  New  Albion  map,  76, 
77  ;  map  of  New  England,  3S1. 

Dudley,Thomas,  265  ;  Letter  to  Count- 
ess of  Lincoln,  346. 

Duke's  Laws,  391,  414,  510,  511.  See 
York,  Duke  of. 

Dungan,  Rev.  Thomas,  494. 

Dunlap,  William.  History  of  New 
Netherlands  and  New  York,  413. 

Dunlop,  James,  on  the  Penn-Baltimore 
controversy,  514. 

Duponceau,  P.  S.,  512,  513. 

Durfee,  Job,  377. 

Durrie,  D.  S.,  Index  to  American 
Genealogies,  289. 

Dusdale,  Robert,  441. 

Dutch,  The,  on  the  New  England 
coast,  193  ;  on  the  Connecticut, 
369;  in  Pennsylvania,  494,  S'S^ 
embassy  to  Maryland,  557.  See 
New  ^fetherland. 

Dutch  Gap,  138. 

Duxbury,  map  of  harbor,  272 ;  settle- 
ments at,  273. 

Dwight,  Theo.,  Jr.,  History  of  Con- 
necticut, 375- 

Dyer,  Mary,  505. 

Dyre,  William,  440. 

East  India  Company,  92,  10?. 

East  Jersey,  population  of,  436  ;  laws, 

437;    Brief  Account  of,  438,449; 

Board  of  Proprietors,  439  ;  bounds 

with  New  York,  442;  Records,  452. 

See  New  Jersey. 
Easter  Point,  90.  ,       ^  ., 

Eastman,  S.  C,  Bibliography  of  .\e7u 

Hampshire,  368.  r^,  .,■  , 

Easton,  John,  Narrative  of  Philip  s 

War,  360. 


Eaton,  Cyrus,  History  of  Thomasion, 

etc.,  J90. 
Eaton,  Francis,  autog.,  268. 
Eaton,  Theophilus,  333,334;  memoir, 
371 ;  code  of  laws,  371  ;  New  Ha- 
ven's  Settling  in  New  England, 
354,  37«- 
Ebeling,    Professor,   Erdbtschreibung 

von  A  merica,  508. 
Eden,  Richard,  35  ;  Treatise  of  tht 
N ewe  India,  27,  199,  204  ;  fac-simile 
of  title,  200 ;  Decodes.,  14,  29,  30,  ^5, 
47,  200;  acquaintance  with  Sebastian 
Cabot,  30  ;  A  Brief  Correction,  etc., 
201  ;  edits  Cortes  Art  of  Naviga- 
tion, 207,  208 ;  Book  concerning 
Navigation,  x>t. 

Edmundson,  William,  494;    Journal,  ' 

^  452,  503-  .        ,  . 

Education  in  Connecticut,  373 ;  in 
Virginia,  early  efforts,  144;  in  Penn- 
sylvania, 492. 

Edward  VI.,  autog.,  6. 

Edwards,  ^d^axA, Life  of  Ralegh,  122. 

Egle,  W.  H.,  History  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 508. 

Elbridge,32i. 

El  Dorado,  116,  126. 

Eldridge,  John,  430. 

Elephants,  186. 

Eliot,  John,  the  Apostle,  315;  his  la- 
bors, 355 ;  autog.,  356  ;  Indian  Bible, 
356  ;  letters,  356  ;  portrait,  356  ; 
Christian  Commonwealth,  356 ; 
Tracts,  356 ;  Briefe  Narrative, 
356  ;  and  the  Bay  Psalm-book,  350. 

Eliot,  John,  Jr.,  360. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  autog.,  106. 

Elizabeth  (New  Jersey),  424;  history 
of,  456. 

Elizabeth  Islands  (Tierra  del  Fuego), 
66. 

Elizabeth  city,  147. 

"  Elizabeth,"  ship,  65,  90,  139,  173. 

Elizabethtown  Bill  in  Chancery,  452  : 
answers  to,  452,  453. 

Ellis,  Arthur  B.,  History  of  First 
Church  in  Boston.  256,  354. 

Ellis,  George  E.,  "Religious  Element 
in  the  Settlement  of  New  England," 
219;  on  intruders  and  dissentients  in 
Massachusetts,  378;  Life  of  Wil- 
liam Penn,  506. 

Ellis,  Thomas,  account  of  Frobisher's 
voyage,  102. 

Elton,  Romeo,  edits  Cullender's  Dis- 
course, 376;  Life  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams, 378. 

Emley,  William,  441- 

Emott,  James,  437. 

Endicott,  John,  sent  to  New  England, 
311;  portrait,  317;  autog.,  317;  at 
Salem.  346. 

Endicott's  company  at  Salem,  242. 

Endicott  Rock,  329- 

England,  her  title  to  North  Amenca. 
I,  39,  40,  41 ;  laggard  in  coloniza- 
tion, 184. 

English  in  New  York,  The,  385. 

English  Public  Record  Office,  343. 

Engronelant.     See  Greenland. 

Epenow,  180. 

Erasmus's  Encomium  of  Folly,  237. 

Eriwomeck,  467. 

Esopus,  390. 

Essex  Institute,  344. 

Estland,  loi. 

Estotiland,  91,  loi. 

Etechemins,  382. 

Etting,  F.  M  ,  474. 

Evangelical  and  Literary  Magazine, 
168. 

Evans,  B.,  Early  English  Baptists, 
253. 

Evans,  Charles,  504;  Friends  tn  the 
Seventeenth  Century,  504. 

Evelin,  Robert,  458;  Directions  for 
Adventurers,  459  5  autog.,  458. 

Evelvn,  George,  562  ;  at  Kent  Island, 
528. 

Everett,  Edward,  on  the  Pilgrims,  293. 

p>ertsen,  397. 

Exeter  (New  Hampshire),  329. 


568 


INDEX. 


Fa  BR  IT!  us,  Jacob,  494. 

Fairbairn,  Henry,  defence  of  Penn 
against  Macaulay,  506. 

Fairfield  (Connecticut),  333. 

Fairman,  Thomas,  494. 

"Falcon,"  ship,  106. 

Falkland  Islands,  66. 

Falkner,  David,  501,  502 ;  Curieuse 
Nachricht,  502. 

Falling  Creek,  145  ;  massacre,  163. 

False  Cape,  489. 

Farmer,  John,  367 ;  edits  Belknap's 
Hhtory,  368. 

Farmer  and  Moore,  Collections  of 
New  Hampshire,  367. 

Farollones,  77. 

Farrar,  Canon,  on  Ralegh,  126. 

Farrar's  Island,  138. 

Farre,  Elias,  441. 

Farrer,  John,  Discovery  0/ New  Brit- 
aine,  map  in,  464.     See  Ferrar. 

Fear,  Cape.     See  Cape  Fear. 

Featherstone,  Richard,  131. 

Fell,  Margaret,  504. 

Felt,  J.  B.,  343 ;  History  0/  Salem, 
363  ;  Customs  of  New  England, 
363  ;  Reply  to  White,  255 ;  Eccles- 
iastical History  of  New  England, 
256 ;  arranged  Massachusetts  ar- 
chives, 343. 

Fendall,  Josias,  540,  541,  542;  autog., 
540 ;  arrested,  548. 

Fenwick,  George,  332. 

Fenwick,  John,  Proposals,  449 ;  buys 
grant  in  New  Jersey,  430;  comes 
over,  431;  a  prisoner  to  Andros, 
431;  released,  432;  representation, 
441 ;  memoir  by  Johnson,  456 ;  His- 
torical Account  of  Salem,  455  ; 
history  of  his  colony  by  Clement, 
456. 

Fenwick  of  Connecticut,  370. 

Ferdinando,  Simon,  113;  in  Norum- 
bega,  171,  186. 

Ferrar,  Domina  Virginia,  her  map  of 
the  Chesapeake,  etc.,  168. 

Ferrar,  John,  168.     See  Farrer. 

Ferryland,  519. 

Fessenden,  History  of  Warren,  Rhode 
Island,  290. 

Figurative  map,  381. 

Finaeus,   Orontius   and   his    map,    10, 

"  First-comers  "  to  Plymouth,  292. 

Fisher,  J,  F.,  513  ;  on  William  Penn, 
506. 

Fisher,  Mary,  505;  autog.,  314. 

Fisheries,  grant  of,  296  ;  act  against 
monopolies  of,  298,  2gg,  300,  301, 
307- 

FitzGeffrey,  Life  of  Drake,  83. 

FitzHugh,  Colonel  William,  161. 

Five  Nations.     See  Iroquois. 

Fleet,  Henry,  526;  his  Journal,  561. 

Fletcher,  P>ancis,  in  the  World  En- 
compassed, 79 ;  Drake's  chaplain, 
66. 

Florida,  25,  37,  42,  201 ;  early  described 
by  the  English,  60,  61 ;  Indians,  78 ; 
account  in  English,  following  Ri- 
bault,  230. 

Florio,  John,  204. 

Flower,  Enoch,  492. 

Foley,  Henry,  Records  of  the  English 
Jesuits,  457. 

Folsom,  George,  210;  Catalogue  of 
Documents  relating  to  Maine,  208 ; 
Saco  and  Biddeford,  364 ;  Cata- 
logue of  Original  Documents,  364 , 
on  Samuel  Argall,  463. 

Forbes,  Alexander,  his  California, 
78. 

Force,  Peter,  Historical  Tracts,  pas- 
sim. 

Ford,  Philip,  autog.,  484;  Vindication 
of  Penn,  498. 

Forest,  Mrs.  Thomas,  132. 

Forster.  W.  E  ,  William  Penn  and 
T.  B.  Macaulay,  506. 

Fort  Nassau,  422. 

Fort  Orange,  390. 

"  Fortune,"  ship,  275. 

Foster,  John,  printer,  of  Boston,  361. 


Foulke,  W.  P.,  515.' 

Fox,  George,  442  ;  letter  from  Roger 
Williams,  378  ;  his  ministry,  469  ; 
portrait,  470 ;  plan  of  settlement  in 
America,  476 ;  tracts,  497  ;  Journal, 
^03  ;  Swathmore  manuscripts,  504  ; 
in  Maryland,  547.     See  Quakers. 

Fox,  Luke,  95  ;  his  Northwest  Foxe, 
95.  99- 

Fox,  Richard,  148. 

Fox  Channel,  94,  95. 

Fox  Island,  190. 

Frame,  Richard,  Short  Description, 
etc.,  500. 

Frampton,  John,  Joyfull  Newes,  204, 
205;  edits  Medina's /J  r/(?  de  Nav- 
egar,  207. 

Francisca,  201.     See  New  France. 

Frank,  manor  of,  497. 

Frankfort  globe.  214,  215,  217. 

Frankfort  Land  Company,  490,"  502  ; 
Curieuse  Nachricht,  502. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  Historical  Re- 
view, 508. 

Frascator,  24,  25,  26. 

Free  Society  of  Traders,  482,  497 ;  re- 
ceipt and  seal'of,  498  ;  their  articles, 
etc.,  498. 

Freeman,  History  of  Cape  Cod,  290. 

Freemen  to  be  church  members,  313. 

French  claim  to  the  Iroquois  country, 
406. 

Friends.     See  Quakers. 

Friesland,  loo,  loi- 

Frobisher,  Martin,  35,  36  ;  his  voy- 
ages, 86;  portrait,  87;  autog.,  87; 
relics  of,  89  ;  authorities,  99,  102  ; 
used  the  Zeno  map,  100 ;  Beste's 
True  Discourse,  102,  204 ;  De  For- 
bisseri  Navigatione,  102;  lives, 
102 ;  his  Straits,  86,  91,  98 ;  mis- 
placed, 100  ;  map  of,  103  ;  map,  195  ; 
Settle's  account  of  his  Voyage,  203  ; 
Churchyard's  account  of  his  Voy- 
age, 204. 

Fronde,  History  of  England,  79  ; 
Forgotten  Worthies,  99. 

Fuller,  Samuel,  284;  autog.,  268; 
cradle,  278. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  Holy  and  Prophane 
State,  83  ;  Worthies  of  England, 
102,  161. 

Fundy  Bay,  visited,  176. 

Furlano's  map,  68. 

Furman,  Gabriel,  420. 

Futliey,  J.  S.,  and  Cope,  Gilbert, 
Chester  County,  5 10. 

"  Gabriel,"  ship,  86. 

"  Gabryll  Royali,"  ship,  186. 

Gsvara,  Antonio  de,  207. 

Gali.     See  Gaulle. 

Galvano,  Antonio,  Tradado,  32. 

Gammell,  William,  Mejnoir  of  Roger 
Williams,  378. 

Garde,  Roger,  autog.,  364. 

Gardiner,  Lion,  331,  349;   autog.,  348. 

Gardiner,  R.  H.,  210,  291. 

Gardiner,  S.  R.,  Prince  Charles,  etc., 
122,  285,  517 ;  Personal  Govern- 
ment of  Charles  I. ,  524. 

"  Gargarine,"  ship,  170. 

Garrett,  J.  W.,  558. 

Gastaldi,  25. 

Gates,  Sir  Thomas,  133,  159;  autog., 
133;  wrecked,  134;  reaches  James- 
town, 136;  returns  to  England,  137; 
again  comes  over,  138. 

Gaulle,  Francis,  80. 

Gay,  Sidney  Howard,  on  Pilgrims'  his- 
tory, 290 ;  Popular  History  of  the 
United  States,  passim. 

Genealogies  of  New  England,  363  ; 
of  Virginia,  160. 

"George,"  ship,  142. 

George,  Staughton,  510. 

George's  River,  190,  191. 

Gerard,  J.  W.,  420. 

Germans   in    Pennsylvania,    490,  502, 

^   515- 

Germantown  (Pennsylvania),  491,  501, 
515- 

Gerritsz,  H.,  on  Hudson,  103. 


Ghillany,  Erdglobus  von  Behaim,  etc., 
214;  Martin  Behaim.,  8,  212. 

Giants,  201. 

Gibbons,  Ambrose,  327,  328. 

Gibbons,  Edward,  531. 

Gibson,  William,  435;  autog.,  484. 

"Gift  of  God,"  ship,  176. 

Gilbert,  Bartholomew,  187. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  89,  105,  171, 
187  ;  Discourse  of  Discovery,  35, 
200 ;  his  voyage,  39 ;  his  expedi- 
tions (1578),  106,  122;  (1583),  107; 
at  Newfoundland,  108;  autog.,  187; 
his  True  Report,  187 ;  his  charts 
lost,  196;  his  map  (1576),  203. 

Gilbert,  Sir  John,  118. 

Gilbert,  Otho,  105. 

Gilbert,  Raleigh,  176. 

Gilbert  family,  187. 

Gilbert's  Sound,  90. 

Gillett,  E.  H.,  Civil  Liberty  in  Con- 
necticut, 375. 

Girardin,  L.  H.,  165. 

Gladstone,  W.  E.,  on  Maryland  tol- 
eration, 561,  562. 

Globes,  early,  212  :  paper  on,  215. 

Glorious  Progress  of  the  Gospel,  355. 

Goche,  Dr.  Barnabe,  301,  305. 

"  Godspeed,"  ship,  91,  128. 

Godfrey,  Edward,  324. 

Godfrey,  J.  E.,  291. 

Goffe  and  Whalley,  374,  375.  See 
Regicides. 

Gold,  supposed  to  be  found  by  Fro- 
bisher, 87  ;  supposed  to  be  in  New 
England,  180,  181,  183. 

"  Golden  Hind,"  ship,  187. 

"Golden  Lion,"  ship,  539. 

Gomara,  Historia  General  de  las 
Indias,  26,  27 ;  account  of  Cortes, 
204. 

Gomez,  16,  195. 

Gondomar,  Count,  119. 

Goodell,  A.  C,  210. 

Good  Speed  to  Virginia,  155. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  Sr.,  145,  159. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  Jr.,  goes  to  New 
England,  145. 

Goos,  Peter,  Zee-Atlas,  418. 

Gordon,  Robert,  435. 

Gordon,  T.  F.,  History  of  New  fer- 
^^'■>  455 ;  History  of  Pennsylvania, 
so?,. 

Gorgeana,  190,  322,  323,  324,  364. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  175  ;  autog., 
'75'  275,  364;  plans  of  coloniza- 
tion, 180,  184,  192,  296;  grant  to, 
192  ;  Brief  Narration,  192,  193, 
365;  papers,  192;  his  fame,  210; 
fort  named  after  him,  210;  patent 
for  New  England,  297,  299,  300; 
his  grants  under  it,  299;  defends 
his  patent,  307 ;  attacks  the  Massa- 
chusetts Charter,  318;  his  province 
of  New  Somerset,  322,  323,  324; 
dies,  324,  365  ;  tomb,  366  ;  pedigree, 
366;  Laconia  patent,  327,  328;  his 
patent  on  the  Maine  coast,  341  ; 
grants' to,  in  Maine,  310,  363  ;  com- 
mission as  governor  of  New  Eng- 
land, 363  ;  deed  to  Edgecomb,  363  ; 
chosen  governor,  302,  3 10.  See  New 
England. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  the  younger,  pa- 
pers regarding  him  in  the  State- 
Paper  Office,  364  ;  patent,  322  ; 
seeks  to  recover  his  patrimony, 
324;  sells  it  to  Massachusetts,  325; 
A  merica  Painted  to  the  Life,  192, 
365. 

Gorges,  Robert,  sent  to  New  England, 
303  ;  at  Wessagusset,  304,  311. 

Gorges,  Thomas,  323  ;  autog.,  364. 

Gorges,  William,  in  Maine,  322. 

Gorges  and  Mason  Grant,  191. 

Gorges  Tracts,  365. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  336,  337 ;  autog., 
336 ;  his  trouble  with  Massachu- 
setts, 354 ;  Simplicitie''s  Defence, 
354,  378;  edited  by  Staples,  354; 
defence  of,  by  Brayton,  354  ;  in 
Rhode  Island,  378 ;  letter  to  Mor- 
ton, 378. 


INDEX. 


569 


Gosling,  John,  441. 

Gosnold,  Anthony,  132. 

Gosnold,  Captain  Bartholomew,  128; 
dies,  129;  on  the  New  England 
coast,  172  ;  authorities,  187  ;  his 
landfall,   188. 

Gottfried's  Voyag^es,  79;  Ne2ie  Welt, 
167. 

Gough,  History  of  the  Quakers,  504. 

Gould,  E.  R.  L.,  516. 

Gowans,  William,  420. 

Graeflf,  A.  op  den,  491. 

Grahame,  Colonial  History  of  United 
States,  378,  509. 

Grande,  Rio,  80. 

Granganimeo,  109. 

Granite  Monthly,  368. 

Grantham,  Sir  Thomas,  his  Historical 
A  ccount  of  some  Memorable  A  c- 
tions,  151,  164 

Grants  from  the  English  Crown,  153. 

Gray,  Francis  C,  350. 

"Great  Galley,"  ship,  186. 

Green,  Samuel,  printer,  351. 

Green,  S.  A.,  Bibliography  of  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society,  343. 

Greene,  G.  W.,  Short  History  of 
Rhode  Island,  335,  376. 

Greene,  Thomas,  533  ;  autog.,  533. 

Greenhow,    Oregon  and  California, 

78- 
Greenland,  91,  100,  loi ;  earliest  map 

of,    loi  ;    Fox's    map,   98 ;    Gron- 

landia,  203. 
Greenleaf,     Jonathan,     Ecclesiastical 

History   of  Maine,    365. 
Grenville,  Sir  Richard,  no,  114. 
Gresham,  Sir  Thomas,  86. 
Griffin,  Press  ift  Maine,  209. 
Griffith,    T.    W.,    Early    History   of 

Maryland,  561  ;  A  nnals  of  Balti- 

fnore,  561. 
"Griffith,"  ship,  431. 
Grigsby,  H.  B.,  158,  163. 
Griswold,    A.    W.,  Catalogue   of  Li- 
brary, 211. 
Grorland,  90,  10 1. 
Grolandia.     See  Grocland. 
Gronland.     See  Greenland. 
Groom,  Samuel,  435,  436,  440. 
Grynaeus,  Novus  Orbis,  10,  199. 
Gualter,  Rodolph,  248. 
Guamas,  R.  das,  197. 
Guatulco,  68. 
Guiana,   voyage   to,    105 ;   empire   of, 

117;     Ralegh    in,     124;    Ralegh's 

account,    124,   126  ;   Newes  of  Sir 

Walter  Rawleigh,  126. 
Guild,  R.  A.,  edits  Cotton  Tracts,  377. 
Guilford  (Connecticut),  333. 
Guinea,  200;  coast,  60. 
Gulf  Stream,  Dr.  Kohl  on,  209. 
Gurnet,  272. 
Guy,  Richard,  441. 

Hacket,  Thomas,  200;  his  version 
of  Thevet,  32. 

Haies,  Edward,  187. 

Haige,  William,  479,  511. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  123,  204,  205  ;  au- 
tog., 204  ;  depreciated  by  Biddle, 
29,  39 ;  connection  with  coloniza- 
tion, 189  ;  his  life,  189 ;  Divers 
Voyages,  37,  189,  204,  205  ;  Prin- 
cipal Navigations,  41,  44)  46,  97) 
185,  189,  205  ;  Virgitiia  Richly 
Valued,  189  ;  Wesieme  Planting, 
40,  108,  189,208;  map  (1587),  196; 
encourages  public  lectures  on  navi- 
gation, 207. 

Hale,  Edward  E.,  "Hawkins  and 
Drake,"  59. 

Hale,  Nathan,  515  ;  edits  Prmce's 
Annals,  346. 

Half-way  Covenant,  334  ;  literature  of, 

359- 
Hall,  Christopher,  102. 
Hall,  James,  in  the  Arctic  seas,  92.         , 
Hallam,    Henry,    Constitutional  His-  \ 

tory  of  England,  250.  | 

Hamilton,  Andrew,  443. 
Hamilton,    Duke    of,    370;    claim   to 

Connecticut,  335,  374;  autog.,  275.  I 


Hammond,  John,  Hammondv%.  Hea- 
mans,  554  ;  Leah  and  Rachel,  166, 

„  555- 

Hamor,  Ralph,  139,  141,  146;  True 
Discourse,  81,  157. 

Hampton  (New  Hampshire),  329. 

Hanam,  Thomas,  175. 

Hanbury,  Historical  Memorials,  288. 

Hanson,  George  A.,  Old  Kent,  561. 

Hariot,  Thomas,  in,  113,  123;  his 
Virginia,  81,  123,  205  ;  on  rhumbs, 
208. 

Harlow  on  the  Maine  coast,  178  ;  cap- 
tures an  Indian,  180. 

Harris,  John,  Map  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, 491,  516. 

Harris,  J.  Morrison,  122. 

Harris's  Voyages,  79. 

Harrison,  George  L.,  Remains  of 
William  Penn,  475. 

Harrison,  S.  A.,  Wenlock  Christison, 

^^  505)  555- 

Harnsse,  Henry,  Bibliotheca  A  meri- 
cana  Vetustissima,  9  ;  Bibliotheca 
Barlowiana,  1 59  ;  fean  et  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  218. 

Hart,  Thomas,  435. 

Hartford  (Connecticut),  330. 

Hartop,  64. 

Hartshorne,  Hugh,  435. 

Hartshorne,  Richard,  437. 

Harvard  College  founded,  314. 

Harvey,  Sir  John,  140,  146;  autog., 
156. 

Hasty-pudding,  62. 

Hatch,  Edwin,  Organization  of  the 
Early  Christ ia?i  Churclies,  254. 

Hatfield,  E.  F.,  History  of  Elizabeth, 
New  Jersey,  456. 

Hatfield,  attack  on,  384. 

Hatherly,  Timothy,  266. 

Hatorasic,  112. 

Hatteras  Indians,  1 16. 

Hatteras,  Cape,  213,  216,  465.  See 
Hatorask. 

Haven,  S.  F.,  on  the  Popham  Ques- 
tion, 210;  History  of  the  Grants, 
209,  302,  340. 

Hawkes,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the 
United  States,  166. 

Hawkins,  John,  voyages,  60;  autog., 
61 ;  portrait,  61 ;  his  coat  armor,  63  ; 
defeated  by  Spaniards,  64  ;  author- 
ities, 78 ;  his  Voyages  to  Guynea, 
78;  lands  sailors  at  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
170 ;  again  with  Drake,  73  ;  dies,  73. 

Hawkins,  Richard,  his  Voyage  to  t/te 
South  Sea,  78;  on  the  New  Eng- 
land coast,  181,  182,  194. 

Hawkins,  William,  voyages,  59;  au- 
thorities, 78. 

Hawkins-  Voyages,  79. 

Hawks,  Francis  L.,  533  ;  History  of 
North  Carolina,  124. 

Hawley,  Jerome,  524,  528. 

Haynes,  John,  governor,  331;  autog., 
331  ;  alleged  portrait,  331. 

Hazard,  Ebenezer,  Historical  Collec- 
tions, 153,  283. 

Hazard,  Samuel,  Annals  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 510  ;  Pentisylvania 
Archives,  510;  Register  of  Penn- 
sylvafiia.  510. 

Hazard,  Willis  P.,  Annals  of  Phila- 
delphia, 509. 

Hazlett,  W.  C,  Bibliographical  Col- 
lections and  Notes,  204 

Heamann,  Roger,  539,  554- 

Heath,  Sir  Robert,  561. 

Heckewelder,  John,  Indians  in  Penn- 
sylvania, 515. 

"  Helen,"  ship,  90. 

Hellowes,  Edward,  Invention  of  Na- 
vigation, 207. 

Hemans,  Landing  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  294. 

Hendricks,  Gerhard,  40i- 

Hening,  Statutes  at  large,  164. 

Henlopen,  Cape,  489- 

Hinman,  R.  R.,  Royal  Letters  to  the 
Governors  rf  Connecticut,  369; 
edits  New  Haven  Laws,  371- 

Henri  II.  (Dauphin),  map,  195,  217. 


Henrico,  138 ;  college  at,  141,  144. 

Henry  VII.,  his  sign-manual,  i. 

Henry  VIII.,  autog.,  4. 

Henry,  M.  S.,  162. 

Henr>',  William  Wirt,  "Sir  Walter 
Ralegh,"  etc.,  105  ;  on  the  Poca- 
hontas story,  i6a  ;  champions 
Smith,  162. 

"  Henry  and  Francis,"  ship,  438. 

Herman,  Augustine,  466,  549. 

Hermosa  Bay,  80. 

Herrera,  Historia  General,  47  ;  De- 
scription, etc.,  185. 

Hersent,  Samuel,  488. 

Heylin,  Peter,  Cosmographie,  466. 

Heywood,  John,  435. 

Hicks,  Elias,  504. 

Higginson,  trancis,  at  Salem,  346; 
Journal,  346  ;  New  Englatid  Plan- 
tation, 211,  346. 

Hildeburn,  C.  R.,  Press  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, 514. 

Hildreth,  Richard,  History  of  tlu 
United  States,  562. 

Hill,  Edward,  147,  149. 

Hillard,  George  S.,  Life  of  John 
Smith,  211  ;  Memoir  of  James 
Savage,  35.3- 

Hilton,  Edward,  326. 

Hilton,  William,  326. 

Hilton's  Point,  326,  327.     See  Dover. 

Hiltons  on  Dover  Neck,  accounts  of, 
366  ;  their  patent,  367. 

Hinckley,  Thomas,  autog.,  278,  356. 

Hingham  Meeting-house,  view  of,  319. 

Hinman,  R.  R.,  Early  Puritan  Set- 
tlers in  Connecticut,  375 

Hispaniola,  201.     See  San  Domingo. 

Historical  Commission  (.England),  re- 
ports of,  159. 

Historical  Magazine,  passim. 

Historical  Memorials  relating  to  In- 
dependents, 252. 

Hixon,  Ellis,  82. 

Hoadley,  C.  J.,  edits  Contiecticut  and 
New' Haven  Records,  375. 

Hoboken,  422. 

Hobson  and  Harlow,  193,  194. 

Hobson  on  the  Maine  coast,  178,  180. 

Hochelaga,  213,  216.    See  Montreal. 

Hogenberg,  34. 

Holland,  Henry,  Heroologia,  81. 

Holland,  English  exiles  in,  231. 

Hollanders,  193.     See  Dutch. 

Hollandsche  Mercurius,  415 

Hollister,  G.  H.,  History  of  Connec- 
ticut, 375. 

Holme,  John,  True  Relation,  etc., 
501. 

Holme,  Thomas,  481  ;  Map  of  PMla- 
delphia,  516 ;  Map  of  Pennsylvania, 
516. 

Holmes,  Abiel,  187. 

Holmes,  Obadiah,  378. 

Holmes,  O.  W.,  286. 

Honda,  Rio,  213. 

Hondius,  Jodocus,  46;  map,  47,  75; 
208 ;  map  of  California  coast,  79,  80 ; 
globe,  216. 

Hood,  Thomas,  on  Jacob's  staff,  207 ; 
Mariner's  Guide,  207  ;  Use  of 
Matliematical  Instruments,  208 ; 
his  map,  196,  197.  217 

Hooker,  Richard,  Ecclesiastical  Pol- 
ity, 228,  249 ;  Walton's  life  of  him, 

249- 

Hooker,  Thomas,  in  Connecticut,  330; 
autog.,  330;  his  Survey  of  Church 
Discipline,  334,  352  ;  controverts 
Cotton,  352. 

Hope  Sanderson,  90. 

Hope's  Check,  <.,■>,. 

"  Hopewell,"  ship,  347. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  governor,  371  ;  au- 
tog., 374. 

Hopkins,  Samuel,  429  ;  Youth  of  th4 
Old  Dominion,  162. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  on  Rhode  Island 
history,  376. 

Hopkins,  governor  of  Connecticut,  dies, 
371. 

Hoppin,  lames  M.,  Old  England,  285. 

Hortop,  Job,  Rare  Travailes,  186,205. 


VOL.    III. 


72. 


570 


INDEX. 


Hotten,  Original  Lists,  et%,  i6o. 

Hough,  F.  B.,  on  Pemaquid,  365. 

Houghton,  Lord,  285 ;  poem  on  the 
Pilgrims,  294. 

Houses,  early,  in  Pennsylvania,  491. 

Howe,  Historical  Collections  of  Vir- 
ginia, 165. 

Howgill,  Francis,  Popish  Ittquisitions 
in  New  England,  358. 

Howison,  R.  ^.,  History  of  Virginia, 
165. 

Howland,  John,  273;  autog.,268;  his 

.     marriage,  2S4 ;  family,  284. 

Hoyt,  A.  H.,  on  the  laws  of  New 
Hampshire,  367. 

Hubbard,  William,  autog,  362;  Trou- 
bles with  the  Indians,  361,  384; 
Present  State  of  New  England, 
361  ;  History  of  New  England, 
291,  362;  map  of  New  England, 
384. 

Hudson,  Henry,  voyages,  92,  103 ; 
authorities,  99,  103,  104,  193  ;  De- 
tectio  Freti  Hudsoni,  104 ;  on  the 
New  England  coast,  178,  193. 

Hudson,  William,  autog.,  338. 

Hudson  Bay,  Cabot  in,  26,  28,  34 ; 
James's  map  of,  96 ;  Fox's  map,  98. 

Hudson  River,  connects  with  the  St. 
Lawrence,  465. 

Hues,  Robert,  Tractatus  de  Globis, 
208. 

Humboldt,  Alexander,  Examen  Crit- 
iqjie,  8,  214. 

Hume,  David,  History  of  England, 
attacks  Ralegh,  122. 

Hunloke,  Edward,  442. 

Hunnewell,  J.  F.,  155. 

Hunt,  Robert,  129. 

Hunter,  Joseph,  284  ;  on  Pilgrim  his- 
tory, 283 ;  Founders  of  New  Ply- 
mouth, 284. 

Huston,  Charles,  Land  i7i  Pennsyl- 
vania, 512. 

Hutchinson,  Edward,  autog.,  338. 

Hutchinson,  George,  441. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  History  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  283,  344;  con- 
troversy over  his  papers,  344;  pub: 
lications,  344 ;  Original  Papers, 
344;  on  the  Pilgrims,  291. 

Huth  Catalogue,  82. 

Hylacomylus.     See  Waldseemiiller. 

ICARIA,    lOI. 

Iceland,  loi. 

Independents,  248. 

Indian  Bible,  Eliot's,  356;  bibliogra- 
phy of,  356. 

Indian  corn,  113. 

Indian  languages,  355. 

Indian  names  in  Virginia,  153. 

Indian  trails,  186. 

Indian  wars,  books  on,  361. 

Indians,  the  community-buildings  of 
the  southern  tribes,  62  ;  houses  on 
the  northwest  coast,  6g ;  in  Vir- 
ginia, 131;  about  Plymouth,  290; 
conversion  of,  315,  355,  393  ;  Society 
for  Propagating  the  Gospel  among 
them,  315,  316,  355,  356;  their  right 
to  the  soil,  341 ;  in  Connecticut, 
368  ;  books  on,  368  ;  in  New  Jersey, 
425  ;  and  the  Quakers,  473  ;  m 
Pennsylvania,  489,  514,  515;  in 
Maryland,  526,  527,  531,  555.  See 
Iroquois,  and  other  names  of  tribes. 

Ingle,  Richard,  147,  532,  533. 

Ingle's  rebellion,  555. 

Ingram,  David,  64,  170,  186;  his  ^.?- 
lation,  186. 

Inter-charter  period  in  Massachusetts, 
362. 

Interlude  of  Four  Elements,  16,  28. 

Inwood,  William,  457. 

Iron  manufactured  in  Jersey,  448;  in 
Virginia,  163  ;  first  in  America,  144, 

Iroquois  nations,  393  ;  wars  with  the 
French,  394,  408,  415  :  Jesuits 
among,  400,  406 ;  friends  of  the 
English,  404-406,  408.  See  Mo- 
hawks. 


Jack's  Bay,  74,  75- 
Jacob's  staff,  207,  208. 
Jamaica,  201. 
James  I.,  autog.,  127. 
James  II.    proclaimed    in   Massachu- 
setts, 321 ;  on  the  throne,  406. 
James,  Captain  Thomas,  95  ;  his  map, 

96  ;    his  Strange  and  Dangerous 
Voyage,  96. 
James  River,  128. 
Jameson,  J.  F.,  414. 
Jamestown  founded,  129  ;  view  of,  130  ; 

early  history  of,  153.     6"^^  Virginia. 
Janney,  S.  M.,  Religious  Society  of 

Friends,  504  ;  Life  of  Penn,  505. 
Jannson,  map  of  New  England,  384. 
Japan,    67,    68,    85  ;    (Zipangri),   201 ; 

(Giapan),  203. 
Jasper,  John,  473. 

Jeffrey,  Lord,  on  William  Penn„so5. 
Jeffreys,  Herbert,  152. 
Jenings,  Samuel,  440,  451,  488;  gov- 
ernor of  West  Jersey,  441  ;   Truth 

Rescued,  452. 
Jenkins,  M.  C,  561. 
Jenness,    J.   S.,  Isles  of  Shoals,    198; 

New   Hampshire,    366 ;    Original 

Documents,  367. 
Jerseys,  the  English  in  the,  421.     See 

New  Jersey. 
Jesuit  Relations,  193. 
Jesuits   in    Maryland,    523,   525,    531  ; 

their  letters,  553. 
"  Jesus,"  ship,  60. 
Jews  denied  Iseing  freemen  in  Rhode 

Island,  379. 
Jogues,  Novum  Belgium,  416. 
"  John  and  Francis,"  ship,  139. 
"  John  Sarah,"  ship,  480. 
Johnson,  Edward,  358;   autog.,   358; 

Wonder-working  Providence,  210, 

358,  365- 
Johnson,    Francis,    220,  261  ;  autog., 

261. 
Johnson,  George,  220. 
Johnson,   Isaac,  369. 
Johnson,    Robert,    his  New   Life  of 

Virginia,  156. 
Johnson,  R.  S.,  Memoir  of  Fenwicke, 

456. 
Johnson,  Samuel,  Life  of  Drake,  84. 
Johnston,    John,  History  of  Bristol, 

etc.,  190,  365. 
Johnstone,  George,  Cecil  County,  561. 
Johnstone,  John,  443,  450. 
Jomard,   Monuments  de  la   Geogra- 

phie,  8,  21,  217;  notices  of,  217. 
"  Jonathan,"  ship,  326. 
Jones,  Edmund,  173- 
Jones,  Y.,  Life  of  Frobisher,  102. 
Jones,  H.  G.,  500,  515,  516. 
Jones,  Joel,  Land-office  Titles,  512. 
Jones,  Samuel,  cnticises  Smith's  His- 
tory of  New  York,  412. 
Jones,  Skelton,  165. 
Jones,  Captain  Thomas,  of  the  "  May- 
flower," 269,  271,  288;  his  alleged 

treachery,  289. 
Jones,  Sir  William,  483,  511. 
Jones,  Present  State  of  Virginia,  164. 
Joseph,  William,  550. 
Josselyn,  Henry,  360. 
Josselyn,   John,    372 ;    Two  Voyages, 

360,  384  ;  New  England's  Rarities, 

360. 
Judxis,  Cornelius  de,  Speculum  Or- 

bis  Terrarum,  196;  his  map  (1593), 

196. 
Judith,"  ship,  63. 
J  net,  companion  of  Hudson,  103. 
Jury  trial,  first  in  Virginia,  146. 

Kalendarium  Pennsilvaniense,493. 

Kanibas,  382. 

Reach,  Ellas,  494. 

Keen,  Gregory  B.,  "  Note  on  New 
Albion,"  457. 

Keith,  George,  445,  501,  503. 

Keith,  Sir  William,  History  of  Vir- 
ginia, 165. 

Keipius,  501. 

Kemp,  Richard,  147. 

Kendall,  John,  128. 


Kennebec  River,  190,  382,  383  ;  Plym- 
outh patent  of  it,  278,  291,  308,  324; 
projected  settlement  on,  302. 

Kennedy,  J.  P.,  Life  of  Lord  Balti- 
more, 561. 

Kennett,  White,  Bibliothecce  Ameri- 
cancB  Primordia,  348. 

Kent  Island,  522,  526,  527,  528,  532, 
533,  538,  542,  562. 

"Kent,"  ship,  432. 

Kerr,  Voyages,  84. 

Kest,  Robinson,  Prediker,  286. 

Keymis,  Lawrence,  118,  120;  his  ac- 
count of  Ralegh's  voyage,  124. 

Kidder,  Frederic,  123  ;  on  the  Pop- 
ham  Question,  210. 

King's  Province  (Rhode  Island),  339. 

"  Kingfisher,"  frigate,  321. 

Kingsland,  Isaac,  437,  443. 

Kingsley,  Charies,  on  Ralegh,  126; 
Westward  Ho  !  78. 

Kingsley,  J.  L.,  Historical  Discourse, 

Kingston  (New  York),  390. 

Knight,  John,  92. 

Knowles,  J.  D.,  Life  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams, 378. 

Kohl,  J.  G.,  his  career  and  likeness, 
209;  his  Discovery  of  Maine,  or 
Documentary  History  of  Mai?ie,  8, 
12,  208,  209,  218  ;  his  Die  bei- 
den  dltesten  General-Karten  von 
America,  16;  his  cartographical 
labors,  209 ;  his  maps  in  the  State 
Department  at  Washington,  209  ; 
in  the  American  Antiquarian  Soci- 
ety, 209  ;  on  the  name  of  Rhode 
Island,  376;  Maps  in  Hakluyt,  80, 
124. 

Kort  en  bondigh  Verhael,  415. 

Kunstmann,  F.,  Entdeckung  Ameri- 
kas,  8,  82,  217. 

Labadists,  505. 

Labanoff,  Catalogue,  200. 

Labrador,   90,  loi  ;   Cabot's  landfall, 

34  ;  as  an  island,  203. 
Laconia,  308  ;  patent,  340,  367  ;  Com- 

Eany,  327,  328,  363  ;  sources  of  its 
istory,  366,  367. 

La  Cosa.     See  Cosa. 

Lacour,  Louis,  82. 

Lafreri,  Geografa,  10. 

Lake,  Sir  Thomas,  517. 

Lakeman,  Sijverts,  Treatyse,  etc.,  208. 

Lamb,  Joshua,  123. 

Lamb,  Martha  J.,  History  of  New 
York  City,  415. 

Lambert,  E,  R.,  History  of  New 
Haven  Colony,  375. 

Lambrechtsen,  Korte  Beschryving, 
418. 

Lancaster  Sound,  95. 

Lane,  Ralph,  187;  in  Virginia,  no, 
III  ;  autog.,  110  ;  his  narrative, 
122;  letters,  123,  124. 

Langford,  John,  Refutation  of  Baby" 
Ion's  Fall,  555. 

Langren's  globes,  216. 

Laon  globe  (1493),  212. 

La  Plata  River,  Cabot  at,  4,  48. 

Larkham,  Thomas,  327. 

La  Roque,  Armorial,  58. 

La  Salle's  discoveries,  403. 

La  Tour,  383. 

Las  Casas,  English  translation,  205. 

Latitude,  instruments  for  taking,  207. 

Latiobe,  J.  H.  B.,  514. 

Laudonni^re's  colony,  61. 

Lawrence,  Sir  John,  457. 

Lawrie,  Gawen,  430,  435,  437,  438, 
443 ;  autog.,  430. 

Lawton  on  William  Penn,  506 

Lawyer,  first,  in  Massachusetts,  351. 

Laydon,  John,  132. 

Leaming,  Aaron,  454. 

Leaming  and  Spicer,  Grants,  etc.,  of 
New  fersey,  454. 

Lech  ford,  Thomas,  351 ;  Plain  Deal- 
ing, 351  ;  its  manuscript,  351  ;  fac- 
simile of,  352;  autog.,  351,  353; 
note-book,  351. 

Leclerc,  Bibliotheca  Americana,  217. 


INDEX. 


571 


L'Ecuy  globe,  214. 

Leddra,  William,  hanged,  359,  505. 

Lederer,  John,  Discoveries,  157. 

Lefroy,  History  o^ Bermuda,  156. 

Legislature,  first,  in  America,  143. 

Leicester,  Earl  of,  64,  74. 

Leigh,  Sir  Thomas,  141. 

Leigh,  William,  158. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  411;  autog.,  411;  his 

dwelling,  417.  ^ 

Lelewel,  Giographie  du  Moyen  Age, 

8,217. 
Leng,  Robert,  82. 
Lenox,  Dukeof,  297,301,  341 ;  autog., 

T    ^^5"   1  ,, 

Lenox  globe,  14,  212. 

Lenox  Library,  380. 

Leroux,  212. 

Lescarbot's  map  (1609),  197. 

Levett,  Christopher,  303,  308,  366. 

Levick,  J.  J.,  John  ap  Thomas,  etc., 

515- 

Lewger,  John,  528  ;  autog. ,  528. 

Lewis,  Alonzo,  History  of  Lynn,  347. 

Lewis,  Lawrence,  Jr.,  488  ;  Land 
Titles,  512  :  Courts  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 512 

Lewis,  William,  531,  555,  556.  _ 

Leyden,  Pilgrims  in,  262  ;  university, 
262,  263  ;  plan  of  the  town,  263 ; 
Pilgrims  leave,  267;  later  emigra- 
tions from,  276,  277;  H.  C.  Mur- 
phy on  the  Pilgrims  at,  287  ;  George 
Sumner  on  the  same,  286.  See 
Pilgrims. 

Libraries  in  Virginia,  153. 

Lightfoot,  Bishop,  Christian  Miftis- 
try,  254. 

Lil,  H.  van,  on  William  Penn,  506. 

Linn,  J.  B.,  510. 

Linschoten,  Discours,  205 ;  portrait, 
206. 

Lions,  186. 

"  Little  James,"  ship,  292. 

Little  Harbor  (New  Hampshire),  326. 

Livermore,  George,  354. 

Livingston,  William,  411,  453. 

Lloyd,  Charles,  autog.,  484. 

Lloyd,  David,  48S. 

Lloyd,  Lawrence,  466. 

Lloyd,  Thomas,  autog.,  494. 

Local  histories,  363. 

Lock,  Lars,  494. 

Locke,  John,  and  Churchill's  Voy- 
ages, 205. 

Locke  or  Lok,  Michael,  86  ;  his  map, 
39,  205  ;  fac-simile,  40  ;  History  of 
West  Indies,  47 

Loddington,  William,  Plantation 
Work,  496. 

Lodge,  Yi.  (L.,  Life  of  George  Cabot, 
58;  English  Colonies,  160;  on  the 
Pocahontas  story,  162. 

Lodge,  Thomas,  with  Cavendish,  84  ; 
his  Margarite  of  America,  84. 

Lodwick,  C,  420. 

Loe,  Thomas,  473,  475. 

Log  invented,  207. 

Logan  and  Penn  correspondence,  506. 

Lok.     See  Locke. 

London  coast,  90. 

London  Company,  127. 

Londo7i  Spy,  373- 

Longfellow,  H.  W.,  Courtship  of 
Miles  Standish,  294. 

Long  Island,  388,  4S7>  458 ;  assigned 
to  New  York,  3Q1. 

Longitude,  methods  of,  35,  41  ;  first 
meridian  of,  212,  214. 

"  Lord  Sturton,"  ship,  186. 

Lorrencourt,  79. 

Lotteries,  141  ;  in  Virginia,  158. 

Lovelace,  Francis,  governor,  395  ;  au- 
tog., 395  ;  leaves,  397;  letters,  414- 

Lucas,  Charters  of  the  Old  English 
Colonies,  153. 

Lucas,  Nicolas,  autog.,  430- 

Ludlow's  laws  (Connecticut),  334' 

Ludwell,  Thomas,  149. 

Lumley's  Inlet,  90. 

Lyford,  John,  277. 

Lygonia,  191,  323.  324' 

Lyon,  Henry,  437. 


Macaulay,  T.  B.,  on  William  Penn, 
506 ;  his  views  controverted,  506. 

Macauley,  James,  History  of  New 
York,  413. 

Mace,  Captain  Samuel,  115. 

Mackie,  J.  M.,  Life  of  Samuel  Gor- 
ton, 378. 

Macock,  Samuel,  143. 

Madison,  Isaac,  141,  146. 

"  Madre  de  Dios,"  ship,  116. 

MafEeius,  map  (1593),  196;  Historia- 
rum  Indicarum  Itbri,  196. 

Magellan,  66;  his  straits,  201,  203. 

Magin,  Histoire  Universelle,  184. 

Magnetic  pole  first  suggested,  207. 

Mame,  documentary  history,  208  ; 
grants  and  charters,  209 ;  province 
of,  310,  324;  bought  by  Massachu- 
setts, 320,  324;  her  history,  321; 
patents,  321  ;  Massachusetts  again 
in  possession,  325  ;  authorities  on  the 
history  of,  363  ;  origin  of  name,  363  ; 
patent  to  Gorges,  363  ;  royal  char- 
ter, 363;  records,  363,  364:  royal 
commissioners  in,  325,  363 ;  histo- 
ries of,  364 ;  bibliography  of,  209, 
365  ;  map  of  the  coast,  190 ;  Eng- 
lish on  the  coast,  193.  See  Gorges, 
Norumbega,  Pemaquid,  Popham. 

Maine  Historical  Society,  208;  Col- 
lections, 365. 

Major,  R.  H.,  191;  on  Cabot's  voy- 
age, 45, 

Malabar,  Cape,  382,  383. 

Malectites,  382. 

Malignants,  147. 

Man,  Abraham,  488. 

Manchese,  no,  in. 

Mangi,  sea,  67,  68 ;  region,  68. 

Manning,  Captain,  397. 

Manoa,  117. 

Manomet,  272. 

Manor  of  Frank  (Pennsylvania),  482. 

Manteo,  no,  in,  114. 

Manufactures  in  Virginia.  166  ;  in 
New  England,  316. 

Marco,  Cape,  loi. 

"  Maria,"  ship,  95. 

Mariana,  367. 

"  Marigold,"  ship,  65,  187. 

Mariner's  Mirrour,  207. 

Markham,  A.  H.,  Voyages  of  John 
Davis,  99. 

Markham,  C.  R.,  79  ;  Voyages  of  Baf- 
fin, 99. 

Markham,  William,  47S;  letters,  497. 

Maroons,  65. 

Marriage,  first,  in  Virginia,  132. 

Marshall,  O.  H.,  on  the  charters  of 
New  York,  414;  on  Denonville's 
expedition,  415. 

Marsillac,  J.,  Vie  de  Penn,  506. 

Marston,  Eastward  ho  !  128. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  180, 

Martin,  John,  128,  137,  143,  146. 

Martin,  J.  H.,  Chester  and  its  Vicin- 
ity, 510. 

Martin,  Gazetteer  of  Virginia,  165 

Martin  Mar- Prelate  Tracts,  237,  238. 

Martindale,  J-  C,  Byberry  and  More- 
land,  509. 

Marvin,  W.  T.  R.,  edits  the  New  Eng- 
land's Joflas,  355. 

Mary,  Queen,  autog.,  7. 

"  Mary  and  John,"  ship,  176. 

"Mary  of  Guilford,"  ship,  170,  185, 
186. 

Maryland,  history  of,  517;  charter, 
517;  name  of,  520;  bounds,  520; 
powers  of  the  Proprietors,  520,  52 1  ; 
rights  of  the  settlers,  522  ;  contro- 
versy with  Virginia,  522,  528 ;  Jesuit 
missions,  523,  554 ;  the  charter's 
significance  of  toleration,  523.  530, 
562  ;  map  of,  465,  525  ;  colonists  ar- 
rive, 526;  early  assemblies,  527, 
528,  530,  531;  struggle  of  colonists 
with  the  Proprietor,  529;  Ingle's 
usurpation,  532  ;  overthrown,  532  ; 
Toleration  Act,  534,  54i,  SJS.  560; 
passed  bv  Catholics,  534:  indorse- 
ment of,  535  ;  Puritan  settlers,  535; 
two  houses  of  the  Assembly  formed, 


536 ;  Qpmmissioners'  demands,  537  ; 
second  conquest,  sjS ;  victory  of  the 
Puritans  of  Providence,  539 ;  the 
Proprietor  reinstated,  541  ;  popula- 
tion, 543  ;  coinage,  543 ;  boundary 
disputes  with  Pennsylvania,  478, 
488,  489,  S48 ;  writ  of  quo  "warranto 
against  the  charter^  550;  Coode's 
"Association,"  551;  proprietary 
government  ends,  552 ;  a  royal 
province,  553  ;  sources  of  its  history, 
553;  Relation  (of  1634),  553;  (of 
•635),  553  ;  letters  of  Jesuit  mission- 
aries, 553  ;  map,  553  ;  boundary  dis- 
putes with  Virginia,  554  ;  battle  of 
Providence,  authorities  on,  554 ;  ar- 
chives of  the  State,  555-557 ;  laws, 
529,  556,  557.  562  ;  calendar  of  State 
papers,  556 ;  loss  of  records,  557  ; 
documents  in  State-Paper  Office  in 
London,  557 ;  index  to  them,  557; 
other  manuscript  sources,  557  ;  his- 
tories, 559  ;  seal  of  the  colony,  559; 
proportion  of  Catholics,  560 ;  the 
question  of  toleration  discussed,  561 ; 
source  of  charter,  561 ;  bibliography 
of,  561  ;  local  histories,  561.  See 
Calvert,  Kent  Island,  etc. 

Maryland  Historical  Society,  562  ;  pub- 
lications, 562. 

Mason,  Charles,  autog.,  489. 

Mason,  Captain  John,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, on  the  Maine  coast,  193  ;  his 
will,  367 ;  grant  of  Laconia,  308, 
327,  328  ;  vice-president  of  Council 
for  New  England,  309;  grant  of  New 
Hampshire,  310,  367;  his  grants, 
329;  autog.,  364;  dies,  328;  me- 
moir by  C.  W.  Tuttle,  364. 

Mason,  John,  of  Connecticut,  in  Pe- 
quot  war,  348;  autog.,  348;  his 
narrative,  349. 

Mason,  Robert  Tufton,  329,  367. 

Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  489,  514,  515. 

Massa,  104. 

Massachusetts,  310;  early  meant  Bos- 
ton Harbor,  179,  183  ;  patent,  309, 
310,  342;  charter,  311,  342,  343; 
government  of,  312;  objects  of  the 
founders,  312;  charter  attacked, 
313;  charter  concealed,  318;  her 
relations  with  the  other  colonies, 
3 16 ;  buys  the  patent  of  Maine,  320, 
364  ;  writ  of  quo  warranto  against 
the  charter,  321  ;  origin  of  name  of, 

342  ;  authorities  for  its  history,  342  ; 
government  transferred  to  the  soil, 
343 ;  archives  of,  343  ;  records  print- 
ed, 343,  359  ;  manuscripts  elsewhere, 

343  ;  histories  of,  344  ;  laws  of  314, 
349-35'.  373;  struggle  to  maintain 
Its  charter,  362  :  authorities  on  the 
struggle,  362  ;  bibliography  of,  363  ; 
claims  westward  to  the  Pacific,  396  ; 
claim  to  lands  west  of  the  Hudson, 
405.     See  New  England. 

Massachusetts  Company,  342,  343. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  ar- 
chives of,  343  ;  publications,  343 ; 
Collections,  343;  Proceedings,  t^^z. 

Massachusetts  Mount,  342.  See  Blue 
Hills 

Massachusetts  River,  342. 

Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  245. 

Massonia,  367. 

Massasoit,  274,  282  ;  his  family,  290. 

Mataoka.     See  Pocahontas. 

Mather,  Cotton,  autog.,  319;  his  li- 
brary, 345 ;  Ecclesiastical  History 
of  Netu  England,  or  Magnolia, 
240,  283,  345  :  portrait,  345 ;  Diary, 
345  ;  Parentator,  345  ;  on  the 
Wheelwright  deed,  367  ;  map  of 
New  England,  345,  384  ;  forged  let- 
ter of,  502. 

Mather,  Increase,  Relation  of  tlte 
Troubles,  j,^^,  361;  Brief  History 
of  the  War,  361. 

Mather,  Richard,  255,  350. 

Mather  Papers,  374., 

Matowack,  388. 

Matthews,  Samuel,  149. 

Mattson,  Margaret,  488. 


572 


INDEX. 


Maverick,  Samuel,  360;  autog.,  311, 
388 ;  controversy  with  Massachu- 
setts, 354. 

Mavooshen,  363. 

Maxwell's  Virginia  Historical  Re- 
gister, 168. 

May,  Dorothy,  autog.,  268. 

May's  Arctic  expedition,  104. 

Mayer,  Brantz,  533,  559,  562  ;  Calvert 
and  Penn,  507. 

Mayer,  Lewis,  557,  562. 

"  Mayflower,"  ship,  267  ;  passengers 
on,  267,  292  ;  their  autographs,  268 ; 
last  survivor,  271  ;  passengers,  ori- 
gin of,  284  ;  her  history,  290.  See 
Pilgrims,  Jones. 

Maynarde,  Thomas,  82. 

McCall,  Peter,  512. 

McCamant,  Thomas,  510. 

McCormick,  S.  J.,  372. 

McDonald,  Colonel  A.  W.,  his  report 
on  Virginia  bounds,  159. 

McMahon,  J.  V.  L..,  History  of  Mary- 
land, 559. 

McSherry,  James,  History  of  Mary- 
land, 560. 

McSherry,  Richard,  560;  Essays  and 
Lectures,  560. 

Meade,  Old  Churches  and  Families 
of  Virginia,  160. 

Medina,  A  rte  de  Navegar,  207. 

Meeting-houses,  old,  in  New  England, 
319- 

Megiser,  Septentrio  novantiquus,  104. 

Melton,  Edward,  Zee-  en  Landreizen, 
419. 

Mendocino,  Cape,  74-76,  80. 

Menzies  Catalogue,  passim. 

Mennonites,  251,  479,  490. 

Mercator,  Gerard,  his  engraved  gores 
of  a  globe,  214;  Hondy's  edition, 
167,  381  ;  his  projection  improved 
by  Wright,  208. 

Merchant  adventurers,  266. 

Merlan,  J    E.  V.,  491. 

"  Mermaid,"  ship,  89. 

Merrill,  James  C,  353. 

Merry  Mount,  278. 

Metacomet,  282. 

Meta  Incognita,  86,  89,  91. 

Meusel,  Bibliotheca  Historica,  124. 

Mew,  Richard,  435. 

Mexico,  press  in,  350. 

Mey,  Cornelius  Jacobsen,  422. 

Miantonomo,  368. 

"  Michael,"  ship,  86. 

Michener,  Ezra,  Early  Quakerism, 
.505- 

Mickle,  Isaac,  Old  Gloucester,  456. 

Middletown  (New  Jersey),  424,  427. 

Milford  (Connecticut),  333. 

Millard,  F.  J.,  104. 

Millenary  petition,  239. 

Miller,  J.,  Description  of  New  York, 
420. 

Millet,  Father,  his  Relation,  415. 

*'  Minion,"  ship,  64. 

Minot,  G.  R.,  History  of  Massachu- 
setts, 344. 

Mint  ill  Hoston,  316;  illegal,  320;  in 
Maryland,  543  ;  in  New  Jersey,  447. 

Mitchell,  Jonathan,  360. 

M'Kinney  and  Hall,  Indian  Tribes, 
163. 

Mohawks,  394,  396;  friendship  with, 
400;  French  expeditions  against, 
415.     See  Iroquois. 

Mohegan  case,  349. 

Molineaux,  Emeric,  map,  44,  46,  77, 
91.  99.  197)  216,  217;  of  California 
coast,  80  ;  his  globe,  90,  196,  205, 
207,  208,  212,  213. 

Moll,  Herman,  his  maps,  345. 

Moluccas,  48  ;  discovered,  68. 

Monardes,  Joyfull  Newes,zo\. 

Mondidier  Catalogue,  348. 

Monhegan,  176,  178,  179,  181-183, 190, 

^,191,321. 

Monmouth  patent,  426. 

Montanus,  Arnoldus,  De  Nieuive 
Weereld,  184,  416;  map  of  New 
York,  381,  417. 

Monterey,  74, 75. 


Montreal  (Mont  Royal),  213.  See 
Hochelaga. 

Moody,  Joshua,  autog.,  319. 

"  Moonshine,"  ship,  89. 

Moore,  George  H.,  368  ;  on  Poole's 
edition  of  Johnson's  IVonder-ivork- 
ing  Providence,  358. 

Moore,  J.  B.,367;  Governors  of  New 
England,  289. 

Moore,  John,  488. 

Moorhead,  Sarah,  portrait  of  Cotton 
Mather,  345. 

Mooshausic,  377. 

Moravians'  (Bethlehem)  library,  500. 

Morden,  Robert,  map  of  New  England, 
384- 

More,  Caleb,  360. 

More,  Nicholas,  482,  486,  488,  494,497; 
autog.,  484 ;  Letter  from.  Dr  More, 
500. 

Moreland,  manor  of,  482. 

Morris,  Caspar,  515. 

Morris,  J.  G.,  Lord  Baltimore,  559; 
Bibliography  of  Maryland,  561. 

Morris,  Colonel  Lewis,  436. 

Morrison,  Francis,  148,  149,  152. 

Morton,  Charles,  autog.,  319. 

Morton,  George,  290. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  283  ;  New  Eng- 
land''s  Memorial,  283,  291,  359 ; 
autog.,  291. 

Morton,  Thomas,  278,  309,  322  ;  New 
English  Canaan,  348  ;  edited  by 
C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.,  348. 

Mount  Desert,  178,  179,  190,  194,  382, 
383. 

Mount  WoUaston,  311. 

Mountfield,  D.,  Tlie  Church  and  Pu- 
ritans, 253. 

Moulton,  J.  W.,New  York  One  Hun- 
dred and  Seventy  Years  Ago,  416. 

Mourfs  Relation,  288,  289  ;  its  author- 
ship, 290. 

Mudie,  David,  443. 

Mulford,  I.  "St.,  History  of  New  fersey, 

455- 
MuUer,      Frederick,     Catalogue      of 

American  Portraits,   416;    Books 

on  America,  passim. 
Muller,  Geschiedenis  der  noord  Com- 

pagnie,  98. 
Muller,  History  of  Doncaster,  102. 
Munsell,  Joel,  372. 
Munster,  or  Munster,  Sebastian,  Cos- 

mographia,  27,  36,  199,  200 ;  map 

(1532),  199,  201 ;  edits  Grynasus  and 

Ptolemy,  199;  in  English  by  Eden, 

200,  20I ;  map  (1540),  201,  217. 
Murphy,    H.  C,   Henry   Hudson   in 

Holland,    104;    Verrazzano,    214; 

on    the    Pilgrims   in   Leyden,   287 ; 

and    Milet's    captivity,    415;    edits 

T> anker' sfo7^rnal,  420. 
Muscongus,  191. 
Muscovy  Company,  6,  46,  J03. 
Myritius,  Johannes,  Optisculum  Geo- 

graphicutn,  10. 

"Nachen,"  ship,  181. 

Nancy  globe,  214. 

Nantasket,  311. 

Nantucket,  382. 

Napier,  Lord  Bacon  and  Ralegh, 
126. 

Narragansett  country,  Connecticut's 
claim,  335,  339;  settled,  336;  Mas- 
sachusetts proprietors  of,  338;  town- 
ships, 361  ;  histories  of,  376;  patent, 
379.     See  Rhode  Island. 

Narragansett  Club,  377. 

Narragansett  Historical  Register, 
381. 

Narraeansetts,  382. 

Naumkeag,  311.     See?)2\tts\. 

Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  265. 

Navigation,  early  books  on,  206. 

Navigation  Act,  150,  386,  387,  400, 
415,  544- 

Nead,  B.  M.,  510. 

Neal,  Daniel,  History  of  the  Puri- 
tans, 2  50 ;  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, 345  ;  its  map,  345. 

Neale,  Walter,  327,  328 ;  autog.,  363. 


Needle,  variation  of,  9,  23,  41, 

Nehantic  country,  371. 

Neill,  E.  D.,  his  Virginia  and  Vir- 
giniola,  154  ;  Notes  on  the  Vir- 
ginia Colonial  Clergy,  157;  His- 
tory of  tlie  Virgitiia  Company  of 
London,  158,  288,  340  ;  English 
Colonization  in  America,  155,  158, 
288,  561  ;  his  notes  on  Virginia 
history,  158,  160,  162,  163,  166;  on 
Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  457 ;  on  Rob- 
ert Evelyn,  459  ;  Francis  Howgill, 
505  ;  Light  thro^vn  by  the  Jesuits, 
etc.,  554  ;  Terra  Mar  ice,  560  ;  Lord 
Baltimore  and  Toleration,  560  ; 
Founders  of  Maryland,  560 ;  Mary- 
land not  a  Roman  Catholic  Colony, 
561. 

Nelson,  Captain,  at  Jamestown,  131. 

Nelson,  William,  History  of  Passaic 
County,  456. 

Nelson  River,  93. 

"  Neptune,"  ship,  142. 

Nevada,  67. 

Nevada  River,  loi. 

Nevili,  James,  441. 

Nevill,  Samuel,  454. 

New  Albion  (Drake's),  80  ;  under 
"  Caput  Draconis,"  69,  72. 

New  Albion  (Plowden's),  457  ;  bounds, 
458,  463  ;  medal  and  ribbon  of  the 
Albion  knights,  461,  462.  See 
Plowden 

New  Amsterdam  surrenders  to  the 
English,  389,  421;  first  reports  of, 
414;  burghers  take  the  oath,  414; 
early  views,  415.     See  New  York. 

New  Caesaria.     See  Nova  Caesaria. 

New  England,  name  first  given,  198  ; 
thought  to  be  an  island,  197  ;  Car- 
tography, 194,  381,  382,  383  ;  Dud- 
ley's map,  303  ;  Paskaart,  333  ; 
Mather's  map,  345  ;  Confederation 
(of  1643),  281,  3i5>  334,  338,  354; 
its  records,  373  ;  religious  element 
in,  219 ;  sources  of  her  history,  340  ; 
relations  with  the  Dutch,  375  ;  do- 
minion extends  to  the  Pacific,  409  ; 
Andros  seal,  410;  bounds  as  al- 
lowed by  the  French,  456 ;  Coun- 
cil for,  295  ;  their  Briefe  Relation, 
296;  patent,  297;  seal,  341,  342; 
Platform,  302  ;  records,  301,  308, 
340 ;  partition  the  coast,  305  ;  grants, 
308,  340 ;  surrenders  patent,  309 ; 
authorities  on,  340. 

New  England  A  Imanac,  384. 

New  England  Historic  Genealogical 
Society,  344. 

New  England  Historical  aftd  Genea- 
logical Register,  344. 

New  England  Society  of  New  York, 

293- 

New  England's  First  Fruits,  355. 

New  France,  loi. 

New  Haarlem,  390. 

New  Hampshire,  grant  of,  310;  his- 
tory of,  326 ;  submits  to  Massachu- 
setts, 327,  329;  name  first  used, 
329,  367  ;  Provincial  Papers,  363, 
367;  sources  of  her  history,  366; 
Wheelwright  deed,  366;  patents, 
367;  map  (1655),  367;  laws,  367; 
histories  of,  368  ;  local  histories, 
368;    bibliography,  368. 

New  Hampshire  Historical  Society 
Collections,  367. 

New  Haven,  310,  368;  founded,  332, 
371;  united  to  Connecticut,  334; 
fundamental  articles  in  original 
Constitution,  371 ;  laws,  371 ;  Blue 
Laws,  371;  charter  of  union  with 
Connecticut,  373  ;  Records,  371, 
^75  ;  histories  of,  375  ;  maritime 
interests,  375.     See  Connecticut. 

New  Haven  Historical  Society  Pa- 
pers, 375. 

New  Interlude,  \C)C). 

New  Jersey,  grants  of,  392  ;  boundary 
disputes,  406  ;  named,  422,  423  ; 
Concessions,  etc.,  423,  425,  426,  427 ; 
government,  423 ;  earliest  Assem- 
bly,  425  ;    lords  proprietors,   428  * 


laws,  429,  447;  quintipartite  deed, 
431  ;  under  Andros'  government, 
444;  attempt  to  run  the  line  be- 
tween East  and  West  Jersey,  445  ; 
Planter' s\Speech,  etc.,  449;  sources 
of  its  history,  449;  counties  and 
towns,  446 ;  churches  in,  447 ;  edu- 
cation in,  447  ;  coinage  in,  447,  448 ; 
early  tracts  on,  453  ;  histories  of, 
4S3>  455 ;  Archives,  454;  map  by 
Van  der  Donck,  455  ;  efforts  to 
complete  its  archives,  455  ;  Chal- 
mers papers  on  its  history,  455  ; 
Testimony s  from,  the  Inhabitants, 
476.  See  East  and  West  Jersey. 
New  Jersey  Historical  Society,  454, 
455- 
^  New  London  (Connecticut),  375. 
New  Netherland,  relations  with  New 
England,  375  ;  taken  by  the  Eng- 
lish, 385;  capture  contemplated  by 
Cromwell,  386  ;  bounds  of,  456. 
See  Dutch,  New  York. 
New  Plymouth,  276.     See  Plymouth. 

New  Scotland,  306. 

New  Somerset,  322,  363;  records, 
363. 

New  Sweden,  456,  465  ;  surrenders  to 
the  Dutch,  422. 

New  York  (city),  405,  407;  view  of 
the  Strand,  417  ;  Stadthuys,  419, 
420  ;  Water-gate,  420  ;  first  named, 
390;  taken  by  the  Dutch,  397,  415, 
429  ;  restored  to  the  English,  398  ; 
government,  414  ;  early  views,  415  ; 
maps,  417,  418;  its  history,  415. 
See  New  Amsterdam. 

New  York  (province),  described  (in 
1678),  400  ;  boundary  disputes  with 
Connecticut,  405  ;  sources  of  its  his- 
tory, 411 ;  under  English  rule,  385  ; 
charter  of  liberties,  404  ;  charter  of 
franchises,  405 ;  annexed  to  New 
England  under  Andros,  409 ;  histo- 
ries of,  411 ;  literature  of  disputed 
boundaries,  414  ;  charters,  414 ; 
seals,  415  ;  maps,  417  ;  descrip- 
,  tions,  419.     See  New  Netherland. 

Newark  (New  Jersey),  425;  history 
of,  456. 

Newbie,  Mark,  441,  448. 

Newce,  Thomas,  144. 

Newfoundland,  519.  6"^^  Avalon,  Bac- 
calaos. 

Newichwaneck,  327,  328. 

Newport,  Captain  Christopher,  128, 
132,  133,  139;  his  discoveries,  154. 

Newport  (Rhode  Island),  founded, 
336,  338. 

Newport- Historical  Magazine,  381. 

Newport-News,  origin  of  the  name, 
154-        , 

Nicholas,  Thomas,  his  Pleasant  His- 
tory, 204,  205  ;  his  Peru,  204. 

Nicholls,  Richard,  389;  killed,  396  ; 
autog.,  388,  421. 

Nichols,  Philip,  83. 
-    Nichols,  Dr.  William,  Doctrine  of  the 
Church  of  England,  248. 

Nicholson,  Francis,  444. 

Nicholson,  Joseph,  autog.,  314. 

Niles,  T.  M.,  376 

Noble,  George,  457. 

Noddle's  Island,  311. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  65. 

Nonconformists,  219,  223.  See  Dis- 
senters, Separatists. 

Norman,  Robert,  Newe  Attractive, 
207,  208 ;  Safeguard  of  Saylers, 
207. 

Norris,  J.  S.,  555  ;  Early  Friends  in 
Maryland,  505. 

North,  J.  W.,  History  of  Augusta, 
365. 

North  Carolina,  Indians  of,  109  ;  map 
of,  by  John  White,  124. 

Northeast  Passage,  6,  30. 

"  North  Star,"  ship,  90. 

Northwest  explorations,  85  ;  Passage, 
203.     See  Arctic. 

Northwest  Territory,  Virginia's  claims 
to,  153- 

Norton,  Francis,  328. 


INDEX. 


Norton,  John,  Discussion  of  the  Suf- 
fering of  Christ,  357  ;  autog.,  358  ; 
Heart  of  New  Englatid  Rent, 
358. 

Norton,  Literary  Gazette,  205. 

Norumbega,  loi,  188;  its  English  ex- 
plorers, 169  ;  bounds,  169  ;  meaning 
of  the  name,  184;  authorities,  184; 
varieties  of  the  name,  195, 2 14.  See 
Arembec,  Maine 

Norwich  (Connecticut),  375, 

Norwood,  Colonel  Henry,  148. 

Norwood,  Voyage  to  Virginia,  157. 

Notley,  Thomas,  547. 

Nova  Albion,  42.     See  New  Albion. 

Nova  Britannia  (Virginia),  155,  156, 
199. 

Nova  Csesaria,  422.     See  New  Jersey. 

Nova  Francia.    See  New  France. 

Nova  Scotia,  299. 

Oakwood  Press,  500. 

O'Callaghan,   E.   B,,  on   New  York 

history,    414  ;     New    Netherland, 

415;  edits.  W oo\ey' s  yournal,  420; 

his  Catalogue,  passim. 
Ocracoke  Inlet,  in. 
Ogden,  John,  429. 
Ogilby,  John,  A  merica^  167,  184,  360, 

416  ;  map  of  New  York,  417  ;  map 

of  New  England,  381. 
Oiseaux,  Isle  des,  213. 
Olaus  Magnus,  loi. 
Old  Colony  Club,  293. 
Old   Colony   Historical   Society,  291, 

344- 
"  Old  Dominion,"  name  of,  153. 
Oldham,  John,  303. 
Oldmixon,  John,  British  Empire  in 

A  merica,  345,  499,  502. 
Oldys,  William,  Life  of  Bacon,   121 ; 

British  Librarian,  205. 
Olive,  Thomas,  441. 
Onderdonk,    Henry,   Jr.,    Annals    of 

Hejnpstead,  505. 
Opecancanough,  131. 
Orcuttand  Beadsley,  History  of  Derby, 

Oregon  coast,  68. 

Orinoco  River,  117;  valley,  map,  124. 

Orleans,  Isle  of,  213. 

Ortelius's  map  in  Hakluyt,  205  ;    The- 

atrum  orbis  terrarum,  34. 
Oswego,  411. 

Otten's  map  of  New  York,  417. 
Oviedo,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  49. 
Oxford  Tract,  156. 
Oxford  Voyages,  79, 

Pacific,  passages  to  the,  183,  459; 
called  Mare  del  Sur,  203.  See 
South  Sea. 

Pack,  Roger,  457. 

Taget,  John,  Inquiry,  etc.,  506. 

Paine,  John,  autog.,  338. 

Palfrey,  John  G.,  his  interest  in  Pil- 
grim history,  284  ;  History  of  New 
England,  293,  344,  375,  376- 

Palmer,  W.  P.,  161. 

Palmer's  Island,  522,  528. 

Pamunkey  Indians,  131. 

Paper  manufacture  in  Pennsylvania, 
493- 

Parias,  201,  215. 

Parmenius,  171,  187. 

Partridge,  Ralph,  280. 

Paschall,  Thomas,  499. 

"  Pasha,"  ship,  65. 

Passao,  island,  79. 

Passe,  Simon,  212. 

Patterson,  James  W. ,  210. 

Pastorius,  F.  D.,  491,  515*,  Beschrei- 
bung,  etc.,  502. 

"  Patience,"  ship,  136. 

Patowomekes,  135. 

Patuxet,  273. 

Pavonia,  422. 

Payne,  Elizabethan  Seamen,  78,  187. 

Peabody,  George,  557,  562. 

Pearls  sought  for  on  the  New  England 
coast,  181. 

Pearson,  Peter,  358;  autog.,  314. 

Pease,  J.  C,  376. 


573 


Peckard,  Peter,  Memoir  of  Nicholas 
Ferrar,  158. 

Peckham,  Sir  George,  39,  196;  his 
True  Report,  187,  205. 

Peirce,  E.  W.,  Indian  Historyy  etc, 
290 ;  Civil  Lists,  etc. ,  293. 

Peirce,  James,  Vindication  of  the 
Dissenters,  248. 

Peirce,  Tohn,  269,  275,  299,  301,  341. 

Peirce,  William,  Almanac,  350. 

Pejepscot  patent,  324. 

Pelham,  Peter,  345. 

•'  Pelican,"  Drake's  ship,  65  ;  broken 

„  up,  7.3- 

Pemaquid,  190,  191,  193,  365,  382,  400, 
407;  Pophain  at,  176;  map,  177;  set- 
tled, 321;  Papers,  365;  books  on, 
365;  puichased  by  Duke  of  York, 
325,  388 ;  grant  of,  399.    See  Maine. 

Pembroke,  Earl  of,  64,  86. 

Pemisapan,  112. 

Penjiallow,  Indian  Wars,  349. 

Penington,  John,  on  New  Albion,  461. 

Penn,  Granville,  Sir  IVilliam  Penn, 
506. 

Penn,  Hannah,  514. 

Penn,  Richard,  514. 

Penn,  William,  intervenes  in  New 
Jersey  disputes,  430,  432  ;  purchases 
Carteret's  interest  in  Jersey,  435 ; 
his  Letter  (printed  in  1683),  498, 
499;  Further  Account,  500;  Sir 
W.  Popple's  Letter  to  Penn,  502; 
alleged  plot  to  capture  him, '502; 
Brief  Account,  c\.c.,ofthe  Quakers, 
496,  503  ;  Primitive  Christianity 
Revived,  503  ;  his  IVorks,  505 ; 
lives  of,  505,  506 ;  connection  with 
Algernon  or  Henry  Sidney,  506 ; 
Papers,  506,  507  ;  Apology,  506 ; 
correspondence  with  Logan,  506; 
his  family,  507  ;  travels  in  Holland, 
507  ;  deeds,  grants,  letters,  etc.,  507  ; 
his  career,  473  ;  portraits,  474,  475  ; 
autog.,  474,  484;  his  burial-place, 
475 ;  No  Cross,  no  Crown,  475 ; 
Great  Case  of  L  iberty  of  Conscience^ 
475  ;  interest  in  West  Jersey,  476 ; 
petitions  for  land  east  of  the  Dela- 
ware, 476 ;  charter  granted,  477  ; 
Some  A  ccount,  etc. ,  478,  479,  495, 
496 ;  arrives  in  America,  480,  482 ; 
Letitia  Cottage,  483;  at  Shacka- 
maxon,49o,  513  ;  his  country-house, 
491 ;  slate-roof  house,  492  ;  Brief 
Account,  496  ;  vindicated  by  Ford, 
498  ;  his  letters,  498  ;  his  landing, 
512;  treaty  with  the  Indians,  513; 
belt  of  wampum,  513  ;  Treaty  Tree, 
513  ;  and  the  Indians,  513  ;  contro- 
versy with  Baltimore,  514,  548,  549; 
letter  to  Free  Society  of  Traders, 
516.     See  Pennsylvania. 

Penn,  Sir  William,  506. 

Pennsbury  manor,  491. 

Pennsylvania,  origin  of  name,  477 ; 
founding  of,  46^ ;  charter  granlClt, 
477;  bounds  "with  Maryland,  404, 
?7S;  4»8,  513,  514,  548;  country  de- 
scribed, 481  ;  Frame  of  Govern- 
ment, 497,  511 ;  its  seal  and  signers, 
484  ;  courts,  487  ;  popuIation,_^ai^. — 
Harris's  map,  491  ;  education,  492; 
trade,  492  ;  press  in,  493  ;  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  493  ;  sources  of  its 
history,  495  :  early  tracts  on,  495, 
496 ;  T7vee  Missiveti,  499  ;  Beschrei- 
bung  der  Pensylvanien,  49Q ;  Re- 
ciieil  de  pieces,  etc.,  409;  Missive 
van  Bom,  500 ;  Nader  Informatie, 
500 ;  Some  Letters,  500 ;  Copia 
eines  Send-Schriebens,  501 ;  Gabri- 
el Thomas's  map,  501  ;  Curieuse 
Nachricht,  502  ;  histories  of,  507  ; 
constitutional  history,  510;  focal 
histories,  sog;  seal,  511;  documents 
in  State- Paper  Office,  510;  Votes  of 
the  Assembly,  510;  Colonial  Re- 
cords, 510 ;  Pennsylvania  A  rchives, 
510  ;  charter  and  laws,  485,  510,  511, 
512;  Certain  Conditions,  etc.,  511  ; 
maps,  516  ;  purchases  from  the  In- 
dians, 516.     See  Penn,  Williana. 


574 


INDEX. 


Pennsylvania  Historical  Sooiety,  516 ; 
Memoirs,  516  ;  Pennsylvania  Mag- 
azine of  History.,  516. 

Pennypacker,  S.  W.,  491,499,  515. 

Penobscot  River,  190  ;  the  Pilgrims  on 
the,  291. 

Pentagoet  (Castine),  190,  382,  383. 

Pentecost  Harbor,  175, 190,  191. 

Pepperrell,  Sir  William,  his  sword,  274. 

Pequods,  382  ;  war  with,  348  ;  litera- 
ture of,  348,  349,  371- 

Percy,  Abraham,  143,  146. 

Percy,  George,  134, 136;  portrait,  134, 
154  ;  his  Observations,  154. 

Perfect  Description  of  Virginia,  157. 

Perkins,  F.  B.,  Check- List  of  Amer- 
ican Local  History,  292,  363. 

Perle,  island,  67. 

Pero,  Cape,  197. 

Peru,  203. 

Perry,  W.  S.,  The  Church  in  Vir- 
ginia, 166. 

Pert,  Sir  Thomas,  4,  26,  28,  48. 

Perth  Amboy,  439,  440, 446 ;  history  of, 
455  ;  Quakers  at,  505. 

Perth,  Earl  of,  435  ;  autog.,  439. 

Peter  Martyr,  10 ;  his  Decades,  15, 
200;  quoted,  18,  19,  20,  35;  edited 
by  Hakluyt,  41  ;  map  from,  42  ; 
translation  by  Locke,  47  ;  his  manu- 
script, 47. 

Peters,  Samuel,  his  false  Blue  Laws, 
372  ;  General  History  of  Connec- 
ticut, 372. 

Peterson,  Edward,  History  of  Rhode 
Island,  376. 

Petitot,  Memoires,  193. 

Pethedam,  John,  Bibliographical 
Miscellany,   99. 

Philadelphia  founded,  481  ;  laid  out, 
491  ;  Holme's  plan,  491 ;  growth  of, 
493  ;  histories  of,  509;  map,  516. 

*'  Philip,"  ship,  424. 

Phihp,  William,  205. 

Philip's  War,  281,  318,  374  ;  in  Rhode 
Island,  339  ;  tracts  on,  360;  its  end, 
361. 

Philhpps,  Sir  Thomas,  208  ;  library  at 
Middlehill,  208  ;  now  at  Cljelten- 
ham,  208. 

"  Phoenix,"  ship,  131. 

Pickering,  Charles,  488. 

Pierpont,  John,  Pilgrim  Fathers,  294. 

Pierse,  Thomas,  143. 

Pigmies,  101. 

Pike,  James  S.,  Ne-w  Puritan,  359. 

Pike.  Robert,  autog.,  359. 

Pilgrim  Society,  293. 

Pilgrims  of  Plymouth,  257  ;  their  rela- 
tions with  the  Massachusetts  Pur- 
itans, 242  ;  at  Leyden,  263  ;  apply 
to  the  Virginia  Company,  264,  265  ; 
their  declaration  in  seven  articles, 
265,  281,  287 ;  the  Wincob  patent, 
265,  269;  plans  changed  for  New 
Netherland,  266 ;  agree  with  Wes- 
ton, 266 ;  leave  Leyden,  267 ;  at 
Delfthaven,  267  ;  sail  from  South- 
ampton, 267 ;  return  to  Dartmouth, 
267  ;  sail  from  Plymouth  (Devon), 
267 ;  reach  Cape  Cod,  267;  the  Peirce 
patent,  269 ;  seek  Hudson  River, 
269  ;  their  compact,  269,  271  ;  ex- 
plorations from  Cape  Cod,  with 
map,  270  ;  choose  Carver  governor, 
271  ;  land  at  Plymouth,  271 ;  date  of 
landing,  290 ;  the  spot  in  dispute, 
271,  290;  Samoset  visits  them,  273  ; 
the  "Fortune"  arrives.  275;  their 
new  patent,  275  ;  their  common 
stock,  276  ;  land  allotted,  276  ;  their 
governors,  278;  new  patent  (1641), 
279 ;  relics  of,  279  ;  government 
of,  280 ;  poverty  of,  281  ;  the  min- 
istry among,  281 ;  education  among, 
281  ;  authorities  on  their  history, 
283 ;  and  the  Indians,  29a {  m 
Scrooby,  authorities  on,  285 ;  in 
Holland,  authorities  on,  285,  286  ; 
genealogy  of,  292 ;  monuments  to 
their  memory,  293;  their  patents, 
293  :  pictures  representing  their  his- 
tory, 293  :  poems,  294;  landed  with- 


in the  patent  of  the  Council  for 
New  England,  302.  See  Leyden, 
Mayflower,  Plymouth,  Robinson, 
Scrooby. 

Pinkerton,  Voyages,  102,  124. 

Piscataqua,  326,  327,  367,  382;  patent, 
.  367- 

Piscataway  (New  Jersey),  425. 

Pitman,  John,  377. 

Place,  Francis,  474. 

Plaia,  R.  de  la,  197. 

Plancius,  Peter,  map,  217. 

Plantagenet,  Beauchamp,  Description 
of  New  Albion,  461. 

Planter's  Speech,  449,  499. 

Plastrier,  178,  193. 

"  Plough,"  ship,  322. 

Plough  patent,  322,  323. 

Plowden,  Sir  Edmund,  his  grant  of 
New  Albion,  457;  his  origin,' 457; 
his  family,  457  ;  his  sons  and  de- 
scendants, 458,  467 :  in  America, 
459,  460  ;  in  Boston,  460  ;  his  will, 
464.     See  New  Albion. 

Plowden,  Francis,  466. 

Plowden,  Thomas,  458,  466. 

Plumstead,  Clement,  435. 

Plumstead,  Francis,  autog.,  484. 

Plymouth  Colony,  257,  382  ;  character 
of  colonists,  210 ;  united  to  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  282  ;  authorities  on 
its  history,  283  ;  laws,  edited  by 
Brigham,  292  ;  Records  printed,  292  ; 
fac-simile  of  first  page,  292  ;  patent, 
310;  has  no  charter,  341;  sends 
emigrants  to  Windsor,  on  the  Con- 
necticut, 368  ;  grant  on  the  Kenne- 
bec, 191.     See  Pilgrims. 

Plymouth  Harbor,  map,  272  ;  visited 
by  Pring,  174,  188  ;  by  Smith,  179  ; 
by  Dermer,  183. 

Plymouth  Rock,  272,  290,  293. 

Plymouth,  town,  palisade  of,  276 ;  fort, 
276. 

Plymouth  Company,  127. 

Plymouth  County  Atlas,  292. 

Pocahontas,  135,  157;  in  London,  119, 
141;  betrayed,  139;  married,  139, 
161,  162;  dies,  141,  162;  her  de- 
scendants, 141,  162  ;  doubtful  story 
of,  154,  161 ;  pictures  of,  163,  211. 

Pocasset  (Rhode  Island),  336. 

Podalida,  loi. 

Point  Comfort,  128. 

Pontanus,  History  of  Amsterdam, 
103. 

Poole,  W.  F.,  on  the  Popham  ques- 
tion, 210;  edits  Johnson's  ^^«a5?r- 
working  Providence ,  210,  358. 

Poor,  John  A.,  210. 

Popelhniere,  Les  trois  Mondes,  37. 

Popham,  Sir  Francis,  178. 

Popham,  George,  176. 

Popham,  Sir  John,  175;  autog.,  175.    ' 

Popham  Colony,  177,  190,295;  author- 
ities, 192,  209  ;  Popham  Memorial, 
192,  210,  366;  rival  views,  209;  its 
relation  to  New  England  coloniza- 
tion, 210. 

Porpoise,  Cape,  322. 

Port  Nelson,  93,  96. 

Port  St.  Julian,  66. 

Portland  (Maine),  founded,  322;  his- 
tory of,  365. 

Portsmouth  (New  Hampshire),  328; 
treaty  of,  361. 

Portuguese  portolano  (1514-1520),  56; 
discoveries,  56. 

Pory,  John,  143,  159. 

Po.st  service,  early,  in   Pennsylvania, 

Potatoes,  found  in  Virginia,  113. 

Pott,  Dr.  John,  144,  146. 

Potter,   C.    E.,   Military  History  of 

New  Hampshire,  368. 
Potter,  E.  R.,  History  of  Narragan- 

sett,  376. 
Potter'' s  American  Monthly,  166. 
Powell,  Nathaniel,  142,  143. 
Powhatan  River,  128. 
Powhatan,  Indian  king,  131. 
Prato,  Albert  de,  185,  186. 
Pr^montr^  globe,  214. 


Prence,  Thomas,  autog.,  278. 

Presbyterianism  in  Massachusetts,  354. 

Press,  early,  in  Philadelphia,  493  ;  in 
Massachusetts,  350,  356. 

Pretty,  Francis,  Famous  Voyage  of 
Drake,  79 ;  in  Hakluyt,  79 ;  with 
Cavendish,  84. 

Price,  Benjamin,  436. 

Prichard,  Edward,  autog.,  484. 

Pricket,  Abacuk,  with  Hudson,  93. 

Priest,  Degory,  284. 

Prince  Edward  Island,  24. 

Prince,  John,  Worthies  of  Devon,  121. 

Prince,  Thomas,  on  Pilgrim  history, 
285;  Chronological  History,  or  An- 
nals, 283,  346 ;  publishes  Mason's 
Narrative,  349.     See  Prence. 

Prince  Society,  344. 

Pring,  Martin,  on  the  New  England 
coast,  173,  175;  in  Plymouth  Har- 
bor, 174,  188  ;  authorities,  188. 

Printer,  James,  autog.,  356. 

Printz,  Johan,  governor  of  New  Swe- 
den, 459. 

Proud,  Robert,  History  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 454,  508. 

Proude,  Richard,  207. 

Providence  (Maryland),  535. 

Providence  (Rhode  Island),  founded, 
336;  history  of,  377;  its  libraries, 
381. 

Providence  Gazette,  376. 

Providence  Plantations,  337,  338. 

Pulsifer,  David,  edits  Plymouth  Re- 
cords, 293  ;  edits  the  Simple  Cobler, 
350- 

Punchard,  George,  History  of  Con- 
gregationalism, 285,  288. 

Punta  de  los  Reyes,  75,  77. 

Purchas,  Samuel,  his,  Pilgrimage,  47; 
his  Pilgrimes,  47,  97. 

Purchase,  Thomas,  in  Maine,  324. 

Puritans,  219,  223  ;  their  agitation, 
232 ;  satires  upon,  237 ;  become 
Nonconformists  in  New  England, 
242 :  distinction  between  Puritans 
and  Pilgrims,  288.  See  Dissenters, 
Nonconformists,  Pilgrims. 

Pynchon,  William,  Meritorious  Price 
of  our  Redemption, ■},'-^']  ;  Covenant 
of  Nature,  357. 

Quakers,  printing  among,  516 ;  Bar- 
clay's Inner  Life,  251 ;  in  Caro- 
lina, 472  ;  in  Connecticut,  323J  in 
England,  473  ;  and  the  Indians, 
473  ;  on  Long  Island,  505  ;  in 
Maryland,  472,  505*,  545,  555;  in 
Massachusetts,  313,  317,  358,  472; 
autographs  of,  3I4;  in  T^ew  Eng- 
land, 504  ;  in  New  Jersey,  430,  447, 
505  ;  tlteir,  legislation,  452  ;  in  New 
Netherland,  472 ;  in  New  York, 
505;  in  Pennsylvania,  469,  515; 
their  views,  471  ;  their  meetings, 
494 ;  rise  and  progress  of,  503  ;  best 
exposition  of  their  views,  503  ;  His- 
toria  Quakeriana,  503  ;  books  o^, 
358,^  503-505  ;  Hicksites,  504  ;  ar- 
chives of  the  sect,  504  ;  Swarthmore 
manuscripts,  504;  in  Plymouth,  280, 
281 ;  in  Rhode  Island,  378,  472  ;  in 
Virginia,  166,  472,  505. 

Quarry,  Colonel,  501. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  President,  controversy 
with  George  Bancroft,  378. 

Quinnipiack,  310,  332,  368. 

Quisan,  68. 

Quivira,  67,  68,  76,  77. 

Raccolta  di  Mappamondi,  218. 

Race,  Cape  (Razo),  213  ;  (Raso),  216. 

Raimundus,  54. 

Raine,  Parish  of  Blyth,  258,  284. 

Ralegh,  105,  188,  193,  213;  autog., 
105  ;  spelling  of  his  name,  105  ;  sails 
with  Gilbert,  106 ;  in  favor  with 
Elizabeth,  107  ;  and  Spenser,  107 ; 
plans  of  colonization,  108;  his  mar- 
riage, 116;  at  Trinidad,  117;  ar- 
rested, 119;  in  the  Tower,  ,119; 
wrote  his  History  of  the  World, 
119;  his  last  voyage,  120;  bums  St 


INDEX. 


575 


Thomas,  120  ;  beheaded,  120,  122  ; 
authorities,  121  ;  Bacon's  book,  121 ; 
lives  of  him,  121,  122;  his  works, 
12 1 ;  Voyages  edited  by  Schom- 
burgk,  122 ;  Discoverie  of  Guiana, 
etc.,  124  ;  his  voyage  criticised,  126  ; 
commemorated  by  a  window  at  St. 
Margaret's,  126  ;  and  Gosnold's  voy- 
age, 173. 

Ralegh,  Mount,  90,  91. 

Ramusio,  19,  20,  50  ;  his  Navigationi, 
etc.,  24-26,  184. 

Randolph,  Edward,  319,  335,339. 

Randolph,  Henry,  150. 

Randolph,  John,  158. 

Randolph,  Peyton,  158. 

Randolph,  Richard,  163. 

Ratcliffe,  John,  128  ;  Rational  The- 
ology, 252. 

Raum,  J.  O.,  History  of  New  Jersey, 

Rawle,  William,  467,  468,  512,  515. 

Rawliana,46s. 

Read,  John  M  ,  Jr.,  492. 

Real,  Cape,  213. 

Receuil  d'  Arrests,  104. 

Recueil  va?t  de  Tractaten,  i,\i,. 

Redemptioners,  545. 

Reed,  John,  Map  of  Philadelphia^ 
491,  509- 

Reed,  W.  B.,  516. 

Reformation  in  England,  222. 

Regicides  in  Connecticut,  374.  See 
Goffe  and  Whalley. 

Reichel,  W.  C,  515. 

"  Resolution,"  ship,  93. 

Revell,  Thomas,  451. 

Reynel's  chart,  12. 

Rhode  Island,  History  of,  335  ;  doc- 
trine of  soul-liberty,  336,  337;  Mas- 
sachusetts seeks  to  govern,  337  ; 
excluded  from  the  New  England 
Confederacy,  338  :  Ro^al  Commis- 
sioners in,  339  ;  education  in,  339  ; 
origin  of  name,  376  ;  sources  of  her 
history,  376;  Gazetteer,  376;  his- 
tories of,  376  ;  Records,  377 ;  char- 
ter got  by  Williams,  337,  379; 
charter  from  Charles  II.,  338,  379; 
Laws,  337,  379  ;  excludes  Roman 
Catholics  as  freemen,  379  ;  excludes 
Jews  as  freemen, 379  ;  bibliography 
of,  380.     See  Williams,  Roger. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  Pro- 
ceedings, 381  ;  Discourses,  377. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Tracts,  3  77. 

Rhode  Island  Republican,  376. 

Rhumbs,  208. 

Ribault,  Terra  Florida,  33,  200. 

Ribero's  map  (1529),  16,  24. 

Rice,  John  Holt,  168,211. 

Rich,  Obadiah,  Catalogues,  passim. 

Rich,  R.,  Newes from  Virginia,  81, 
.155- 

Rich,  Robert,  Lord,  370. 

Richardson,  Amos,  autog.,  338. 

Richardson,  W.,  Granger'' s  Portraits, 
163. 

Richmond  Dispatch,  162. 

Richmond,  Duchess  of,  portrait,  211. 

Richmond  Island,  190,  322. 

Rider,  S.  S.,  377. 

Ridgeley,  David,  A  nnals  of  A  nnapo- 
lis,  561. 

Ridpath,  History  of  the  United  States, 
.153- 

Rigby,  Alexander,  323,  324. 

Rigby,  Edward,  324. 

Rigg,  Ambrose,  415. 

Riker,  History  of  Harlem,  41  j. 

Rio  de  la  Hacha,  63. 

Roanoke,  Voyage  to,  105  ;  Island,  1 10, 
III,  123;  bird's-eye  view  of,  124; 
colony,  survivors,  129.    6"^^  Virginia. 

Robbins,  Chandler,  The  Regicides, 
374. 

Roberts,  Thomas,  327. 

Robertson,  William,  162. 

Robertson,  Wyndham,  Descendants  of 
Pocahontas,  162. 

Robinson,  Conway,  154  ;  Discoveries 
in  the  West,  43,  167,  168;  contribu- 
tions to  Virginia  history,  158,  159. 


Robinson,  Edward,  Memoir  of  Wil- 
liam Robinson,  286. 

Robinson,  Rev.  John,  of  Duxbury,  286. 

Robinson,  John,  of  Leyden,  231  ; 
autog.,  259  ;  farewell  address,  259, 
285  ;  in  Amsterdam,  261 ;  in  Ley- 
den, 262,  286  ;  his  house,  262,  288  ; 
his  burial-place,  263 ;  death  of,  277, 
288  ;  his  relation  to  the  Pilgrims, 
285  ;  life  by  Kist,  286;  by  Ashton, 
286;  his  family,  286  ;  H.M.  Dexter 
on,  285;  his  influence,  288;  at- 
tempts to  remove  schisms  among 
the  Brownists,  288.     See  Pilgrims, 

Robinson,  John,  of  Maryland,  529. 

Robinson,  Patrick,  488,  494. 

Robinson,  WilHam,  autog.,  314; 
hanged,  505. 

Rochefort,  C^sar  de,  Description  des 
Antilles,  496  ;  Recit,  etc-,  496. 

Rocroft,  Captain,  182,  194. 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  297. 

Rogers,  Horatio,  Libraries  of  Provi- 
dence, 381. 

Roggeveen,  Arent,  chart  of  New  York 
coast,  419  ;  Brandende  Veen,  382, 
419  ;  Burning  Fen,  383,  419. 

Rolfe,  John,  135;  begins  tobacco  cul- 
ture, 139;  marries  Pocahontas,  139; 
secretary,  141  ;  Relation  of  Vir- 
ginia, 157. 

Roman  Catholics  excluded  from  being 
freemen  in  Rhode  Island,  379 ;  in 
Maryland,  560. 

"  Rose,"  frigate,  321. 

Roselli,  mappemonde,  217. 

Rosier,  James,  True  Relation,  81,  191. 

Rosignol,  Port,  306. 

Ross,  A.  A.,  Discourse  on  History  of 
Rhode  Island,  376. 

Rotz,  John,  Idrography,  195. 

Rough,  John,  239. 

Rous,  John,  autog.,  314. 

Rowlandson,  Mrs.,  her  captivity,  361. 

Royal  Commissioners,  388 ;  in  Boston, 
3 '8,  389. 

Royall,  W.  L.,  on  Virginia  colonial 
money,  i66. 

Rudyard,  George,  autog.,  484. 

Rudyard,  Thomas,  435,  436. 

Ruggles,  George,  159. 

Rundall,  Thomas,  Narratives  of 
Voyages,  etc.,  98. 

Ruscelli,  25. 

Russell,  Dr.  Walter,  131. 

Russell,  W.  S.,  Guide  to  Plymouth, 
292  ;  Pilgrim  Memorials,  292. 

Rut,  John,  170,  185,  186. 

Rutherford,  Samuel,  Due  Rights,  etc., 
288. 

Rutters,  207. 

Ruysch's  Ptolemy  map  (1508),  9,  217  , 
fac-simile,  9. 

Ryebread,  Thomas,  457. 

Ryttenhouse,  William,  493. 

Sabin,  Joseph,  American  Biblio- 
polist,  passim  ;  Dictionary  of  Books 
relating  to  A  merica,  passim  ;  Meti- 
zies'  Catalogue,  passim. 

Sabino,  peninsula,  177,  190,  210. 

Sable  Island,  216. 

Sablons,  Cape,  195. 

Saco  River  settlement,  190,  321,322, 
323- 

Sadlier  Correspondence,  378. 

Sagadahock  River,  190,  191  ;  settle- 
ment on,  177. 

Saguenay  River,  loi.  213,  383. 

Sainsbury,  Noel,  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  159;  and  the  English  rec- 
ords, 343. 

Saint.     See  St. 

Salado  River,  77,  197. 

Salem  (Massachusetts),  311;  history 
of,  363. 

Salem  (New  Jersey),  431.  455- 

Salterne,  Robert,  175. 

Samoset,  184,  273,  290. 

"  Samson,"  ship,  170,  183,  185,  186. 

San  Domingo,  82.     See  Hispaniola. 

San  Francisco,  74  ;  is  it  Drake's  Bay  ? 
78;  derived  from  Drake's  name,  84. 


San  Tuan  d'Ulua,  63. 

San  Lorenzo,  bay,  80. 

San  Miguel,  79,  213. 

San.     See  St.,  Santa. 

Sanderson,  William,  212,  216. 

Sanderson's  tower,  90,  91. 

Sandford,  William,  436. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  142,  265,  297,  298 ; 
State  of  Religion,  259;  arrested, 
299. 

Sandys,  George,  145,  146. 

Sandys,  Sir  Samuel,  259. 

Sanson,  Nicholas,  map  of  New  Eng- 
land, 382 ;  extract  from  his  map  01 
Canada,  456. 

Santa  Barbara,  77. 

Santa  Cruz,  213. 

Santa  Maria,  Cape,  197. 

Santa.     See  San,  St. 

Santarem's  Atlas,  9,  217  ;  Essai,  2x7. 

Santiago,  1^7. 

Sanuto  Livio,  Geographica  distincta^ 

Saquish,  272. 

"  Sarah,"  ship,  139. 

Sargeant,    Thomas,    Land  Laws  of 

Pennsylvania,  512. 
Sasanoa  River,  193. 

Savage,  James,  Genealogical  Dic- 
tionary of  New  England,  289,- 
New  England  antiquary,  351  ;  en- 
dorsement on  Lechford's  book,  353 ; 
memoir  by  G.  S.  Hillard,  353  ; 
edits  Winthrop's  Journal,  357  ;  on 
the  Wheelwright  deed,  366  ;  on  Pil- 
grim history,  283. 

Savage,  Thomas,  in  Virginia,  131. 

Savage  Rock,  172,  173. 

Savile,  Henry,  Libell  of  Spanish  Lies, 
82. 

Say,  Lord,  326,  331,  370;  patent  to, 
369- 

Saybrook,  322;  platform,  334. 

Schanck,  George  C,  463. 

Scharf,  J.  T.,  Chronicles  of  Balti- 
more, 561 ;  History  of  Maryland, 
561. 

Scheie  de  Vere,  Romance  of  A  meri- 
can  History,  162. 

Schenectady,  396. 

Schenk  and  Valch,  map  of  New  York, 
417. 

Scrivener,  Matthew,  130. 

Schomburgk,  R.  H.,  edits  Ralegh's 
Voyage,  122. 

Schondia,  18,  loi. 

Schoner  or  Schoner,  John,  globe 
(1520),  214,  217  ;  his  Terrce  descriP' 
tio,  214. 

Scrooby,  in  Nottinghamshire,  258  ;  site 
of  its  manor-house,  258 ;  map  of 
vicinity,  259;  visits  to,  284,  285; 
described,  285.     See  Pilgrims. 

Scot,  George,  Model  of  the  Govern- 
Tnent  of  East  New  Jersey,  438, 
450,  454- 

Scott,  Benjamin,  on  the  Pilgrims,  288. 

Scull,  G.  D.,  Memoir  of  Captain 
Evelyn,  459  ;  The  Evelyns  in 
America,  459,  562. 

Sea-manuals,  206. 

"  Sea  Venture,"  ship,  134. 

Selden.  John,  299- 

Seeskabinet,  8. 

Seidensticker,  Oswald,  501 ;  Penn  in 
Holland,  507. 

Seller,  John,  Description  of  New 
England,  384 ;  maps  of  New  Eng- 
land, 3X4. 

Sellman,  Edward,  account  of  Frobish- 
er's  voyage,  102. 

Separatists.  219,  223.  .S"^^  Dissenters, 
Nonconformists. 

Settle,  Dionysius,  account  of  Frobish- 
er's  voyage,  102,  203. 

Seven  Cities,  53. 

Sewall,  R.  K.,  Ancient  Dominion  of 
Maine,  185 ;  on  Popham's  town, 
210. 

Sewel,  William,  History  of  the  Qua- 
kers, 359,  503.  504- 
Seymour,  Richard,  176. 
Shackamaxon  Conference,  490. 


576 


INDEX. 


Shakespeare's  "  new  map,"  217. 

Shannon,  Manual  0/ tite  City  0/ New 
Vork,  414,  4^5- 

Sharswood,  George,  Common  Law  of 
Pennsylvania,  512. 

Shawmut,  311.     See  Boston. 

Shawomet,  336. 

Shea,  J.  C,  edits  Millet's  Relation^ 
415  ;  edits  Jogues'  Novum  Bel- 
gium, 416 :  edits  Miller's  Descrip- 
tion 0/  New  York,  420 ;  edits 
Alsop's  Maryland,  555. 

Sheepscott  River,  190  ;  town,  365. 

Sheffield,  Lord,  autog.,  275. 

Shepard,  Thomas,  Clear  Sunshine, 
355  ;  Autobiography,  355  ;  fac- 
simile of  writing,  355. 

Sheppard,  J.  H.,  361. 

Sherry,  W.  M.,  533- 

Ship    of    the    Seventeenth    Century, 

347-   , 
Shoals,  isles  of,  327. 
Shrewsbury  (New  Jersey),  424,  427. 
Shrigley,  Nathaniel,    True  Relation, 

157- 

Shurt,  Abraham,  autog.,  321. 

Shurtleff,  N.  B.,  on  the  ^'  Mayflower" 
passengers,  292  ;  edits  Plymouth 
Records,  293  ;  edits  Massachusetts 
Records,  343  ;  death  of,  362 ;  his 
library,  362  ;  Description  of  Boston, 
362. 

Sibley,  J.  L  ,  Graduates  of  Harvard 
University,  256,  415. 

Sidney,  Henry,  483. 

Sidney,  Sir  Philip,  86. 

Silk-worms  in  Virginia,  158. 

Silva,  Mina  da,  79. 

Sir  Thomas  Roe's  Welcome,  95. 

Skeats,  H.  S.,  Free  Churches,  2^1. 

Skeyne,  John,  442. 

Slack,  Dr.  James,  500. 

Slaughter,  History  of  St.  Mark's,  Cul- 
pepper, etc.,  160. 

Slave-trade  begun   by   Hawkins,   60  ; 
y      how  conducted,  62,  63  ;  first  public 
protest  against,  491. 

Slavery  in  Virginia,  143,  166;  in  Penn- 
sylvania, 515  ;  in  Maryland,  545. 

Sloane  manuscripts,  557. 

Sluyter,  Peter,  Journal,  420. 

Smith,  Buckingham,  214;  \i\%  Inquiry, 
214. 

Smith,  B.  H.,  515. 

Smith,  C.  C,  "Explorations  to  the 
Northwest,"  85. 

Smith,  Charles,  edits  laws  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 512. 

Smith,  Charles  W.,  Wrightstown,  510. 

Smith,  George,  Delaware  County, 
509. 

Smith,  Rev.  Henrj',  330. 

Smith,  Captain  John,  128;  at  James- 
town, 129  ;  explores  the  Chesa- 
peake, 131, 132;  his  map  of  Virginia, 
132,  167  ;  elected  president  at 
Jamestown,  132;  his  services,  135; 
his  Tru£  Relation,  or  N ewes  from. 
Virginia,  153  ;  his  Oxford  Tract, 
156;  Map  of  Virginia,  156,  211; 
account  in  Fuller's  Worthies,  161  ; 
credibility  of  the  story  of  his  rescue 
by  Pocahontas,  i6i  ;  on  the  New 
England  coast,  179;  his  Descrip- 
tion of  New  England,  179,  181, 
194,  211  ;  his  Map  of  New  Eng- ^ 
land,  180,  197,  212,  341,  381  ;  helio- 
type  of,  198 ;  used  by  Sanson,  456 ; 
captured  by  the  French,  181  ;  ad- 
miral for  life,  1^2;  Gene  rail  His- 
torie,  194,  211;  variety  in  copies, 
163,  211;  his  portrait,  198,  211: 
autog.,  211;  his  letter  to  Bacon, 
211;  New  England's  Trials,  211, 
290;  life,  by  George  S.  Millard, 
211;  by  W.  G.  Simms,  212:  by 
C.  D.  Warner,  162,  212  ;  True 
Travels,  211;  A  dvertisements  for 
Planters,  147,  212 ;  his  character 
for  truth,  212  ;  tomb,  212.  See  New 
England,  Virginia. 

Smith,  John  Jay,  454  ;  Memoir  of  the 
Penn  Family,  507. 


Smith,  Joseph,  Friends'  Books,   359, 

504;  Anti-Quakeriana,  zsf),  504. 
Smith,  Lloyd  P.,  516. 
Smith,  Margaret,  autog.,  314. 
Smith,  Ralph,  280. 
Smith,  Roger,  146. 

Smith,  Samuel,  History  of  New  fer- 
•^O')  453.  507  ;  his  manuscripts,  507  ; 
History  of  the  Quakers  in  Penn- 
sylvania, 507. 
Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  113  ;  portrait,  94; 
treasurer  of  the  Virginia  Company, 
127. 

Smith,  Thomas,  in  Maryland,  529. 

Smith,  William,  412  ;  History  of  New 
York,  411,  412  ;  criticised,  412. 

Smith,  William,  Jr.,  453. 

Smith  and  Watson,  American  His- 
torical and  Literary  Curiosities,, 
484. 

Smith's  Islands,  131. 

Smucker,  S.  W.,  371. 

Smyth,  John,  the  "  Se-Baptist,"  227  ; 
autog.,  257  ;  in  Amsterdam,  261. 

Snow,  C.  H.,  History  of  Boston,  362. 

Somerby,  H.  G.,  208,  364. 

Somers,  Sir  George,  133, 137. 

Somers,  Matthew,  137. 

Somers,  Sir  Thomas,  136. 

Somersetshire  (Maine),  191. 

Sonmans,  Arent,  435. 

Soule,  George,  284 ;  autog.,  268 ;  in 
Duxbury,  273. 

Soule  and  others,  Annals  of  San 
Francisco,  78. 

South  America,  earlier  known  than 
North,  85. 

South  Sea,  88.     See  Pacific, 

S  out /tern  Literary  Messenger,  164, 
168. 

Southey,  Robert,  Life  of  Ralegh,  122. 

Sowle,  Andrew,  autog.,  484. 

Spain  seizes  Hawkins's  ships,  60. 

Spaniards  on  the  Chesapeake,  167. 

Spanish  Main  ravaged  by  Drake,  65, 
73- 

Sparks,  Jared,  his  library,  211. 

Speed,  John,  Prospect,  384;  map  of 
New  England,  384 ;  Theatre  of 
Great  Britain,  467. 

"  Speedwell,"  ship,  173,  267. 

Spelman,  Henry,  135  ;  rescued,  137  ; 
his  Relation,  155. 

Spelman,  Sir  Henry,  299. 

Spicer,  Jacob,  454. 

Spooner,  Z.  H.,  Poems  of  the  Pil- 
grims, 294. 

Springett,  Harbt,  autog.,  484. 

Springett,  Sir  William,  480. 

Springfield  (Massachusetts),  settled, 
330. 

Squamscott  patent,  367. 

Squanto,  182,  194,  274. 

"Squirrel,"  ship,  187. 

St.  Anthoine  Bay  and  River,  195. 

St.  Augustine,  80. 

St.  Brandon,  42. 

St.  Brandon  Island,  loi. 

St.  Christopher,  Cape,  195,  Bay,  197. 

St.  Christoval,  213. 

St.  Clement's  Island,  525. 

St.  Inigoe's  manor,  558. 

St.  Jacques,  82. 

St.  James  Island,  77. 

St.  Joan  Cape,  197. 

St.  John,  Life  of  Ralegh,  122. 

St.  John  River  (New  Brunswick),  186. 

St.  John,  213. 

St.  John  Baptiste  Bay,  195,  197. 

St.  Lawrence  Gulf,  loi,  213  ;  explored 
by  Cabot,  55  ;  River,  213. 

St.  Mary's  River,  526 ;  Town,  526 ; 
ruins  of,  558. 

St.  Nicholas,  213. 

St.  Thomas,  island,  79. 

St.     See  San,  Santa. 

Stacy,  Mahlon,  441. 

Stacy,  Robert,  441. 

Stadin  River,  213. 

Standish,  Alexander,  autog  ,  273. 

Standish,  Miles,  at  Leyden,  263  ;  au- 
tog., 268  ;  at  Cape  Cod,  271  ;  at 
Duxbury,  273  ;  his  swords,  274,  278 ; 


origin  of,  284  ;  his  will,  284  ;  monu- 
ment to  his  memory,  284  ;  his  faith, 
284;  his  books,  284;  his  descend- 
ants, 284  ;  alleged  portrait,  293  ; 
Longfellow's  Courtship  of  294 ; 
Lowell's  Interview,  294 ;  sent  to 
England,  308. 

Stanley,  A.  P.,  Christian  Institutions, 
254- 

Stan  wood,  J.  R  ,  416. 

Staples,  W.  R.,  Annals  of  Providence, 
377 ;  edits  Rhode  Island  Laws,  379 ; 
edits  Gorton's  Simplicitie''s  De- 
fence, 378. 

"  Star,"  ship,  138. 

State-Paper  Office,  343. 

Steel,  John,  autog.,  374. 

Steele,  Ashbel,  Elder  Brewster  ;  or, 
Chief  of  the  Pilgritns,  285,  287. 

Steg,  Robert,  148. 

Stephenson,  Call  from  Death  to  Life, 
358. 

Stevens,  Henry,  rescues  White's  draw- 
ings, 123  ;  Historical  and  Geogra- 
phical Notes,  8,  167,  218 ;  Bibli- 
otheca  Geographica,  9 ;  Mond idler 
Catalogue,  348  ;  Index  to  New 
Jersey  Documents,  455 ;  Index  to 
Maryland  Documents,  557 ;  His- 
torical Collections,  passim. 

Stevens,  J.  A.,  "The  English  in  New 
York,"  385. 

Stevenson,  Marmaduke,  505. 

Stevin,  Simon,  De  Haven-vinding, 
208. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  History  of  the  Judges, 
,2,7  A- 

Stiles,  H.  R.,  Ancient  IVindsor,  375. 

Stillman,  Seeking  the  Golden  Fleece, 
jS. 

Stirling,  Earl  of,  grant  to,  310,  388. 

Stith,  William,  History  of  Virginia, 
165. 

StoBmcza's  map,  10,  13  ;  his  Intro- 
ductio  in  Ptholomei  Cosmograph- 
iam,  ID. 

Stockbridge,  Henry,  556. 

Stone,  Frederick  D.,  "The  Founding 
of  Pennsylvania,"  469. 

Stone,  Samuel,  330. 

Stone,  WilHam,  533  ;  autog.,  534. 

Stone,  W.  \,.,Uncas and Miantonomo, 
368. 

Stonyhurst  manuscripts,  530. 

Stoughton,  Israel,  autog.,  348, 

Stoughton,  J.,  Church  and  State,  252. 

Stoughton,  John,  William  Penn,  507. 

Stoughton,  William,  autog.,  356. 

Stow's  Chronicle  or  Annals,  37, 

^io-WG,  Survey  of  London,  211.^ 

Strachey,  William,  156;  in  Virginia, 
137;  autog.,  156;  his  Lawes  Di- 
vine, 137,  156  ;  Historic  of  Trav- 
aile,  156,  191,  192 ;  Map  of  Vir- 
ginia, 167. 

Strange  News  from  Virginia,  164. 

Stratford  (Connecticut),  333. 

Stratton,  John,  322. 

Strawberry  Bank,  327-329.  See  Ports- 
mouth (N.H.). 

Streeter,  Sebastian  F.,  457,  543,  556, 
562  ;  Early  History  of  Maryland, 
556  ;  his  manuscripts,  556  ;  Mary- 
land Two  Hundred  Years  Ago, 
560  ;  his  manuscript  history  of  Clay- 
borne,  562  ;  First  Commander  of 
Kent  Island,  562  ;  Fall  of  the  Sus- 
quehannocks,  562. 

Strong,  Leonard,  Babylon's  Fall,  555. 

Strong,  Richard,  172. 

Strype,  John,  his  Works,  248. 

Studley,  Daniel,  220. 

Studley,  Thomas,  128. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  389,  390. 

Sullivan,  James,  Land  Titles  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, 341  ;  History  of  Maine, 
364- 

Sumner,  George,  on  the  Pilgnms  in 
Leyden,  286. 

"  Sunshine,"  ship,  89. 

"  Susan  Constant,"  ship,  128. 

Susquehanna  Indians,  131,  515,  l^\ 
lands,  490. 


INDEX. 


577 


Sutherland,  Lord,  514. 

Sutliffe,  Dean  of  Exeter,  198. 

"  Swallow,"  ship,  60,  134,  194. 

"  Swan,"  ship,  65. 

Swarthmore  Hall,  470. 

Swedes  on  the  Delaware,  480,  481,  548 ; 
their  churches,  493. 

Symmes,  Benjamin,  147. 

Symondes,  William,  sermon  on  Vir- 
ginia, 155. 

Symson,  Cuthbert,  239. 

Synods  in  New  England,  354. 

Syon,  County  Palatine,  457. 

Tadenac,  Lake,  216. 

Taisnierus,  Joannes,  on  navigation, 
3S>  207. 

Talbot,  Sir  William,  157. 

Tanner,  Robert,  Mirror  for  Mathe- 
vtatiques,  207. 

Tarbox,  I.  N.,  on  Pilgrim  history,  288. 

Tatham,  John,  451. 

Taylor,  Christopher,  autog.,  484. 

Tazewell,  L.  W.,  153. 

Telner,  Jacob,  490. 

Terra  Mariae,  520.     See  Maryland. 

Thacher,  Dr.,  American  Medical  Bi- 
ography, 315;  manuscript  on  the 
Winslows,  277;  History  of  the 
Town  of  Plymouth,  291. 

Thevet,  Andre,  32 ;  New  found 
Worlde  (English  translation],  200; 
Cosmographie,  184. 

Thomas,  Gabriel,  Description  of  West 
New  Jersey,  45 1 ;  map  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 501;  Some  Account,  etc., 
501. 

Thomas,  Isaiah,  History  of  Printing, 

351- 

Thomas,  John,  514. 

Thomas,  William,  266. 

Thomason,  George,  his  collection  of 
tracts,  245. 

Thompson,  Mrs.  A.  T.,  Life  of  Ra- 
legh, 121. 

Thompson,  David,  326,  328;  in  New 
Hampsliire,  366. 

Thompson's  Island,  311. 

Thompson,  Long  Island,  349. 

Thomson,  C.  W.,  508. 

Thome,  Robert,  his  map  in  fac-simile, 
17  ;  described,  18. 

Thornton,  John,  Atlas  Maritimus, 
384. 

Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  First  Records 
of  A  nglo-A  merican  Colonization, 
158 ;  on  the  Gosnold  expedition, 
188;  on  the  Popham  question,  210; 
and  the  Bradford  manuscript,  286  ; 
A  ncient  Pemaquid,  365. 

Thorpe,  George,  144,  145- 

Thurloe,  State  Papers,  555. 

Thurston,  Thomas,  473- 

Tienor,  Cape,  213. 

Tierra  del  Fuego,  66. 

Tigna  River,  67. 

Tignes,  79. 

Tilley,  Edward,  284. 

Tinker,  Thomas,  284. 

Tobacco,  69,  166;  in  Florida,  60;  m 
Virginia,  113,  i39>  141,  '46,  147. 
149,  150;  as  currency,  143.  100 : 
production  of,  144  :  in  Maryland, 
543,  544,  558- 

Tob^h,  69. 

Tockwogh  River,  131. 

Tontoneac  River,  67. 

Torres,  Relacion,  82. 

Town  system  of  New  England,  363. 

Townley,  Richard,  443- 

Townsend,  Richard,  493. 

Trask,  Mary,  autog.,  314- 

Trask,  W.  B.,  361. 

"Treasurer,"  ship,  139,  igS- 

Triple  Alliance,  395,  396- 

Trinidad,  117;  Ralegh's  map,  124. 

Trinity  Harbor,  213. 

Tromel,  Bibliotheca  Americana,  499. 

Tross  globe  (gores),  214-         ^^       „ 

Trowbridge,  j.  R.,  Jr.,  on  New  Ha- 
ven's maritime  interests,  375. 

Trumbull,  Rev.  Benjamin,  History  of 
Connecticut,  374. 
VOL.   HI.  —  73- 


Trumbull,  Governor  Jonathan,  his  pa- 
pers, 374. 

Trumbull,  J.  H.,  edits  Brinley  Cata- 
logue, passim  ;  edits  Lechford,  351; 
on  the  Indian  languages,  355;  on 
Indian  names  in  Connecticut,  368  ; 
on  the  Constitutions  of  Connecticut, 
369  ;  True  Blue  Laws,  etc.,  372  ; 
edits  Contucticut  Records,  375  ; 
edits  Williams's  Key,  yj-j. 

Trusler,  John,  457. 

Tucker,  322. 

Tucker,  Daniel,  132. 

Tucker,  St.  George,  Hansford,  164. 

Tuckerman,  Edward,  edits  Josselyn's 
New  England  Rarities,  360. 

Tulloch,  John,  Leaders  of  the  Refor- 
mation, 252;  English  Puritanism, 
252. 

Turner,  H.  E.,  on  Coddington,  377; 
Settlers  of  Aquedneck,  377. 

Turner,  Robert,  435,  441,  477. 

Tuttle,  C.  W.,  153,  210;  on  John 
Mason,  364  ;  on  Chanipernoun,  366  ; 
on  the  Wheelwright  deed,  366;  on 
New  Hampshire  history,  367. 

Twine,  John,  143. 

Tyler,  M.  C,  History  of  American 
Literature,  154,  165. 

Tyson,  Job  R.,  508  ;  Colonial  History, 
etc.,  505. 

Tytler,  P.  F.,  Life  of  Ralegh,  122 ; 
Historical  View,  43. 

Uhden,     Geschichte    des    Congrega- 

tionalisten,  384. 
Ulpius  globe,  214. 
Uncas,    368 ;   his  pedigree,    368 ;   and 

Miantinomo,  368. 
Underbill,    Captain   John,    327,   349  ; 

N ewes  from  America,  348. 
Upham,  Ratio  disciplince,  359. 
Upland,  480,  481,  483. 
Upsall,  Nicholas,  autog.,  314. 
Utie,  Colonel,  548. 

Vadianus'  map,  217. 

Valentine,  David,  History  of  New 
York  City,  417;  Manual  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  414,  415. 

Van  der  Aa's  Voyages,  79,  188. 

Van  Heuvel,  El  Dorado,  126. 

Van  Keulen,  charts,  419. 

Van  Loon's  Pasccerte,  382  ;  Zee-Atlas, 
382. 

Van  Meteren,  82. 

Varina  Neck,  138. 

Varkens  Kil,  459. 

Varlo,  Charles,  467  ;  TJie  Fittest  Part 
of  A  merica,  467 ;  Nature  Dis- 
played, 46S ;  Floating  Ideas,  468. 

Vauglian,  R.,  English  Noticonform- 
ity,  252. 

Vaughan,  Sir  William,  519. 

Vaux,  Roberts,  on  Penn's  treaty,  513. 

Vaux,  W.  S.  W.,  79. 

Veech,  James,  515. 

Venesjas'  California,  75. 

Venetian  calendars,  54. 

Verrazano,  185,376;  his  sea,  183,218; 
influence  on  Gosnold,  172  ;  his  map, 
194. 

Vetromile,  History  of  the  Abnakis, 
184. 

Vincent,  C,  Vie  de  Penn,  506. 

Vinc-nt,  Philip,  348;  Late  Battell, 
348. 

Vines,  Richard,  182,  303.  322,  323-     , 

Vinton,  J.  A.,  on  the  Wheelwright 
deed,  366  ;  Giles  Memorial,  365. 

Virginia,  127:  (1580),  42:  True  Dec- 
laration, etc.,  81  :  Declaration  of 
he  State  of  the  Colony,  81;  Good 
Speed  to,  8r  ;  Ne^v  Life  of,  81; 
named  bv  Elizabeth,  no,  153;  map 
of,  by  White,  124;  map  of  "  Ould 
Virginia,"  124;  earliest  map,  124; 
De  Laet's  map  (1630),  125  ;  Farrer 
map,  464,  465;  other  maps,  167; 
charter  of  1609,  133;  first  legisla- 
ture, 143;  constitution  (1621),  145: 
massacre  (1622),  145.  '^3;  massacre 
(1644),   147 ;    under  the   Common- 


wealth, 148  ;  Bacon's  Rebellion, 
151;  "convict"  emigrants,  152, 
160;  Indian  names  in,  153  ;  the  early 
patents,  153;  authorities  011  the 
history  of,  153  ;  Laws  Divine,  156; 
bounds  of,  159;  Colonial  Records, 
159  ;  lists  of  arrivals,  160  ;  destruc- 
tion of  archives,  i(x> ;  families,  160 ; 
county  and  parish  records  pre- 
served, 161  ;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  161  ;  histories  of,  164,  165  ; 
boundary  disputes,  167;  in  Amer- 
ica Richly  Valued,  168 ;  disputes 
with  Maryland,  554 ;  Northern  Col- 
ony of,  295,  342  ;  Southern  Colony 
of,  295.  See  Jamestown,  Koanoke, 
Smith. 

"  Virginia,"  pinnace,  177. 

Virginia  Company,  143  :  seal,  140,  143  ; 
charter  annulled,  146  ;  records,  158  ; 
silk-worm  culture,  158. 

Virginia  Evangelical  and  Literary 
Magazine,  164. 

Virginia  Historical  Reporter,  160, 
162,  168. 

Virginia  Historical  Society,  168. 

"  Virginia  Merchant,"  ship,  148. 

Virginid  s  Cure,  157. 

Viscaino's  map,  75. 

Visscher,  map  of  New  England,  382  ; 
Atlas  Minor,  417;  map  of  New 
York,  418. 

Vitellus,  104. 

VuUieum,  L.,  William  Penn,  506. 

Waddington,  John,  Track  of  the 
Hidden  Church,  285,  288;  Con- 
gregational  History,  285,  288. 

Wade,  Robert,  494. 

Wagenaer,  Luke,  207. 

Walckenaer's  Catalogue,  8. 

Waldo,  Richard,  132. 

Waldo  Patent,  191. 

Wahbrd,  Thomas,  autog.,  311. 

Waldron,  Resolved,  466,  549. 

Waldseemiiller  map  (1507-13),  14. 

Walker,  John,    187  ;  in    Norumbega, 

Wallace,  J.  W.,  514,  516  ;  on  William 
Bradford,  515. 

Walsingham,  Sir  Francis,  86. 

Walter,  Neheiniah,  autog.,  319. 

Waterhouse,  Edward,  his  Declara- 
tion, 163. 

Wampanoags,  274. 

Wainsutta,  282. 

Ward,  Edward,  Trip  to  New  Eng- 
land, 373-      .  „    ^ 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  autog.,  350;  Body 
of  Liberties,  350  ;    Simple  Cobler, 

350- 

Ward,  Townsend,  492,  509. 

Ware,  William,  Memoir  of  Nathaniel 
Bacon,  164. 

Warham,  Rev.  John,  330. 

Warne,  Thomas,  435. 

Warner,  Charles  D.,  Study  of  John 
Smith,  162. 

Warner,  C.  L.,  516. 

Warner,  Edmond,  autog.,  430. 

Warren,  Henry,  365. 

Warrosquoyoke,  147- 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  86,  308,  309,  342, 
354,  369:  autog.,  275:  grants  to, 
370  ;  and  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land, 370. 

Warwick  (Rhode  Island),  337- 

"  Warwick,"  ship,  327.  363- 

Warwick's  foreland,  qo,  91. 

Washburn,  Emory,  Judicial  History 
of  Massachusetts,  363. 

Washburn,  John  D.,  rs. 

Watson,  J.  F.,  Annals  of  Philadel- 
phia, 509  ;  on  Penn's  treaty,  513  ; 
Olden  Times  in  New  York,  416. 

Watson,  Thomas,  154. 

Wattes,  John,  114. 

Wauph,  Dorothy,  autog.,  314- 

Waymouth,  Captain  George.  91,  174. 
189  ;  autog.,  91  ;  authorities,  189. 

Webb,  Maria,  Th£  Penns  and  Fen- 
ingtons,  507.  . 

Webster,  Daniel,  on  the  Pilgrims,  293. 


578 


INDEX. 


Webster,  Noah,  edits  IVintkrop^s 
Journal,  357. 

Weehawken,  422. 

Weems's  Life  of  Penn,  509. 

Weir,  R.  W.,  picture  of  the  Pilgrims 
at  Delfthaven,  293. 

Weiss,  L.  H.,  502. 

"  Welcome,"  ship,  482. 

Welde,  Thomas,  Short  Story,  etc. , 
349,  351  ;  Bay  Psalm  Book,  350. 

Welles,  Thomas,  autog.,  374. 

Wells  (Maine),  324. 

Welsh  Barony  (Pennsylvania),  482. 

Welsh  in  Pennsylvania,  482,  515, 

Wenman,  Sir  Ferdinand,  136. 

Wessagusset,  304. 

West,  Benjamin,  picture  of  Penn's 
Treaty,  513. 

West,  Francis,  132,  134,  143,  146;  ad- 
miral of  New  England,  303. 

West  India  Company,  385,  389,  422. 

West  Jersey,  432  ;  concessions,  etc., 
432;  local  government,  440;  Re- 
cords, 452  ;  Quakers  in,  473 :  Penn's 
interest  in,  476;  map  of,  501.  See 
New  Jersey. 

West,  John,  147  ;  autog.,  164. 

West,  Robert,  435. 

West,  Thomas,  Lord  De  la  Warre, 
133.     6"^^  De  la  Warre. 

Westcott,  History  of  Philadelphia, 
502. 

Westcott,  Thompson,  509. 

Westland,  Nathaniel,  451. 

Westminster,  Treaty  of,  398. 

Weston,  P.  C.  J.,  Documents  of  South 
Carolitta,  186,  558. 

Weston,  Thomas,  266,  267,  304;  set- 
tles at  Weymouth,  278,  311. 

Westover  manuscripts,  159. 

Wethersfield  (Connecticut),  330. 

Weymouth  (Massachusetts),  278,  311. 

Wharton,  Thomas  I.,  515. 

Whiddon,  Jacob,  116. 

Wheeler,  History  of  North  Carolina, 
124. 

Wheeler,  G.  A.,  History  of  Bruns- 
wick, 365  ;  History  of  Castine,  365. 

Wheelwright,  John,  memoir  of,  366  ; 
at  Exeter,  329 ;  deed  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, controversy  over,  366,  368. 

Whitaker,  Alexander,  137,  138,  141; 
Good  Newes  from  Virginia,  81, 
157- 

White,  Father  Andrew,  554  ;  Relatio 
itineris,  553,  554. 

White,  Christopher,  441. 

White,  D.  A.,  New  England  Congre- 
gationalism, 255. 

White,  Henry,  on  New  Haven  Colony, 
375- 

White,  John  (governor),  views  in  Vir- 
ginia, 113  ;  gd^ernor,  113  ;  his  draw- 
ings engraved  by  De  Bry,  123,  164  ; 
his  map  of  Virginia,  124,  183. 

White,  Rev.  John,  311. 

White,  John,  of  Dorchester,  Planter's 
Plea,  346. 

White,  John,  of  Pennsylvania,  488. 

White,  Peregrine,  autog.,  268;  his 
chest,  278. 

White,  Resolved,  autog.,  268. 

Whitehead,  George,  442. 

Whitehead,  W.  A.,  "The  English  in 
East  and  West  Jersey,"  421  ;  East 
Jersey  under  the  Proprietary  Gov- 
ernment, 454 ;  Documents  relating 
to  New  Jersey,  454 ;  Index  to  Co- 
lonial Documents,  455  ;  History  of 
Perth  A  mboy,  455. 

Whitfield,  Rev.  Henry,  355;  The 
Light  Appearing,  335  ;  Strength 
out  of  IVeakness,  355. 

Whiting,  John,  Truth  and  Innocency 
Defended.,  359. 

Whiting,  John,  Catalogue  of  Friends' 
Books,  504. 


Whitmore,  William  H.,  American 
Genealogist,  292 ;  Peter  Pelham, 
345  ;  edits  A  ndros  Tracts,  362  ;  his 
chapter  on  Andros  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  362. 

Whitson  Bay,  174. 

Whittier,  J.  G.,  Pennsylvania  Pil- 
grim, 491. 

Wickham,  Rev.  William,  141,  143. 

Wiggin,  Thomas,  326. 

Wiggles  worth,  Michael,  autog.,  319. 

Wilberforce,  Samuel.  Episcopal 
Church  in  A  merica,  286. 

Wilcox,  Thomas,  435. 

Wilkinson,  William,  128. 

Willard,  Samuel,  autog.,  319. 

Willes,  Richard,  35  ;  edits  Eden's 
Peter  Martyr  as  History  of  Trav- 
ayle,  204. 

Willett,  Thomas,  autog.,  338,  414; 
mayor  of  New  York,  414 ;  his  fam- 
ily, 414, 

William  and  Mary  College  founded. 


H4. 


160. 


William   of  Orange,   396 ;   invited  to 

England,  410. 
Williams,  Captain,  on  the  Maine  coast, 

179. 
Williams,    Dr.    Daniel,    his    library, 

2^5- 

Williams,  Edward,  Virgo  trium- 
phans,  168. 

Williams,  Francis,  328,  329. 

Williams,  George  W.,  Negro  Race  in 
A  merica,  168. 

Williams,  John  Foster,  190. 

Williams,  Roger,  in  his  youth,  242  ;  at 
Plymouth,  290 ;  views  on  civil  pol- 
ity, 290;  settles  Rhode  Island,  335, 
336  ;  goes  to  England,  337  ;  autog., 
339;  his  Key,  355,  377;  lives  of, 
378;  deed  from  the  Indians,  379; 
letters,  377,  378  ;  letter  to  George 
Fox,  378  ;  banished  from  Massachu- 
setts, 378 ;  Christenings  make  not 
Christians,  378 ;  charter  obtained 
by,  379.     See  Rhode  Island. 

Williamson,  History  of  North  Caro- 
lina, 124. 

Williamson,  W.  D.,  historical  labors, 
208;  History  of  Maine,  364. 

Willis,  William,  209,  210;  History  of 
Portland,  365  ;  Bibliography  of 
Maine,  365. 

Willoughby's  expedition,  30. 

Wills,  Daniel,  441. 

Wilson,  John,  first  minister  of  Boston, 
312;  portrait,  313;  autog.,  313. 

Wincob,  John,  265. 

Winder,  Samuel,  443. 

Windmill,  First,  in  America,  144. 

Windsor  (Connecticut),  330,  375  ;  set- 
tled, 368. 

Wine  made  early  in  Florida  and  Massa- 
chusetts, 61. 

Winfield,  Charles  H.,  History  of  Hud- 
son County,  456. 

Wingfield,  Edward  Maria,  128  ;  Dis- 
course, 155. 

Wingina,  109,  153. 

Winslow,  Edward,  his  chair  and  table, 
278 ;  part  author  of  Mourfs  Rela- 
tion, 290 ;  Good  News  frotn  New 
England,  291  ;  portrait,  277,  293  ;  at 
Leyden,  263  ;  autog.,  268,  278  ;  set- 
tles in  Marshfield,  273  ;  his  descend- 
ants, 277 ;  accounts  of,  277 ;  Hy- 
pocrasie  Unmasked ;  or.  Danger 
of  Tolerating  Levellers,  285,  354; 
k>unds  Society  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel  among  the  Indians,  315,  355  ; 
New  England  'j  Salamander  Dis- 
covered, 355. 

Winslow,  General  John,  his  sword, 
274. 

Winslow,  Josiah,  autog.,  278  ;  portrait, 
282. 


Winsor,  Justin,  The  Bradford  Manu- 
script, 287 ;  edits  Memorial  H istory 
o_    Boston,  362. 

Win.  ;r  Harbor,  303. 

Winter,  John,  with  Drake,  79. 

With,  John.     See  White,  John. 

Wirthrop,  John,  governor,  goes  to 
■lew  England,  311  ;  death,  316,  357  ; 
nd  the  Short  Story,  351  ;  Jour- 
nal or  History  of  New  England, 

,,,.255.  357- 

^^  inthrop,  John,  Jr.,  governor  of  Con- 
necticut, 331,  334;  autog.,  331; 
t-ortrait,  331  ;  in  Connecticut,  369; 
charter  procured  by  him,  388. 

Winthrop,  R.  C,  on  the  Pilgrims,  293  ; 
on  Sir  George  Downing,  415. 

Wisner,  Old  South  Church  in  Boston, 
359- 

Witchcraft  trial  in  Pennsylvania,  488. 

Wolcott,  Roger,  369;  Poetical  Medi- 
tations, 369. 

Wolfe,  John,  208 ;  editor  of  Lin- 
schoten,  loi,  205;  its  map,  loi. 

Wollaston,  Captain,  348. 

Wolstenholme,  Sir  John,  94. 

\  'omen  sent  to  Virginia,  144,  158. 

Wood,  Anthony,  Athence  Oxoniensis, 
204. 

Wood,  Leonard,  his  historical  labors, 
208  ;  notices  of  him,  208. 

Wood,  William,  New  Etigland's  Pros- 
pect, 347,  348;  map  of  New  Eng- 
land, 381. 

Woodbridge  (New  Jersey),  425. 

Woodbury  (Connecticut),  375. 

Woodstock  Letters,  554. 

Wooley,  Rev.  Charles,  Journal,  420. 

Woollen  manufactures,  493. 

Woolston,  John,  447. 

Worcester  Society  of  Antiquity,  344. 
/orsley.  Sir  Boyer,  457. 

Worthington,  William,  7,  31,  44,  51. 

Wotton,  Thomas,  128. 

Wright,  Edward,  207 ;  The  Haven-fnd- 
ingArt,  208;  Certain  Errors,  208, 
216  ;  and  the  Molineaux  map,  216. 

Wyatt,  Sir  Francis,  144,  146,  147. 

Wyatt,  Haut,  144. 

Wynne,  British  Empire  in  A  merica, 
509;  Historical  Documents,  162. 

Wynne,  Peter,  132. 

Wynne,  Thomas,  autog.,  486. 

Wynne,  Thomas  H.,  159. 

Wytfliet,  Descript.  Ptolemaica  Aug- 
tnentum,  184. 

Yates,  J.  V.  N.,412. 

Yeardley,  George,  141,  146 ;  governor, 
142. 

Yeardley,  Francis,  149. 

Yong,  Captain  Thomas,  458,  558 ;  au- 
tog., 558- 

York,  Duke  of,  310;  patent  to,  387, 
388 ;  alienates  East  Jersey,  403 » 
grants  of  New  Jersey,  392,  399; 
new  patent  of  New  York,  399  ;  be- 
comes James  II.,  406;  patent  (1664), 
414,  421,  423  ;  proposed  memorial 
of,  414;  autog.,  421;  grants  to 
Berkeley,  etc.,  422  ;  grants  to  Penn, 
480  ;  Laws,  510,  511. 

York  (Maine I,  326. 

Young,  Alexander,  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrims,  283,  292;  Chronicles  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  347. 

Yucatan,  201. 

Zaltieri's  map  (1566),  67. 
Zarate's  Peru,  204. 
Zeno  map,  100  ;  its  influence,  100. 
Ziegler,  James,  on  Cabot,  18  ;  as  geog- 
rapher, X9 ;  Schondia,  loi. 
Zipangu,  85. 
Zurich  archives,  letters  of  the  exiled 

Puritans  in,  247. 
Zurich  Letters,  248. 


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